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Vol. XXI. 








The Family of William Penn. By Howard M. Jenkins. [Con- 
tinued.) [Illustrated.) 1, 137, 324, 421 

Washington after the Revolution, 1784-1799. By William S. 

Baker. [Concluded.) 20, 1 So, 273 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. By Worthington Chauncty 

Ford. [Concluded.) . .51 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves, of the 
Pennsylvania Line. By John B. Beeves. [Concluded.) 72, 235, 

376, 466 
Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. By Charles J. Still'e 86 
The Bethlehem Ferry, 1743-1794. By John W. Jordan ... 104 

Boone Genealogy 112 

James Burnside, of Northampton County, Pennsylvania. By John 

W. Jordan 117 

Notes and Queries 119, 263, 412, 497 

Book Notices 134,268,419,509 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. By Herbert 

Friedenwald 161, 3G1, 445 

The Missive of Justus Falckner, of Germantown, concerning the 
Religious Condition of Pennsylvania in the Year 1701. [Illus- 
trated.) 216 

The So-called " Franklin Prayer-Book." By Richard Meade Bache 225 
The French Fete in Philadelphia in Honor of the Dauphin's 

Birthday, 1782 257 

'Valley Forge, 1777-1778. Diary of Surgeon Albigence Waldo, 

of the Connecticut Line. [Illustrated.) 299 

The " Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. By 

Amelia Mott Gummere 347 

Formation of Washington's Farewell Address to the American 

People. By Rev. George S. Mott, D.D 392 

The Late Dr. Frederick Dawson Stone 409 

Death of William Spohn Baker. [Portrait.) 411 

In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. (No. IV.) [Por- 
trait.) i-xxxi 

Some Letters of Joseph Galloway, 1774-1775. By Mrs. Theodore 

M. Etting 477 

Obstructions to Irish Immigration to Pennsylvania, 1736 . . 188 


iv Contacts of Volume XXI. 


Letters of Generals Daniel Morgan and Peter Muhlenberg. By 

Oeorge W. Schmucker 488 

The Battle of the Wooden Sword. By Hon. Samuel W. Penny- 
packer 493 

Meetings of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1897 . . 511 

Officers of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania .... 514 

Extracts from the Report of the Finance Committee to the Council 517 
Annual Statements of the Trustees of the Gilpin Library of the 

Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1894-1896 ... . 519- 

Index 52a 















A Stated Meeting of the Society was held in the Hall 
on Monday evening, November 8, 1897, the President, 
Charles J. Stille, LL.D., in the chair, and "William Brooke 
Rawle, Esq., Secretary pro tempore. A large and sympa- 
thetic audience was in attendance. 

The President, on opening the meeting, said, — 

Fellow-Members of the Historical Society: 

Since our last stated meeting we have been called upon 
to mourn the loss of two of the most active and best loved 
of our officials. William Spohn Baker had been a mem- 
ber of this Society for more than twenty-five years. During 
the last thirteen years he had been one of the most useful 
members of its Council, and one of the Vice-Presidents of 
the Society. He was at all times deeply interested in the 
historical work which we carry on here. The special de- 
partment of history to which he was attracted was the life 
and career of Washington. On this subject he was a 
genuine enthusiast. As those of you who have read his 
articles in the Society's Magazine are aware, he was am- 
bitious of presenting a record of the career of this great 
man day by day throughout the Revolution until the day 
of his death. To perform such a task worthily, in Mr. 
Baker's opinion, required a vast collection of books, medals, 
and engravings, and he made it. What aid this immense 
repository of knowledge must give to the future student of 
our Revolutionary annals you can readily imagine. Mr. 

vi In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

Baker has made this Society the grateful custodian of these 
treasures, and has thus erected here a monument to hi3 
memory which we trust may prove imperishable. 

Of the other officer of the Society, to honor whose 
memory we are gathered here to-night, I shall venture to 
say but a few words. To tell what he was to this Society 
and to his friends is a task imposed by the Council, as soon 
after his death as it was possible to convene a meeting, 
upon one who knew him best and was most familiar with 
his arduous labors here. I beg you, in advance, to believe 
that all that can be said of his most useful and active life, 
of what the Society and this community and the student of 
American history owe to his zealous labors, cannot surpass 
the estimate which the Council of the Society places upon 
his labors. 

I beg to present to you Hampton L. Carson, Esq., who 
by the request of the Council will address you on the life 
and services of Dr. Frederick D. Stone. 

Mr. Carson then said, — 

Mr. President and Fellow-Members of the Historical 
Society : 

We have met to pay our tribute of admiration and respect 
to the memory of a man who for more than twenty years 
had devoted himself so exclusively to the interests of this 
Society as to be indistinguishable in the public eye from all 
that concerned its usefulness, and whose merit was as great 
as his modesty was rare. He led the unobtrusive life of a 
scholar and a man of books ; yet was he widely known in 
other States than ours, and his correspondence with the 
great was both frequent and familiar. The mention of his 
name unlocked the treasures of the British Museum to a 

Proceedings and Addresses. vii 

visiting stranger, and his letters of introduction were letters 
of credit current at sterling rates in the marts of learning. 
As an historian he was exact, sincere, and impartial, free 
from passion, unbiassed by interest, and ever faithful to the 
truth. His mind was a capacious reservoir upon which 
many drew without stint, but so redundant wa3 the ever- 
flowing fountain of his knowledge that none could perceive 
the extent of their drafts. He aided the investigations of a 
Bancroft or a college undergraduate with equal affability. 
Both men and wpmen turned to him with instinctive con- 
fidence, and old and young alike rejoiced in his companion- 
ship. He was so punctual in his attendance upon every 
function of this Society that his absence to-night is sad evi- 
dence of his death, but to the eye of faith his spirit is in our 

The request of the Council has imposed on me the mourn- 
ful duty of preparing an address commemorative of his life 
and services as our librarian. It is with a heavy heart and 
a trembling hand that I attempt the task, for I knew him 
well, and loved him as deeply and as truly as one man can 
ever love another. Sir Philip Sidney once said, " A friend 
should be, one in whose understanding and virtue we can 
equally confide, and whose opinion we can value at once for 
its justness and its sincerity." Dr. Stone filled the measure 
of these words and more. His purity, his unselfishness, his 
heartiness, his gentleness, and his manliness gave such an 
inward grace to the soul that it was an inspiration to be close 
to him. Nothing is more common than to talk of a friend ; 
nothing more difficult than to find one ; nothing more rare 
than to receive day by day the ripest fruits of trust, security, 
and mutual joys. 

Frederick Dawson Stone was born in the city of Phila- 
delphia on the 8th of April, 1841. The family of Stone, or 

viii In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

Stones, as it was always written in England, belonged to an 
old Cheshire stock, and occupied the manor of Hereford. 
His grandfather, Charles Stones, who married Margaret 
Steele, a daughter of George Steele, of Taed Hall, near 
Barthomley Church, in Cheshire, resided in Liverpool, but 
in the year 1795 emigrated with his family to America, and 
arrived in Philadelphia after a voyage of sixty day3. He 
died of yellow fever on the 10th of August, 1798, and was 
buried in the present Logan Square, then the yellow fever 
burying-ground. He had four daughters and two sons, of 
whom John Stone, born on the 3d of October, 1786, wa3 
the father of our friend. John Stone was twice married : 
his first wife was Elizabeth Newton, by whom he had six 
children ; his second wife was Mary McMahon, the widow 
of Lieutenant Thomas McMahon, and daughter of Robert 
Whittle and Ann Whetstone, of Germantown. Of this 
second marriage Frederick D. Stone was the youngest 

John Stone was a well-known and prosperous merchant, 
the founder of the wholesale millinery house of John Stone 
& Sons, which existed until 1876. Among his intimate 
friends was Bridport, the engraver, from whose conversation 
and instruction young Stone derived much of that taste for 
portraits and engravings which was a ruling passion of his 
life. The fondness of the boy for books, and especially for 
those relating to the history of Philadelphia, was early 
manifested. At the age of ten years, having read his elder 
brother's copy of Watson's " Annals," he requested a copy 
for himself as a Christmas present, and, having received it, 
cast toys and games aside until he had committed almost 
every page to memory, and had walked in imagination the 
streets of old Philadelphia. His entire education was re- 
ceived in the Union Academy, at the corner of Eleventh and 

Proceedings and Addresses. ix 

Market Streets, and later at No. 5 South Fifteenth Street, 
conducted by Thomas D. James, as principal, and described 
in the circular, which has survived the waste of boyish days, 
as " a School of Thorough Instructions, Pure Associations, 
and Kindly Affections." After being well drilled in all the 
elements of education, he entered upon the extended courses 
of the upper classes, including all the branches usually taught 
in the most approved high schools, and all the classical 
authors usually read in preparation for the University, 
while at the same time the elementary and English branches 
were never laid aside. Lectures on Natural Philosophy, 
Chemistry, and Natural Science were regularly delivered, 
while much attention was given to composition and ready 
delivery, and opportunities were given for declamation before 
" enlightened audiences." French and German were also 
added, though in these our pupil attained no lasting pro- 

Among his school-fellows was the late William John 
Potts, whose biographer he was destined to be. During his 
school-boy days he wrote verses, but none of his effusions 
have been preserved. In speaking in later days of the 
poetical talents of a friend, he admits, " We all did it ; we 
could not help it. It was in the air, and we took it as we 
did the measles." At the age of sixteen, during the sum- 
mer of 1857, he became the president of the Ephrata 
Dramatic Association, organized by himself and Howard 
Roberts, the sculptor, Samuel C. Konigmacher, William 
Prichett Cresson, the artist, and others. They adopted a 
formal set of rules, one of which was that " each officer 
has his one and only duty to perform, and no interference 
allowed." It is noteworthy that fines were imposed on offi- 
cers and actors for absence, and that young Stone was the 
only one who escaped fining. Unfortunately, no record was 

x In Memory of Frederick Damon Stone, Litt.D. 

kept of their performances. No doubt they were enter- 
taining — to themselves and to their parents, but Mr. Stone, 
so far as is known, never displayed histrionic talents. 

On the 8th of February, 1859, he lost his father, and 
leaving school on the 30th of March, he sailed from New 
York on the steamship " Asia," bound for Liverpool, where 
he arrived on the 10th of April, and remained abroad until 
the following January, the only experience which he en- 
joyed of foreign travel. The voyage was without incident, 
and the time passed slowly. He met no one of his own 
age except one C. H., "whom I voted a stick. I spent 
most of the time reading or looking at the gentlemen play 
shuffleboard and cards. On fine nights I used to go on 
deck, and on a bright, starlight night it was a beautiful 
sight. One most splendid night we passed a large sailing 
packet under full sail, and went so close that we could see 
the lights in the cabin and the people on her decks with 
the greatest ease. On stormy days I used to sit in the 
cabin reading, but on fine ones my favorite place was to lie 
in the sun just back of the pilot-house, or at the stern of 
the 8hip. ,, 

The fragment of a journal from which I have quoted un- 
fortunately terminates with the outward voyage ; but I have 
heard from Dr. Stone's own lips an interesting account of 
his journey. Two scenes dwelt in his memory, — the de- 
parture from Vienna of the Austrian army just prior to the 
battle of Magenta, and the triumphant return of Louis 
Napoleon to Paris after the peace of Villafranca, and the 
presence of the little Prince Imperial, then three years old, 
at the head of the French army. He visited the great silk r 
velvet, lace, and millinery establishments of Paris, Brussels, 
Antwerp, and Berlin with his elder brother Henry, then 
purchasing agent of the Philadelphia house ; but although 

Proceedings and Addresses. xi 

he thus acquired a knowledge of stuffs and fabrics, jet to 
him it was at best a sorry occupation. He sighed for his 
books, his pictures, and his day-dreams, while talking of 
artificial flowers and ribbons. I have heard him express in 
strong terms his disapproval of any effort to compel a boy 
to follow a calling against his natural bent, even though 
the inclination was not in the direction of profit or emolu- 

At no time was he a mere bookworm. He took a whole- 
some delight in athletic sports and the charm of woods and 
fields. He revelled in the life of Stock-Grange, a large es- 
tate of six hundred acres in Chester County, Pennsylvania, 
purchased in 1805 by his great-uncle, John D. Steele, from 
the heirs of General Richard Humpton, an interesting spot, 
planted with trees and shrubs brought from the old home 
in England. A jog-trot on a plough-horse with jingling 
chains, a moonlight ride in a hay wagon, a swim in the mill- 
dam, gigging for eels or fishing for bass in the Brandy wine, 
the undulating motion of cradling wheat in the thirty-acre 
lot, whittling whistles, flying kites, or a romping game in 
the backyard of the fine old house in Pine Street, — these 
the sports of his boyhood and early manhood I have heard 
him dwell upon with as much delight at fifty as though he 
were a youth of fifteen. He never lost this love of nature. 
I have climbed the hills and explored the forests of South- 
western New Hampshire in his company, and his talk was 
as stimulating as the mountain air and as unsullied as the 
streams which sparkled beside us. 

On his return from Europe, in the early part of 1860, he 
entered the business house established by his father, and 
remained in it until the retirement of his brothers, in 1876, 
although he was at no time a member of the firm. At the 
breaking out of the Civil War he joined a military com- 

xii In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

pany in Philadelphia, and served as a member of the Gray 
Reserves (now the famous First Regiment) in the emergency 
campaigns of 1862 and 1863, the second time as a member 
of old Company D, and was present at the shelling of Car- 
lisle. I can recall his description of the manner in which 
the troops were posted, and how startling was the impression 
of the nearness of death and wounds produced by the sound 
of falling muskets and the sight of men staggering to the 
ground. His friend Colladay was killed just behind him, 
C. Stuart Patterson was wounded not far away ; but he and 
his companions in arms, Edwin N. Benson and Effingham 
Perot, escaped unharmed. 

At the age of twenty-five he began in earnest to collect 
historical books, papers, relics, and pictures, especially such 
as related to America, among which was a unique collection 
of all sorts of printed matter relating to the War of the 
Rebellion, illustrated with battle-pictures, portraits, carica- 
tures, political screeds, broadsides, and cartoons, and speci- 
mens of calicoes, army blankets, tent-covers, hospital band- 
ages et id omne genus. He amused himself also by drawing 
in sepia, not only buildings of the old city, but copies of old 
prints, which display much artistic skill, both in outline and 
shading. Later he collected illustrations for Irving's " Life 
of "Washington," Sargent's "Life of Andre," Lossing's 
" Field-Books of the Revolution and of the War of 1812," 
the " Recollections of Washington," by George Washington 
Parke Custis, and inlaid them with his own hands. He was 
a particular admirer of the works of the celebrated Charles 
Robert Leslie, largely because of his residence in Phila- 
delphia and his studies under Benjamin West, and collected 
portraits to be inserted in Leslie's " Memoirs of the Life of 
John Constable." Within the last year he began and had 
almost completed a collection of all known engravings of 

Proceedings and Addresses. xiii 

portraits painted by Gilbert Stuart, with the intention of 
extra-illustrating George C. Mason's life and works of that 
eminent artist. Of his knowledge of prints and of his 
artistic instincts an eminent expert' who knew him well 
writes as follows : " The collection which has been recently 
dispersed is the strongest evidence of his knowledge in that 
direction. With the limited means at his disposal it was 
surprising with what rare judgment the selections were 
made. For so small a collection, I have never seen so many 
uncommon and exceedingly scarce prints. ... It was his 
pleasure to have portraits and other engravings for their 
own sake, never giving any consideration to their future 
commercial value. ... I can recall his twinkling eye and 
exceedingly pleased expression in showing a specially rare 
thing." I have heard him say, when displaying his treas- 
ures, " These are not hard to take." The same writer con- 
tinues : " In regard to his artistic side and his knowledge as 
to what was really good from a purely artistic stand-point, 
it would be difficult for me to dilate upon. The few en- 
gravings which were his, outside of the portraits, showed a 
healthy appreciation, and there was nothing in them which 
would be termed * namby-pamby/ or of a cheap sentimental 
sort. The pictures were without question bought for their 
own merits, and in a few notable instances they were of the 
highest. The few conversations I had with him in connec- 
tion with my great desire to have him sit for me for his 
portrait always afforded me not a little amusement, owing 
to his positive statement that i oil portraits were a dead 
failure* under any and all circumstances, — never, to his 
mind, looking like the originals. His position in this was 
doubtless accentuated by his own innate modesty and 
unconsciousness of his great worth and usefulness. His 
refusals were more than once based on the statement, 

xiv In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

' Nobody wanted to have his portrait, and even the Society 
couldn't find a place for it.' " 

Another friend, himself a notable collector, writes, " He 
had an innate love for books, portraits, autographs, and 
illustrating books from his youth, and in the selection of 
prints and books he showed rare taste and judgment; he 
was an acknowledged connoisseur." He was a lover, too, 
of scarce imprints and the triumphs of the bookbinder's 
art, and had been elected an honorary member of the Phi- 
lobiblon Club. He was thoroughly acquainted with all the 
practical details of printing and engraving, and could never 
be imposed upon. In detecting reprints, restrikes, worn- 
out plates or those which had been retouched, and in select- 
ing brilliant original impressions, he had an eye of unerring 
accuracy. In the exercise of his judgment he was aided by 
his knowledge of paper, of the dates of imprints, and of the 
manifold biographical details relating to artists and their 

To quote from one whose opinion is of value: "He 
knew at a glance the quality and tone of any impression of 
a print at sight, and he had the remarkable faculty of dis- 
tinguishing the excellence of one impression over another 
of prints in different collections, without having the two 
together to compare ; in short, he knew what was rare and 
scarce through instinct, and could predict the appreciation 
of certain prints by connoisseurs through the same sense, 
and had the ability of placing a proper valuation on a print 
at sight whether known or unknown to him." 

It was on the 16th of March, 1863, that he was elected a 
member of this Society, under the presidency of Joseph R. 
Ingersoll and the librarianship of Richard Eddy. The 
Society was then lodged in narrow quarters at No. 8 Athe- 
naeum Building, East Washington Square. From that hour 

Proceedings and Addresses. xv 

the serious labors of bis life began. He was barely twenty- 
two years of age, but his veins were filled with sacred fire, 
and he consecrated himself to " the elucidation of the 
natural, civil, and literary history of this State," and the 
collection and preservation of the evidences. He soon 
served on important committees, notably the Publication 
Committee, with the late Judge Peirce and Rev. Daniel 
Washburn as associates, charged with the duty of preparing 
for the press such works as " The Minutes of the Committee 
of Defence of Philadelphia, 1814-15," " The Penn and 
Logan Correspondence," " A History of New Sweden by 
Israel Acrelius," Heckewelder's " Indian Nations," and 
those other works which preceded the establishment of 
The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 
and which have been continued in unbroken series by the 
"Life and Times of John Dickinson," by Dr. Stille, and the 
" Writings of John Dickinson," edited by Paul Leicester 
Ford. In January, 1869, Mr. Stone became a member of 
the Council, and served until February, 1877. 

For thirteen years he labored in the ranks, building the 
foundations and erecting the superstructure of that amaz- 
ing edifice of knowledge which has perished with him. 
The extent, the variety, and the accuracy of his learn- 
ing became the wonder of those who consulted him, and 
of none more so than specialists themselves. His mind 
grasped the details as well as the broader facts of history. 
He formed no theories in advance of investigation. He 
permitted neither admiration nor zeal for persons or causes 
to affect his judgments. His critical estimate of evidence 
was never poisoned by the slightest trace of prejudice or 
ill will. He held his conclusions in abeyance until he had 
sifted everything direct or collateral to the main inquiry. 
Hence what he knew he knew thoroughly and firmly 

xvi In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

believed. He became acquainted with books outside and 
inside. His views of men and measures were sharp, 
unbiassed, refreshing, and original. His memory was both 
retentive and reproductive. He was slow in absorbing 
facts, but once absorbed they were his forever. If you 
handed him a book or a passage to read, you observed 
that he took more than double the time most men would 
have spent in the perusal ; but he never had to refresh bis 
recollection or review his first impressions. His very care 
was an economy of force. His mind became an encyclo- 
pedic historical dictionary, and his knowledge grew from 
year to year. He was absolutely free from dogmatism and 
self-conceit, and carried the ever-increasing burden of his 
learning with the ease of Hercules shouldering his club. 

The approach of our centennial epoch gave him his op- 
portunity. Although unrelated by blood to the early set- 
tlers or the participants in the struggle to found our nation, 
he knew our American history by heart. He had traced its 
confluent streams to their various springs in European soils, 
and could detect the tincture and the taste of each. He 
was acquainted with all the peculiarities of the Colonial 
temperament aud the individualities of each parent stock. 
He could name each grievance and each act of outrage. 
He could point out the part played by every patriot and 
every Tory. He was familiar with every spot hallowed by 
the blood of heroes, or upper chambers accursed by the 
plots of traitors. He had traced the glorious struggle 
through every camp and battle-field on land and sea from 
Lexington to Yorktown, from Champlain to the Chesa- 
peake. He could turn to the volumes of the Records of the 
Continental Congress, or to the gazettes, pamphlets, broad- 
sides, and vindications as easily as a preacher to the Epistles 
of St. Paul. He poured forth his intellectual affluence in 

Proceedings and Addresses. xvii 

various ways. He entered sympathetically into the labors 
of other men. He wrote for magazines, he answered que- 
ries, he guided the researches of historians. He inspired 
the splendid oratory of Henry Armitt Brown, and con- 
tributed much to the success of the Centennial Oration of 
William M. Evarts. The reawakened interest in our heroic 
age, which stirred the continent from sea to sea, heated his 
blood like a fever, and it must have been with the joy of a 
personal emancipation that he cast aside forever the tram- 
mels of business and assumed the duties of the vacant 
librarianship of this Society, to which he was formally 
elected by the Council in February of 1877, succeeding the 
Reverend James Shrigley. Thenceforth he might have 
exclaimed to the Muse of History, devenio vester homo ! 

Mr. Stone is now to be viewed in the double aspect of 
librarian and historian. In both capacities he is entitled to 
very high rank. A librarian is not merely a custodian of 
books, or a collector, or one to fetch and carry what is called 
for. He must combine the highest executive ability with a 
comprehensive knowledge of what is contained in the col- 
lections under his care. He must be aware of their strength, 
and particularly of their deficiencies, and never mistake 
bulk for value. He must add the bibliographical skill 
needed for a wise selection, for books do not grow upon the 
shelves, but must be got together as Opie mixed his paints, — 
" with brains, sir." He must be as familiar with rarities 
and curios as with what is most directly serviceable. He 
must know the hiding-places of treasures, and be sufficiently 
informed to know a treasure when he sees it. He must be 
able to distinguish between the real and the false. He must 
be acquainted with imprints and editions. He must be a 
student of catalogues and dealers' lists, and have the patience 
to burrow in dust heaps and mouldy corners. He must 

xviii In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

know values so that lie may escape imposition, and also so 
that no opportunity of securing that which is priceless may 
escape him. He must have an intuitive perception of the 
needs of the present, and a prophetic insight into the needs 
of the future. He must be able to measure the power of 
books for good or for evil. " Books/' said Milton, " are 
not dead things, but do contain a progeny of life in them 
to be as active as that soul was whose progeny they are ; 
nay, they do preserve as in a vial the purest efficacy and ex- 
traction of that living intellect that bred them. ... A good 
book is the precious life blood of a master spirit, embalmed 
and treasured up on purpose to a life beyond life ; a bad book 
is as vigorously productive as those fabulous dragon's teeth." 
And what is said of books is true also of documents, 
manuscripts, autographs, letters, diaries, newspapers, and 
broadsides, the raw material of history. All these must be 
classified, arranged, displayed, and made accessible. The 
good librarian must be in sympathy also with a thousand 
varied lines of study, and have a temper capable of with- 
standing the severest strains. I am aware that I have de- 
scribed an ideal librarian, a combination of qualities scarcely 
to be found, — a rara avis in terris ; but in doing so I have 
described Dr. Stone. In many respects he was the equal 
of any librarian in the land, in other respects he was their 
superior. It has been well and truly said that had he lived 
in Boston he would have been made a demigod. He was 
fit for his position; he loved it. He was conscientiously 
and enthusiastically devoted to its duties. He was uni- 
formly courteous. He was ever ready to help those seeking 
aid in the line of their studies. He knew not only the 
names and positions of the books in a large library, but their 
contents as well. He was able to refer the investigator to 
places in books which otherwise would have been difficult 

Proceedings and Addresses. xix 

to find without an immense amount of reading. If not able 
to answer an inquiry at once, he wa3 at least able to refer 
to such authorities as bore upon it, and thus narrowed the 
range of search until the point was found. The library was 
at his fingers' ends and on the tip of his tongue. He knew 
the best authorities ; he could quickly cite chapter and verse 
for any incident of the Colonial or Eevolutionary period. 
He could criticise intelligently, and warn against false lights 
and hidden shoals. The firmest reliance could be placed 
on his statements, and if challenged he could fortify him- 
self by authentic records. He risked nothing to conjecture. 
He sought for truth ; he secured it, and helped others to 
secure it. He knew the deficiencies of his library as a 
well-informed commander knows the weakness of a corps. 
He was ever alert to strengthen it by repeated acquisitions. 
His eye was like that of an eagle in quest of food. He 
bought, and bought freely, at times at high prices, but never 
too high. He never overstepped the bounds of prudence 
with the means at his command. The result of his labors 
is a collection of works which, in its relation to a definite 
object, has no superior. His conception of what the library 
should be was liberal and enlightened, worthy of an Academy 
of History and a representative public institution. He felt 
the Society to be the cherished guardian of the history of 
the commonwealth and the history of the nation. The 
priceless collections of the records of our State and of the 
United States, of the deeds of the fathers, and the writings 
of sages, had been made without the aid of government. 
They were the voluntary donations of public-spirited citi- 
zens, augmented by judicious purchases. They attracted 
by their inherent magnetism similar gifts, and our treasures 
grew from year to year. The donors felt that in hands like 
his they were not only safe but would be useful. The 

xx In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Lilt.D. 

Tower Collection of Colonial Laws, the Dreer Collection of 
Manuscripts, the Peters Papers, the Wayne Papers, the 
McKean Papers, the Pemberton Papers, the Buchanan 
Papers, the Baker Collection of the Portraits of Washing- 
ton, to say nothing of a thousand special gifts of books, of 
pictures, of relics, of documents, became the property of 
the Society largely because of the surpassing fitness of its 
librarian for his office. He viewed the treasures in his 
hands as a sacred trust, to be guarded against profanation, 
yet to be freely shown to all devout worshippers at the 
shrine. His policy was broad, and made the Society a cen- 
tre of research, frequented by scholars from near and afar, 
until it has become, in the opinion of those w r ell capable of 
judging, the foremost of its kind in America, not only in 
the wealth of its stores, but in the liberality of its manage- 
ment. By years of incessant toil, unselfish and unsparing, 
consisting of days of labor and nights devoid of ease, he 
has built up a great department of manuscript and printed 
material of exceeding richness, and laid a lasting founda- 
tion for the study of history in the United States. Such is 
the published opinion of an unprejudiced stranger. His 
last conception was worthy of him. It was original and 
sagacious. It had occurred to no one else, and it is an 
example to be followed by other librarians. He appreci- 
ated the fact that no thorough and accurate knowledge of 
the fundamental principles and practical working of the 
foundation and settlement of the Middle Colonies could be 
obtained without a study of the records of that important 
board known as the " Lords Commissioners of Trade and 
Plantations," and conceived the idea of having copies of 
them made from the originals in the State Paper Office in 
London. He alone raised the money to pay the expense of 
so doing, and superintended the work. 

Proceedings and Addresses. xxi 

Such was he as Librarian. Let us now view him as His- 

It is impossible to do justice to the excellence of Dr. 
Stone's work in the field of history within the brief limits 
of this address. All that I can attempt is a mere outline. 
Great as his labors were, an examination of them gives birth 
to the poignant regret that he did not throw all his energies 
and vast learning into the composition of monumental books 
on the history of Pennsylvania and the American Revolu- 
tion. All that he did demonstrates his fitness for such a 
task. The chapters that he wrote and the papers and notes 
which he prepared attest the breadth of his scholarship, the 
intimacy of his acquaintanceship with the original sources 
of information, the extent and variety of his researches, his 
critical acumen, his caution in statement, and the general 
soundness of his judgments. It was here that his habitual 
modesty was of value. He doubted his own views until he 
had examined everything that might be urged against them. 
He quickly apprehended the force of adverse opinions, and, 
holding his own in reserve, he was able to discuss with in- 
telligence and impartiality all mooted points, and then with 
rare discrimination decide the case. He would have made 
an excellent judge. " He had tenacity of purpose," writes 
one who knew him well, " and was in no sense timid or un- 
certain about the results he had reached. Confident in the 
fulness of his knowledge and the completeness of his re- 
search, he marched ahead with sufficient modesty, but with 
no tremor in his step." He displayed at one time the 
knowledge of the soldier and the engineer, at another the 
familiarity of the statesman or the lawyer with statutes and 
ordinances, and again the savoir-faire of the citizen and man 
of the world. He wrote with equal ease of battles and cam- 
paigns, of intrigues and cabals, of debates in Congress and 

xxii In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

conventions, of social crises, and of personal traits. He un- 
derstood human nature, and had studied its conduct under 
the pressure of strange and strenuous events. He knew it 
in its greatness; he knew it in its littleness, and in its com- 
mon manifestations. He liked to turn from the larger 
movements of men on the stage of lofty action to the lowly 
aims and homely joys of the common people. To know the 
lives of the masses was to him quite as important as to re- 
hearse the glorious achievements of the great. Hence his 
knowledge of a period was never one-sided, but rounded 
and complete. It was comprehensive, and it embraced 

The proof of this is at hand. Take his chapters in Justin 
Winsor's "Narrative and Critical History of America," on 
" The Founding of Pennsylvania," or " The Struggle for 
the Delaware," and compare them with " Philadelphia So- 
ciety One Hundred Years Ago ; or, The Reign of Continental 
Money," or " The Ordinance of 1787," or " The Revolution 
in Pennsylvania, — a Social Picture," and observe how varied 
is the treatment, exactly suited to the subject. At one time 
he dwells on the sweet-souled piety and lofty aims of the 
Founder; at another, on the dark depths of despair in the 
winter of 1776, made horrible bv Hessian brutalitv and the 
slowly closing clutch of the British, relieved by the brilliant 
exploits at Trenton and Princeton, followed by Brandywine 
and Valley Forge. Again, he reproduces the chatter and 
prattle, the quips and the jests of belles and beaux in the 
capital; then how nicely he weighs and adjusts in quivering 
scales the conflicting claims to authorship of the immortal 
clause for the exclusion of slavery from the great Xorthwest, 
or depicts the desolation and the woe which filled our land 
after the achievement of our liberty ! 

To those who would see him at his best in describing 

Proceedings and Addresses. . xxiii 

military movements, based on a thorough knowledge of 
geography and topography, and the march and counter- 
march of armies, I would commend " The Struggle for the 
Delaware." To those who would follow the ebb and flow 
of the crimson tide of battle, I would recommend the address 
delivered in the Birmingham Meeting-House before the Sons 
of the Revolution. To those who. wish to study the move- 
ments of his mind in weighing evidence and balancing con- 
clusions, I would point to an unpublished "Keview of 
Arnold's Life of Arnold." To those who delight in the 
wordy war of statesmen and the triumph of a principle, I 
suggest a reading of "The Ordinance of 1787." To those 
who doubt the greatness of William Penn, I prescribe the 
antidote of " The Causes which led to the Settlement of the 
Quaker Colonies in America." To those who revel in pic- 
tures of the day, enlivened by anecdote and repartee, I 
commend " Philadelphia Society One Hundred Years Ago." 
To those who crave the charms of biography, I name that 
exquisite portraiture of character, " A Memoir of William 
John Potts." To those who seek encouragement in the 
pursuit of recondite learning, I point to that inspiring argu- 
ment, " A Plea for the Study of Genealogy." To those who 
are curious to see how well a layman can appreciate the 
merits of the Bible of Liberty, I refer the " Note on Magna 
Charta." To those who would trace the gropings of this 
people towards the Federal compact, I would suggest a study 
of the " Plans for the Union of the British Colonies of 
North America from 1643 to 1776." To those who wish to 
learn the part played by our State in the formation of the 
national government, I commend " Pennsylvania and the 
Federal Constitution;" or for those who prefer to study the 
history of an institution of learning or an historic building, 
there are the supplementary chapters to George B. Wood's. 

xxiv In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

" Early History of the University of Pennsylvania," and the 
continuation to Frank M. Etting's " Historical Account of 
Independence Hall ;" while to those who would measure the 
incessant activity of a laborious scholar, I commend the list 
of Dr. Stone's published works which will appear as an 
appendix to this imperfect summary. 

As a writer, he was clear, precise, and forcible, at times 
graphic, but never a word-painter or rhetorician. The 
same friend whom I quoted a few moments ago writes, 
11 If he had possessed remarkable literary aptness, the power 
to turn phrases and to produce effects by the mere weight of 
chosen words, his work would have been far less valuable." 

I can suggest to this Society the building of no more 
appropriate monument to the name and fame of our truly 
great librarian than the collection and publication in a 
separate volume of our Memoirs of the writings of Dr. 
Stone. They would take high rank in historic literature, 
and be of permanent value to American scholars. 

The amount of what Dr. Stone wrote in comparison with 
what he did in other directions is slight. He was too gen- 
erous, and gave too freely of his stores to others. I have 
found among his papers original letters from George Ban- 
croft, George P. Fisher, Edward Eggleston, S. Austin Alli- 
bone, Brinton Coxe, J. M. Hoppln, John Nicholas Brown, 
Edward F. DeLancey, A. H. Hoyt, Henry M. Hoyt, W. B. 
Sprague, S. Weir Mitchell, Fairman Rogers, and Henry "W*. 
Longfellow, expressing their appreciation of the aid he had 
given them in researches of their own. Doubtless there 
were many others which have been mislaid or destroyed. 
The note of Dr. Allibone is characteristic : " Thank you 
for your kind letter. If I can reciprocate — if you ever want 
to know anything (what a supposition !), give me a chance." 

I have found, too, in the prefaces of published books 

Proceedings and Addresses. xxv 

acknowledgments from George Bancroft, Dr. Stille, Pro- 
fessor MeMaster, Charlemagne Tower, Jr., Paul Leicester 
Ford, Professor M. C. Tyler, Professor George P. Fisher, 
and the editor of the " History of the Celebration of the One 
Hundredth Anniversary of the Framing of the Constitution 
of the United States" of invaluable aid, unselfishly rendered 
by this indefatigable friend of students. These are public 
expressions of gratitude, but if the unspoken sentiments of 
the men and women who for years past have day by day 
and hour by hour brought their perplexities for solution 
to the sympathetic and ever-cheerful librarian could be 
gathered into fitting tones, it would be as music to the ears 
of those who cherished him in their hearts. 

The distinctions conferred upon Dr. Stone were as fol- 
lows. On the 8th of June, 1893, he was appointed a member 
of the Valley Forge Park Commission by Governor Pat- 
tison, and served as secretary. He was reappointed by 
Governor Hastings on the 29th of January, 1895, but de- 
clined to serve owing to pressure of other work. He was 
elected a member of the American Philosophical Society 
on the 17th of May, 1895, and in June of the same year 
received the honorary degree of Doctor of Letters from the 
University of Pennsylvania. He was a member of the 
History Club and of the Philobiblon Club. He became an 
honorary member of the Genealogical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania on the 18th of May, 1896, and was a corresponding 
member of the Xew England Historic and Genealogical 
Society, the Maryland Historical Society, the Wyoming 
Historical Society, and the Minnesota Historical Society. 

Dr. Stone was also a most efficient agent in promoting the 
success of those great public celebrations which have made 
our city renowned for patriotic ardor as well as hospitality. 
During the great World's Fair of 1876, the Bicentennial 

xxvi In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

Celebration of the Landing of Penn in 1882, the Centen- 
nial Jubilee of the Constitution in 1887, and the Centenary 
of the Inauguration of Washington in 1889, he was a 
prominent actor, giving to newspaper reporters and visiting 
strangers by the thousand the information necessary to their 
instruction and enjoyment. Nor is it the least of his many 
gifts, nor one too trifling to be noticed, that he well knew 
how to provide for and conduct a public banquet, on the 
success of which much depends. He organized our recep- 
tions, which have become a social feature ; he arranged our 
numerous public displays of books and documents ; he in- 
spired our courses of lectures and addresses. For a time he 
edited our own Magazine. He assumed very largely the 
executive management of the Society, and performed a 
multitude of duties which could and should have been done 
by others. This was partly from habit, the imperceptible 
growth from small to large things, partly from an unselfish 
desire to spare others, and partly from an inherent inability 
— the only weak point in his armor — to delegate to others 
the labor of details. It detracts nothing from the well- 
merited praise which is due to his corps of able assistants 
that I, should say this much. They would have helped him 
on countless occasions had he permitted it. In fact, his re- 
lation to the ever-increasing staff of workers in these halls 
is one of the beautiful features of his administration. They 
respected him thoroughly, they loved him cordially. His 
charming personality was a daily delight to them, and they 
mourn his loss sincerely. 

Dr. Stone was a most engaging talker. He was a capital 
raconteur, and his wit and humor, both of which he pos- 
sessed in abundance, added greatly to the interest of his 
conversation and his writings. When tired he would refresh 
himself with humorous literature, and especially with stories 

Proceedings and Addresses. xxvii 

written in provincial dialect. He was devoted to children, 
and was ever a favorite with them. Such was he as a man. 
Of his home life I scarcely dare to speak. 

On the 9th of Xovember, 1865, he was married to Annie 
E. Witmer, daughter of A. K. Witmer, of Paradise, Lan- 
caster County, Pennsylvania. His bride was a distant 
relative, his grandmother and her grandfather being brother 
and sister. It was a union crowned with those domestic 
joys which were the beauty and the solace of his life. Two 
sons were born to them. Both came to manhood; but one, 
Witmer Stone, the well-known naturalist, survives. The 
death of the younger, who bore his name, at a time when 
he had. learned to sympathize with his father's tastes and to 
aid him in his work, was a blow from which he never re- 
covered. The dart which the insatiate archer had aimed at 
the boy passed through his body and entered the father's 
breast, and though he struggled manfully to pluck it out, it 
is now plain that the shaft was barbed, and that he then 
received, in the enfeebled condition of his heart, his death- 
wound. The gentle partner of his married life remains, 
sustained in her bereavement by the sympathy of sorrowing 
friends and the conviction that their parting is but for a 
little while. 

Dr. Stone had been in failing health for some time, but 
none expected his sudden demise. One of the fathers of 
the Church has said, " There is but this difference between 
the deaths of old and young men ; that old men go to death, 
and death comes to young men." Dr. Stone could never 
have been viewed as old. His robust build and his sunny 
disposition forbade it ; but repeated attacks of illness had 
shorn him of his strength, and his failure was gradual. His 
intellectual activity during the last year was remarkable. 
Two of the best papers he ever wrote were delivered within 

xxviii In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

the last eight months. When I last saw him he was as well 
as usual, and there was not the slightest trace of gloom in 
our parting. His last letter was written but two days before 
his death, and mentioned a walk he had had among the 
mountains which he loved so well. He reached his home 
after a day's journey without excessive fatigue, and in a 
short hour was no more. His end was as peaceful as his 
life. It was like the dying day — serene and still as dark- 
ness came. "Without a struggle, like a tired child, he fell 
into that dreamless sleep which knows no waking. 

Fellow-members, the living and the dead are but one 
family, and the intellectual and moral affluence of those 
who have gone before remains to enrich posterity. We 
who survive, and those who are to follow us, will be the 
better men and women through the labors of the gentle 
scholar whose soul has now " passed beyond the bar." 




1. Philadelphia Society One Hundred Years Ago ; or, The Reign of 
Continental Money. By Frederick D. Stone. Read at the meeting of 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, May 5, 1879. (Penna.'Mag., 
Vol. III., No. 4, pp. 361-394.) 

2. Penn's Treaty with the Indians: did it take place in 16S2 or 16S3? 
By Frederick D. Stone. (Penna. Mag., Vol. VI., No. 2, pp. 217-23S.) 

3. The Founding of Pennsylvania. By Frederick D. Stone. (In 
Justin Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. III. pp. 
469-516. 4to. Boston, 1884.) 

4. Address on the Death of Harrison Wright, Secretary of the 
Wyoming Historical and Geological Society. Delivered March 9, 1885, 
(Penna. Mag., Vol. IX., No. 4, pp. 492-494.) 

5. The Struggle for the Delaware. — Philadelphia under Howe and 
under Arnold. By Frederick D. Stone. (In Justin Winsor's Narrative 

Proceedings and Addresses, xxix 

and Critical 'History of America, Vol. VI. pp. 367-403. 4to. Boston, 

6. New York and Philadelphia in 1787: Extracts from the Journals 
of Manasseh Cutler. (Edited, with note at the end, signed F.D.S.) 
Read at the meeting of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Zvlarch 12, 
1888. (Penna. Mag., Vol. XII., No. 1, pp. 97-115 ; and No. 4, p. 504.) 

7. Pennsylvania and the Federal Constitution, 1787-'8. Edited by 
John Bach McMaster and Frederick D. Stone. 8vo, pp. viii-f 803. 
Philadelphia, 1888. 

8. The Ordinance of 1787. By Frederick D. Stone. 8vo, pp. 34. 
Philadelphia, 1889. (Reprinted from Penna. Mag., Vol. XIII., No. 3, 
pp. 309-340.) 

9. Material contributed to Hampton L. Carson's History of the Celebra- 
tion of the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Promulgation of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. 4to. Philadelphia, 1889. 

a. Sketches in the section in Vol. I., entitled Biographies of the Mem- 
bers of the Federal Convention; among them Thomas Mifflin, George 
Clymer, and George Read. 

b. Plans for the Union of the British Colonies of North America, 
1643-1776. Compiled by Frederick D. Stone. (Appendix to Vol. II. 
pp. 437-503.) 

10. First Congress of the Scotch-Irish in America. By Frederick D. 
Stone. (Penna. Mag., Vol. XIV., No. 1, pp. 68-71. April, 1890.) 

11. Continuation to second edition of Frank M. Etting's Historical 
Account of the Old State-House of Pennsylvania, now known as Independence 
Hall. 4to. Philadelphia, 1891. Pp. 191-205. 

12. How the Landing of Tea was opposed in Philadelphia by Colonel 
William Bradford and others in 1773. Contributed by Frederick D. 
Stone. (Penna. Mag., Vol. XV., No. 4, pp. 385-393. January, 1892.) 

13. The Battle of Brandy wine : an Address delivered in Birmingham 
Meeting-House before the Pennsylvania Society of Sons of the Revolu- 
tion, June 18, 1895. By Frederick D. Stone. 8vo, pp. 17. Philadel- 
phia, 1895. 

14. The Fundamentall Constitutions of Pennsilvania. (Penna. 
Mag., Vol. XX., No. 3, pp. 283-301. October, 1S96.) 

15. Supplementary chapters in the third edition of George B. Wood's 
Early History of the University of Pennsylvania. By Frederick D. Stone, 
Litt.D. 12mo. Philadelphia, 1896. Pp. 201-266. 

16. Memoir of William John Potts. By Frederick D. Stone. Small 
4to, pp. 40. Philadelphia, 1897. (Read before the American Philo- 
sophical Society, December 4, 1896.) 

In Memory of Frederick Dawson Stone, Litt.D. 

17. Introduction to The Excellent Priviledge of Liberty and Property : 
being a reprint and facsimile of the first American edition of Magna Charta t 
printed in 1687 under the direction of William Penn by William Bradford. 
(Introduction by Frederick D. Stone, Litt.D., pp. ix-xv.) 4to. Phila- 
delphia. Printed for the Philobiblon Club, 1897. 

18. A Plea for the Study of Genealogy. An addres3 delivered before 
the Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania, April 26, 1897. By Frederick 
D. Stone, Litt.D. 8vo, pp. 28. Philadelphia, 1897. (Reprinted from 
the Publications of the Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania.) 


1. The Causes which led to the Settlement of the Quaker Colonies in 
America. Read before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, March 
12, 1883. (Penna. Mag., Vol. VII., No. 4, p. 496.) 

Note. — Though thi3 paper was requested, by resolution, for future 
publication, no such publication can be found. The Proceedings of the 
Historical Society {loc. ciL) give the following abstract thereof: 

" The purpose of the address was to show that Quaker colonization in 
America was not the result of sudden impulse, but of a political and 
moral growth ; that the treatment the Friends had met with in England 
and America, especially in New England, made it necessary that they 
should have a country of their own, where Quaker views and principles 
could be fully exemplified. The movement was traced from the year 
1660, when the purchase of a tract of land in America was first suggested 
by Fox, down to the settlement of Penn's Colony ; and the fact was 
pointed out that the country which Fox desired to purchase in 1660 was 
not a portion of Pennsylvania." 

2. William Penn and his Holy Experiment; or, The Settlement of 
Pennsylvania: being the second of the series of historical lectures 
[during the winter of 1892]. Read before the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, February 29, 1892. (Penna. Mag., Vol. XVI., No. 4, 
p. 475.) 

3. The Revolution in Pennsylvania: a Social Picture: being the fifth 
of the series of historical papers [for the winter of 1893]. Read before 
the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, May 15, 1893. (Pensa. Mag., 
Vol. XVIL, No. 4, p. 522.) 

Upon the conclusion of the address, Major William H. 
Lambert said, — 

Proceedings and Addresses. xxxi 

Mr. President : 

I will not by words of mine mar the effect of Mr. Carson's 
tribute to the memory of our deceased librarian. This 
eloquent and just presentation of Dr. Stone's character and 
qualities, together with your own touching allusion to him, 
constitute a eulogy so perfect that no other words are 
needed to testify the Society's high appreciation, and I only 
desire to move that it be 

Resolved, That the thanks of the Society are hereby tendered to Mr. 
Hampton L. Carson for his admirable address upon the life and char- 
acter of the late Frederick D. Stone, and that Mr. Carson be requested 
to furnish a copy of the address for publication by the Society. 

The motion was thereupon unanimously adopted. 
The meeting then adjourned. 

^-,, .^.m^w.., ., ^.— , ? . i-. ■ ^.p^i^^^v- 


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x • 

to.MAataiL'i'^to-^^L^.- ■■■•-^t. v J 





Yol. XXI. 1897. ^o. 1. 



(Continued from Vol. XX. page 455.) 

From 1710 until after William Perm's death in 1718, the 
home of the family was at Ruscombe, a place in Berkshire, 
near Twyford. It was rented by Penn, and from an expres- 
sion in a letter of Hannah Penn, already cited, the house 
seems to have been a large and expensive one. Like most of 
the houses in which the Founder had his home in the course 
of his life, Ruscombe has been entirely destroyed. The 
traveller by rail from London to Reading now pas3e3 over 
the spot where it stood, " in the last deep cutting between 
Maidenhead and Twyford, on the Great Western Railway/' 

The Penn papers in the collections ot the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania include a number of letters, mostly 
from Hannah Penn to her son Thomas, which have interest 
for us in studying the family life at this period. They dis- 
close many details in the experience of such a family as the 
Penns, in the time of George I., at a country mansion in 
Vol. xxi.— 1 ( 1 ) 

2 The Family of William Penn, 

England. The letters are, it is true, quite incomplete, some 
of them are occupied with matters comparatively trivial, 
and the view they give us is hut fragmentary, yet their 
contents, simple and without concealment, are authentic and 
trustworthy as far as they go, and, taken in connection with 
the facts which we already know, they throw a fresh and 
fuller light on our suhject. 

The family at Euscomhe, in the period we speak of, in- 
cluded Penn until his death, his wife and her five children 
(until John was sent to business at Bristol and Thomas to 
London), and during much of the time the wife and children 
of William Penn, Jr. These, with the several servants usual 
in an English house like Ruscombe, made a large household, 
and there were no doubt frequent visitors. The head of the 
house, after her husband's paralytic stroke, wa3 Hannah 
Penn. Fortunately for them all, she brought to her hard 
place a large ability. The heiress of a prosperous merchant, 
she had been reared in the somewhat austere community of 
Friends at Bristol to habits of business industry. Long 
before her day the writer of the Hebrew Proverbs had 
described such a woman : 

"She is like the merchant-ships ; 
She bringeth her food from afar. 
She riseth also while it is yet night, 
And giveth meat to her household, 
And their task to her maidens. . . . 
Her lamp goeth not out by night. 
She layeth her hands to the distaff, 
And her hands hold the spindle. . . . 
She looketh well to the ways of her household, 
And eateth not the bread of idleness." 

Her situation was indeed very difficult. The deaths of 
both her parents had but a short time preceded the dis- 
ability of her husband. His affairs, public and private, were 
sadly embarrassed. Pennsylvania was mortgaged, and the 
great movement of German settlers, by which the lands were 
rapidly taken up and the financial condition of the Penns 
mproved, had but fairly begun. Besides the care of her 

The Family of William Perm. 3 

own children, and her concern for their future, she had also 
her anxieties for the wife and children of her step-son, who 
were practically abandoned to her care. William Penn, Jr., 
seems to have been himself seldom at the house. In 1714 
Hannah wrote, " I have not seen him this half year, nor has 
he seen his father these eighteen months." 

Her Bristol relatives gave her their firm support. John 
was sent, as already mentioned, to live there and become a 
merchant. Simon Clement, her aunt # Mary's husband, was 
one of her valued advisers. Her own marriage settlement, 
reserved for her private use, had been drawn upon to assist 
in sustaining the family fortunes. 1 

Thomas Penn went up to London late in 1715 or early 
in 1716, to enter a business career. He was then but a lad, 
— in the latter year fourteen years old, — yet his mother seems 
to have relied upon his services in a marked degree. It 
seems probable that he was his mother's own son, with her 
business energy and capacity, an inheritance from the Bristol 
merchants. Her letters to him are addressed, in 1716, " at 
Michael Russell's, Mercer, in White Hart court, Grace- 
church street," and we may presume that we have here the 
name, occupation, place of business, and probably also the 
residence of his employer, — his " master" in the terms of 
that day. Members of the Russell family are several times 
cordially referred to in the letters. 2 

1 This may have occurred considerably earlier. Penn, in a letter to 
Logan, 10th of Third month, 1705, says, "They [Hannah's children] 
bought dearly what they had [in Pennsylvania] their mother lending 
her estate in land to the value of at least £3000 or thereabouts, to answer 
my debts, that was raised by selling her hereditary land, or being mort- 
gaged, which was all one." 

J There is an allusion to Michael Russell in Joseph Smith's " Catalogue 
of Friends' Books," Vol. II. p. 519, referring to him as party to some 
legal proceeding ("Michael Russell, appellant; John Cochran, respon- 
dent"), and to a printed document, " The Appellant's Case." 

In the period following the Great Fire in London, 1666, the Loudon 
Friends leased land of the Fishmongers' Company at White Hart Court, 
Gracious Street (as it was then commonly called), a plot near the junc- 
tion of Gracechurch Street and Lombard Street, which had been occu- 
pied by the White Hart Inn, destroyed by the fire. A meeting-house 

4 The Family of William Penn. 

A letter from John Penn, at Bristol, to his brother Thomas, 
in 1716, is as follows : 

"Bristoll 6 Ocio 1716. 

" Dear Brother 

" I have Rec'd thine of 8 Sep', by w 011 find that thou art Settled of w* 
I am heartyly Glad not doubting but it will be for thy advantage Oc all 
that I begruge thee is the Conversation of So many of our Good fir*" & 
Relations & at Present my Mother a Line from whorne I have not had 
Since she was the Last time at London, Pray to whome Give my Duty 
as also Respects to all our Good fr* 3 & Relations w ch w 1 * my Dearest Love 
to Self.— 

" Conclude from 
" Thy affec Bro : 

Hannah Penn's letters to Thomas, as preserved in the 
series in the Historical Society's collections, begin at an 
earlier date than the above. They have a pathetic under- 
tone of continual anxiety and pressure. In one she says, 
" After fourteen days' expectation and many disappointments 
I have at last drawn on thee for ten pounds, payable at sight 
to Edmund Hide, which take care to answer- punctually. I 
would have return'd twenty, but could not get it done ; hope 
I shall to-morrow, for I never underwent the straits I have 
since these thy disappointments. I wrote to Henry Gould- 
ney, and John to thyselfe, by last post, & to no purpose, for 
Harry Prat says he has nothing ; so I have promis'd, but am 
not able to perform." 

Other letters are to the same effect. December 20, 1717, 
she says, " Xo sooner one lotfd goes off, but another goes on 
by the expences of a large family. I am in a great strait, 
having promised the butcher more than I can raise for 

It would seem, indeed, that Thomas Penn in these years 

and several dwelling-houses were built. Dr. John Fothergill was a 
tenant of one of the houses in 1748. Isaac Sowle, the bookseller, and 
Lace Raylton, his successor, whose names are familiar on the early 
Friends' imprints, also lived there. Cf. " The London Friends' Meet- 
ings," W. Beck and T. F. Ball. By successive leases the Friends held 
the property until 1862, when they surrendered it to the Fishmongers' 

The Family of William Penn. 5 

must have been almost daily concerned in some business for 
bis mother, and that apart from the aid given her from Bris- 
tol she relied upon him largely, in London, to collect debts, 
to arrange advances or loans, to put off creditors, to meet 
drafts which she had been obliged to make, to purchase and 
forward supplies, etc. 

Let us now read somewhat more at length from the 
mother's letters. Here is one at the beginning of 1716 : 

" 3d of 1st Mo., 1716. 

" Dear Child, 

" Thine with the King's speech x came but last post ; it had two post 
marks, so think the neglect lay there, — perhaps, the want of a fairer direc- 
tion, that seeming to have been wrote in haste ; however, that it brought 
me acct's. of thy health & bro' r Aubrey's amendment, made it very 
acceptable to me, as was the king's speech to the family. My sister has 
wrote to thee, and sends it with the little things to-morrow, by Stephen ; 
if thou can have time call at thy sister Aubrey's for it. Thy poor father 
has been often ill, but at present is indifferent, as is the rest of the 
family. Give my kind love to thy Master, to whom and in his business 
double thy diligence, to make amends for the lost time. I have almost 
forgot how thy accounts stand, which I expect at thy leisure to be in- 
formed of, but have herew" 1 sent thee an order on Joseph Boult for 30£ ; 
about 10 of it Judeth Fisher will call on thee for, about a week hence ; 
'tis for somewhat she is to buy for Mary Chandler, so pay her demand, 
and husband the rest well. Let me hear from thee now and then, but I 
will not expect much, because of thine to-day I find tis a very buisy 
time with you, I have also more writing to do, so inlarge not, but 
putting thee in remembrance of the mercy's thou hast received, which 
bear in mind and endeavor to make notable returns in a watchful and 
circumspect life. 

" I am in the best love, 

"Thy truly aft^ Mother, 

" H. Pen>V 

In a letter in the Sixth month (August) of the same year 
she mentions sundry family affairs, but particularly speaks 
of his wardrobe, over which she long continued a mother's 
supervision. She says, " I hope this will find thee at thy 
place and that thy master is well returned, to whom give my 
dear love. ... I doubt I shall not be able to send thy cloathes 

1 George I. He was scarcely warm in his seat or sure of retaining 
it. The Stuart rising in Scotland had just been put down. 

6 The Family of William Penn. 

this week, for some of thy Linnen is not vet dry, — where- 
fore think thou must shift this 3d day, or for fear of the 
worst I may send thee a suit of Linnen herewith. . . . 
Pray get leave to goto Joseph Boult's,to hasten me ye 20£, 
if he has rec'd it, by Stephen 1 if possible. Give my dear 
love to thy brother Aubrey, and my thanks for his fine piece 
of venson, which was acceptably partook of by us all yes- 
terday. I also take thy cousin Lowther's care and love to 
thee very kindly, in bringing thee to thy place, and was 
sorry thy master happened to be from home, and [hope] 
that thou will in a little time find it to thee as a home. I 
want to know what thy sister Penn does, whether she is 
gone for the North, or not, or intends going soon. . . . With 
my dear love and best desires for thy good I close this." 

The mother's anxiety that the lad should do well in the 
business of his master is frequently expressed. She is con- 
cerned also for his health. She prescribes medicine for him, 
in the medical fashion of that day. She has many little 
errands for him. Here is a letter in the autumn of 1716. 
Hannah Penn had been in London on a brief visit, — stay- 
ing, it would appear, at the Aubreys' : 

"Eus[combk] y» 16^ of 8*' 

" Dear Child 

"Give my kind love to thy Master and tell him I desire him to Give 
thee Leave to Carry this Irish Letter to the post house safe, the night it 
Comes to hand ; put Tom Greys also into the penny post, and deliver 
that to H. G.* with thy own hand -at his house. Thou must also put 
Christopher on Inquireing after the box Y* went in the Coach with us 
from my Son Aubrey's. . . . 

" We are, I bless God, all pretty well. I think it necessary thou 
should take a little moderate purge of Epsom waters, or let D. Phipps 
or C. Heathcote order thee one, & Do thou pay first. Take care of cold ; 
I have left fustian to line either thy old Coat, or wastcoat, when need- 
ful. Ask Mary and betty at thy bro. Aubrey's after my Gold Seale, 

1 Stephen was evidently some one going frequently and regularly to 
London, probably a " carrier." 

* Henry Gouldney. He has already been referred to in a previous 
foot-note. At his marriage, January 26, 1681, he was described ;is M of 
Cheapside, linen-draper," son of Adam Gouldney, of Chippenham, 

The Family of William Pain. 7 

which I cannot find since I came home, & doubt I left it on their table 
or window, the night before, as I also did forgett the Lemons, and 
Shrimps, — if Mary got any for me, — but that's no matter now, only my 
Seale and the Lemons, order Christopher to send w th the box. 

" [We have now six little] pigs, one of which I would send thee, if 
acceptable, & y l Mary thinks would dress well after such a Journey, — 
or I will send a goose next week. My uncle and cousin Clement are 
gone for Bristoll. 

" My dear Love and best wishes attend thee ; I am 

" Thy aff Mo 

■ H. P." 

The goose which the mistress of Ruscombe here suggests 
went up to London presently, for a week later than this 
letter there is a note from the little daughter of the house- 
hold, Margaret Penn, who writes Thomas in a style which 
suggests that of their father in his early and cheerful days. 
She says, — 

" Ruscombe, y« 23 of 8ber, 1716. 

" Dear Brother 

" I Kec'ved thy Letter and Kind Presant by Mary, which I thank 
thee very kindly for, & like them very well. My Father is as well as 
Usuall, as is my mother now, and Sister Aubrey ; they send thee their 
Dear Love, as I do most indearedly, and am 

" Thy very aflp te Sister 

" Marg'" Penk." 

[This is the letter ; but here is the postscript :] 

" My Mother gives her Kind Love to the Master, and has sent him a 
Ruscombe Goose, and I send thee a fue Pears and appels, and if I knew 
when it would be thy wedding day would send thee, too, a Chicken, or 
anything that would be more acceptable." 

The writer of this will be recognized as Margaret, the 
younger sister of Thomas, — she who afterwards married 
Thomas Freame. In this correspondence she is called 
"Pegg," reviving the recollection of her aunt, the " Pegg" 
of London, in the day of Pepys's Diary. Her banter of 
Thomas about gifts for his wedding-day was far in advance 
of that event, for he — a prudent bachelor, with ambitions 
presently for betterment of fortune and advancement in 
rank — postponed it more than thirty years. 

In a letter already given in part, dated at Ruscombe, 
" 28th of lOber 1716," there are these details : 

8 The Family of William Penn. 

"Thy poor father has been very indiferent these 2 days, which has 
Increas'd my Cares, but being in the same Manner as Usuall I yet live 
in hope of the Lord's Mercy in his Preservation to us. the rest well and 
send their Love both [to] y e Master [and] H. & E. G." 

[A postscript:] 

" Delay not too long the sending some raisons, figgs, & almonds for 
thy poor father, also 6 lemonds & orringes. thou has I supose baskets. 
If thou fail by Stephen thou may send by Ambrose 5th day till tenn 
from the bell savage." 1 

An undated letter, probably about this time, says, — 

" Dear Child 

"having this opertunity by Tho Grey I let thee know thy father is 
midling, myselfe and the rest of us pretty well. Thy brother after being 
hindred severall days by the Weather is gone toward bristoll this morn- 
ing w 01 R. Colter & in expectation of overtaking John Cowling. I 
desire thee let the bearer J. G. have halfe a Guiney to buy me some Tea, 
and would have thee send me 5 Guineys made up safely in it ■ by Stephen 
of the money yet remaining in thy hands, & if thou hast opertunity by 
or upon the first of next Month inquire of Jo : Gurnell how the Ex- 
change is and if he can as Usuall help me to 50 lb in a bill at 30 days 
sight on Tho Wight and what Exchange. I hope thou had mine by last 
return, & will if thou had not, send me a p d of Coffee. Send me also 
some patterns of black and white Grosett if you cut any. [On back of 
letter :] Give my dear love to thy M r and M" Mary Russell & H. G." 

Another incompletely dated letter, probably July, 1717, 
is filled with requests and commissions : 

" Child 

"send down if thou can an ell of silk to match Each of these, the 
Lightest was bought at Collisons not long since, a Persian [word lost] 
match'd to the other Culler may do if thou cannot gett it exact. 

1 The Bell Savage was a famous old inn on Ludgate Hill, established 
at least as early as 1453. " In its later years it was a great coaching inn, 
but the formation of the railways destroyed its trade; it fell into neglect 
and dilapidation, and was eventually [1S73] demolished.'' The printing 
establishment of Cassell, Petter & Galpin was built on the site. 

1 This method of sending money seems to have been frequently used. 
See later ten pounds sent " in a peck of oysters." A note from Mar- 
garet to Thomas, November 3, 1717, after stating that " brother John is 
gott safe to Bristol," adds that " my mother received the tee, and that 
which was in it, safe." 

The Family of William Penn. 9 

" 4th-day morning. . . . Thou may call on Jo Boult for the money 
for these silks if thou need. 

" 16th of 5th Mo. This was wrot a week since and intended by Bishop 
Vickress 1 who disapoynted me by not calling. I am sorry in thy last 
thou gave me no Ace 1 of Dear E. G's illness, for whose loss I am in no 
small Concern, 2 Greatly pittying her poor husband & near & dear Rela- 
tives, of whose welfare lett me hear. & tell thy Sister Pen we are all 
near as She Left us. Guly has a little Complayn'd of her head akeing 
today but is better tonight, we are all else so so." 

[On the back of the letter :] 

" Thou may stop in Jos Boults hands, if not already sent to me 20"* 
for these things I send for, but not more than necesity requires, & desire 
him to send the rest & a pound of Coffee with it. 

" J Penn is pretty well again. 

"Put thy aunt's letter into the post house w a Care." 

Joseph Boult, so frequently mentioned as one of those 
who were relied upon for money in time of need, appears 
to have "been an agent of William Penn, though his precise 
relation to him does not clearly appear. There is a note to 
Thomas Penn, in 1717, from a tenant probably, written at 
Lewes, in which the writer says that " being with him in a 
barber shopp by his house I ask'd him if his name was 
Boult, for y* I thought I had Paid him money on acco* of 
thy Father, and whether [he] did Business still for him. 
He said he did when he had ord r & if I had any money to 
pay he would write about itt," etc. 

A letter from Hannah to Thomas on the birthday of Mar- 
garet, the completion of her twelfth year, November 7, 1716, 
is as follows : 

" Rus[combb] y« 7th of 9 mo. & Peg^s birthday. 

" Dear Child 

" I have by Coach both thine as also one to thy sister, who is now 
turnd from her thirteenth Year, & has helpd Sukee to finish thy 6 shirts 
(and will help to recruite thy old ones) w * I suppose will be also wore 
out, by this time twel've month, if thou hast health, of w oh I hope, and 
I therefore think I had best, if I can gett neat trench Doulas, to make 

1 A neighbor. See letters from him later. 

8 Probably Elizabeth Gouldney, wife of Henry Gouldney. She died 
"of cholick," 13th July, 1717, and was buried at the Bemhill Fields 
ground on the 17th. She was fifty-nine years old. 

10 The Family of William Penn. 

thee 6 or 8, which would be very Comfortable to me in ware, & to thee, 
I fancy, this winter. 

"I have for some weeks delayd sending a goose to thy Mistress, in 
hopes of Wild foule, or something else valuable to send with it, but 
being hitherto disapoynted, and the waters at presant forbiding our pur- 
suite of any Game, I send this alone at last, to begg her acceptance ; tho 
am Indeed ashamed to think I have stayd so long to so little purpose. 
Thy poor father is rather worse, at least more uneasy, for a day or two 
past, but hope if the weather mends, that so he may gett out more, that 
he maybe better again; we are else pretty well, & all dearly salute 

" I am glad of Sam 11 Arnolds having accepted the bill, & desire mine 
to Andrew Hall may be payd to Content. I would also desire ten pound 
by Stephen in a peck of oysters, but I would not be too often trouble- 
some and therefore will try to shift till thou receaves y e 50 lb from Jon : 
Gurnell, and of which send me 20 in good Goldsmiths Notes & 20 lb in 
Mony, also pay betty Collison ten in part of ace* — & send me by first 
some patterns of Grave Mixt Grassetts from her, till I get a Suite made 
I cant well adventure to London this cold weather. Nor have thou as 
yet told me whether the Doctor is yet gone from thy Sisters or not, but 
of that mention nothing to them unless he is absent. 

" If thou wants Cloathing before I come up let me know what. 

"if Jon. Gurnell is Unsatisfied for want of the words Vallue rec d thou 
may if w th his advice Interline it, but I am always in a Strait in those 
words, least my letters should Miscarry or be Intercepted between me 
and him." 

[On back of letter, in another hand :] 

" My Mistress would have thee tell J. Gurnall that Shee will write to 
Thomas Wight by next post without faill, but desiers her bills may not 
be sent till y e post following, and also would have thee when opertuinity 
offers to goo and see thy aunt Lowther and Lett M" know whare Shee 

Aunt Lowther's house was probably in London ; she may 
have been moving; her residence, it seems, was not well 
known at Ruscombe at this time. She had been a widow 
since 1692, and was now approaching the end of her days. 

The following, in the spring of 1717, gives a view of the 
different concerns that occupied the mistress of Ruscombe : 

" Rus. r 4th of 1* mo 1717. 

"Dear Child 

"I am weary, it being both Gardening and Washing time, and Ex- 
pecting to morrow, on the Green, if not in the house, the familys thereof, 

The Family of William Penn. 11 

to the Buriall of Mary Blagrove. But having received thy 2 tetters, I 
answer that part however relating to thy sister Pen; in which let her 
have a guiney, besides her bill, and take for thy selfe 20£, or more if 
absolutely needful, but I am surrounded w th Calls and Cares; I hope 
thou had and will mind the Contents of my last, & send me the money 
soon. Hasten this also to J. Vine; I expect my Landlord's Call Soon, 
he became of age to day. Thy two letters I had to night together, also 
the hoods, oranges, Coffee, etc. ; tis too late to see the patterns, So say 
nothing, <fe expect to hear again from thee soon." 

A letter, September 10, 1717, sends Thomas to Henry 
Gouldney and Joseph Boult on business, and says, " my 
beiug full of company, and thy Aunt Wharley 1 going to- 
morrow hinders my writing to H. G. Thy dear father is 
full as well as thou left him ; I have been ill, but am better.'*' 
Mary Russell, who was one of the family with which Thomas 
lived, perhaps the wife of his master, was then at Rusconibe, 
and sent love to her relatives. 

In a letter in November, 1717, Hannah writes to Thomas, 
sending a letter by a " Xew England Friend"" who has been 
at Ruscombe, with whose visit, she says, we " have all been 
pleased and comforted.*" Thomas's wardrobe, at the begin- 
ning of winter, excites her concern once more, and is 
coupled with the ever-present finance question. " I would 
not have thee," she says, " want Stockens, but get them ; or 
what thou cant not well Shift without; but for a new Coat, 
if thou can spare it this winter do, by new lineing or a 
thicker wastcoat but especially till R. Baker is payd. I 
hope thou have pd poor Danell Skinner, I have Walter's 
bill, and others presses me hard, as also my coming to 
London, but the weather and roads much discourage. I am 
heartily Afflicted at the Loss of dear Silvanus Grove, in 
Whom we have all lost a Most Capable and Valuable friend. 

1 The extent to which the recognition of relationship was carried is 
exemplified here. Isaac Penington, by his marriage with the widow 
Mary Springett, had five children, four sons and one daughter, Mary, who 
married Daniel Wharley, of London. Mary Wharley was therefore a 
half-sister of William Penn's first wife, and her sistership to William 
Penn'a second wife was altogether one of courtesy. 

12 The Family of William Peiin. 

The Tea is come safe, & we like it pretty well. My Dear 
Love to thy M, &. M., & very clearly to thee."' 

In a letter of about the same date, devoted mainly to in- 
structions as to money, or drafts on Samuel Arnold and 
Jonathan Gurnell, she fears she takes up too much of his 
time, and intends to ask excuse of his master when she 
next comes to London. But there is this postscript : 

" I had thine ; am sorry for thy Loss and Negligence in losing the 
guinea ; tis wit dear bought, and I hope will last with thee for thy in- 
crease of care in time to come. 1 Send the enclosed by first penny post. 
Johne and all other our relations well at Bristol by last post." 

A letter in December, 1717, speaks of Thomas's ward- 
robe in some detail. Referring to the tardy receipt of some 
things which he was to send down from the city, she adds, — 

" But [I] am now satisfied in that, as also in thy Choice of a Coat, 
only doubting that when thou have wore this a month or 2, Every day, 
'twill be too bad for First days ; or perhaps thou dessigns thy other for 
every day, and the new one for best, which I think Indeed the Most 
Likely. I wish thou could have shifted till nearer Spring for a hatt, 
for I doubt to buy a good one now twill be near spoyld before the Hight 
of summer. I wish thou had saved thy last from spoyling, by buying 
one more ordinary and cheaper, & which I fancy will be thy best way 
still, & so postpone a good one till summer; of which however Consider 
and act for the best Husbandry, & then please thy selfe ; but be sure 
w ch ever tis, that tis Packd up in a very Frd-like way, for the fantasticall 
cocks in thine, and thy brother Johne's hats has burthend my spiritt 
much, and Indeed more than most of your dress besides ; therefore, as 
thou Vallues my Comfort, Regulate it more for the future. I have a 
Multitude of Toyls and Cares, but they would be greatly Mittigated, if 
I may but behold thee and thy brother, persuing hard after Vertue, & 
leaveing as behind your backs the Toyish allurements & snares of this 
uncertain world. Oh may it be so, saith my soule. 

" Thy poor father is as of late, so, so ; my selfe and the rest Indifferent. 
Pegge, who has been at Atalls, Just come home, & sends her dear Love 
to thee; give mine to thy sister Aubrey." 

[Then she adds :] 

"But I will not longer detain thee than to advise thee not to faile of 
reading the Scriptures, and prizing the happiness of silence in meetings, 
when thou can get to them." 

1 We may believe that Thomas laid this experience and admonition 
to heart. It does not seem that he often wasted or lost a guinea. 

The Family of William Penn. 13 

Ten days later she is concerned for Thomas's health: 

" I have not wrote to thee since thy last, being Loath to Intercept thee 
in thy load of business, in which practice diligence, but forgett not thy 
own health, by over-lifting or overworking, for the continuance of thy 
health will be for thy master's advantage, as well as my comfort. ... I 
only add my good wishes, tho the surfeit [etc.] thou took last year will 
make me in care for thee till I hear this is over." 

There are two notes at this time from Gulielma Maria 
Penn, — the daughter of William, Jr., the "little beauty," 
as her grandfather had called her in one of his letters to 
Logan fifteen years before, when she was in her infancy. 
They are to Thomas, and indicate that he had been doing 
errands for her also ; they bear a slight air of mystery. It 
may be noted that she begins both, " Dear Uncle," and signs 
herself " thy very affectionate cousin." (Thomas was, of 
course, half-brother to her father.) She desires him, in one, 
" to send y e inclosed to M. Knight, and y e other to my 
mother." Then, in a postscript : " If thou hast any Letters 
for me send them to Cousin M. Stafford, at Margaret 
Wiggin's." The second note runs thus : 

"December y> 22 1717 

" Dear Uncle 

"I desire y e will Excuse me for troubleing thee so often. I rec'd both 
my letters & am very much obliged to y 6 for thy kindness in Profering 
thy self to do anything for me. I desire thou wilt send y e inclosed to 
Cousin Patty Stafford. Pray dont say anything to any Body that thou 
heard from me ; allso if anything comes for me Send it By y e Aylesbery 
Coach, as y* last Parcel was sent, and thou will very much oblidg 

" Thy very aff rt Cousin 
"G. M. Penn." 

Mary Penn, "William, Jr.'s., wife, has been in London, and 
unwell ; Hannah chides Thomas for making but a brief 
report of the case. She says, — 

" Rus. J* 27 of 12 mo 1717 8 

Dear Child 

"Thy last letter, on ace 1 of thy sister Pen's illness a little surprisd me, 
& on which I wrote to H Gouldney. I hoped for a letter from some of 
you since, but none Came as y* except one from thy sister Aubrey, which 
however has Easd me ; but When ever thou writes of illness of thy frds 
be not so short as not to tell the Malady, especially when thou desires 

14 The Family of William Penn. 

anything for their care, for w th out knowing y e Cause tis hard to study a 
Cure, but I hope 'tis nothing bad, if 'tis let me hear again by post. . . . 
I would have thee write me a line 7 th night, to lett me know how thy 
sister does, & when any Ships Sayle ; lett me also know whether thou 
have now any cash in hand, & how much, also How Irrish Exchange 
runs. Cousin Tho. Aubrey is got hither on his way for London 6c pretty- 
well, his Horse lame or would have left us to morrow, but intends it y* 
day after, to whom I refer for perticulars, and about y e patterns to my 
next opertunity, and with dear Love from me and Pegge conclude; from 


" Aff* Mother, H. P." 

The letters which I have observed passing between the 
two brothers John and Thomas at this period, and later, are 
kindly and affectionate in tone. Thomas, perhaps, is some- 
what formal and business-like, but is always regardful of the 
conventions of correspondence. I have noted one letter, in 
1723, in which, being then at Bristol, Thomas wrote to John, 
in London, at " Crown Court, Aldersgate," and departed 
from the plain manner of the Friends, saying throughout 
" you," " ffebruary," " ffriday," " Monday," etc., but this is 
an exception ; in other letters, later, he uniformly says 
"thine," "thy," "thee," "First-day," etc. His letters are 
well written, in a fine, even, and pleasing hand, and he 
expresses himself clearly and definitely. 

Hannah Penn's cash-book, a small, square book, showing 
the house-keeping expenses at Ruscombe between May 15, 
1715, and November 5, 1719, is among the Penn collections 
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The opening 
entries, and most of those which follow, are in the hand- 
writing of Hannah Penn, but part is by another hand, 
probably that of her son John. The account begins with 
this entry : 

11 We came to Ruscomb from Bath the 9th of 5th mo : 1715, 1 then 
Rec'd of John Wren by bill on Joseph Boult £10." 

The page upon which this is entered contains further 
entries of the proceeds of bills drawn upon T. Wight 

1 This was evidently the visit to Bath, taken in the hope that the waters 
might benefit him, mentioned by the " visitor" to Ruscombe, in last 
chapter, and also by Simon Clement. 

The Family of William Penn. 


through Jonathan Gurnell, payments of cash by Ambrose 
Galloway, and others, making in all twelve entries between 
May 15, 1715, and Twelfth month, 1716, and covering four 
hundred and thirty-one pounds and fifteen shillings. Other 
memoranda of bills drawn, etc., appear on other pages, but 
most of the book is occupied with cash payments. As these 
throw light on the daily life at Euscombe, I extract as 

"1715 £ * d 

5th mo. 


payd hire of y e horses &to the Coach man 

y l brought us up from Bath . 
pd Carriage of our goods fro Bristoll 
pd a debt to Kachell Hall . 
pd Jane Grove for Tayloring work 
pd the poors Tax i year 

22 pd Farmer Crock ford in p* for Hay 
pd Goodee Lovejoy for weeding &c. 

we were from home 
pd Goodee Collins for her work . 
pd Neighbour Burton, horse hire 
disbursments at Henly Markett 
to my pockett 5 9 to my husband 10" 
to Daughter Aubrey for severall things 
to Daughter Pen to pay Gilbert Tomson'i 


for 3 Lobsters 

for a dozen of Cherrys 

23 pd Thomas y e Butch'r in full of a forme 


pd for 7 ducks & 6 fouls 
pd for a dozen of sope 

12 6 

1 1 



14 10 





3 8 

17 10 

2 3 

1 6 

3 15 9 


5 0" 

The entries above are nearly all those occupying the first 
page of cash payments. Other entries on subsequent pages 
include the following: : 

" 1715, 5th mo. 27, payd for a Couple of Rabeta Is, 6d. For 4 lbs of 
butter, 6s. 

"28th, pd for a dish of fish, with Lobster and Crawfish 7s 6d ; John 
Good, for white liming y e house, 10s ; for severall things of y e Pedler, 
2s. 9d. ; for gathering herbs and camomile flowers, Is; for a sythe for y e 
walks, 2s 6d. 

" 6th mo 1, for a flitch of bacon, 39 lbs, 19s 6d. 

16 The Family of William Pmn. 

" 19th, to Tho : Pen for his journey to Bristoll, 10s. 
"22nd, pd bringing Johnes things and a hamper from Bristoll, 5s. 
"27th, pd Margaret Chandler's son by bill on Joseph Boult in lull for 
wine due to her £3 13s 6d." 

Other entries, omitting dates, are extracted as follows : 

" For a roasting pigg 2s 6d ; for a bushel of Potatoes 2s ; for a goose 
to send to London 2s 3d; for pins and other small things at reding 4s ; 
for earthen pans at twiford, 2s 4d ; pd Tho Grove y e window tax 15s ; 
for sweeping chimneys, etc., 2s ; y e smith at Twifords bills £1 19s ; pd 
Thos Grove, for landlord, y e land tax £3 lis; mending y e side-saddle, 
etc., Is; for stuffe for an under coate for Pegge 3s 4d." 

Entries of payments of taxes and rent suggest with toler- 
able certainty that the owner of Ruscombe was a Mr. 
Foster. 1718, First month (March) 26, there is this entry : 
"pd Landlord Foster by disbursements & taxes £9 10s, and 
in money £10 10s in full to Decem'r last." 

The cash-book contains no entries from Fifth month 
(July) 21, 1718, to Xovember of that year. Two pages were 
left blank, but the account has not been set down. The 
melancholy reflection is that this was the period in which 
the death of the Founder occurred. 

Entries in the book about a year later, in the handwriting 
of one of the children (as there are occasional payments of 
petty cash to " my mother"), and evidently a man, suggest 
the work of John Penn, though it may have been Thomas's. 
They seem to show quite clearly that at this time, prob- 
ably Michaelmas (September 29), 1719, the home at Rus- 
combe was broken up. The entries of cash paid out are 
nearly all stated to be " in full," and then appears this one : 

" Balance this 26th Octo r 1719 and wch I Brought from Ruscombe to 
Hammersmith £4 16s 1 3/4d." 

There are three pages of charges in the book, begun by 
Hannah Penn, headed "Son and Daughter Penn, Dr.'' 
These begin in September, 1712, just after the apoplectic 
seizure of the Founder; they refer, of course, to William, 
Jr., and his wife. They extend to Eighth month (October), 
1717, and amount to about two hundred and thirty-live 

The Family of William Penn. 17 

pounds. We shall more particularly refer to them in the 
chapter on William Penn, Jr. 

In May, 1720, Hannah Penn was in London, and wrote 
from there to Rebecca Blackfan, at Pennsbury, in Pennsyl- 
vania, a letter which has already been referred to, but 
which is worth giving in full : 

"London, ye 9th of 3rd Month, 1720. 
"Dear Cousn: 

"By ye Death of my dear Husband & ye Loads of affliction that has 
encompass'd me thereon I have been disabled from conversing much 
wth my Friends, as well as from doing them or myself much service on 
that side y e water. But as it would be my greatest pleasure to find my- 
self in a Capacity to pay my dear Husband's Debts, & see my poor 
Children made capable of maintaining themselves, wch I am now strug- 
ling for, & when attained, shall be also willing to assist thee & thy Son, 
if you are not yet got to a Settlement, but I would hope you are in some 
little way and Place, for I am realy concern'd to think of thy Son's 
loseing so much of his time. And that it may be no longer, I have sent 
thee Peter Evans's Bond, for thee to advise wth my Friends upon, & 
use as they shall direct, — James Logan & R. Hill, in particular. 

" I find sev'l of my Letters to thee & others have miscaried, & there- 
fore know not whether they had acct of y e Death of my dear Sister 
Lowther, who Died of a Lingering Feaver & gradual decay about 5 
Months after her dear Brother. My poor Niece Poole is also since De- 
ceas'd, of an uncommon Ayling & pain in her Head, scarce understood 
by any, but as was suppos'd proceeded from a Bruise on an overturn in 
a Coach some Months before: She has left one only Daughter, who I 
hope may have Comfort in Her Riches, & not become a Prey to ye 
World, or some Worldling. My Cousin John Lowther is maried, has 
one Child, (a Daughter) and Lives at Mask as yet. My Cousin Sir 
Thomas, the Heir of Sir William, is just return'd from his Travels in 
France & Flanders. He went out a very promising hopeful young Man, 
& I greatly hope is not worsted but improved by his journey. His two 
Sisters are both Living, but his younger Brother Died of the Small Pox 
two years since. My Daughter Aubrey is I hear well, as is my Daughter 
Penn & her Son & Daughter, all here in Town, & Springet wth a Mer- 
chant in Ireland. 

"My Children, Three of them are in Town here, well, as are I hope 
my Two youngest at School. My Son Penn, after his Father's Death, 
came over from France to send his Commissions, as I hear, to your side, 
& then return'd again to France, where I think he has spent his time 
mostly ever since, & I doubt too fast, for I hear he is now but weakly, 
& 'tis doubted in a Consumptive way ; May he yet Live to see, & have 
a Heart given him to repent of his Follys, is what I heartily desire. 
My Son John gives his kind Love to thee & his Cousin William, to 

Vol. xxi. — 2 

18 The Family of William Penn. 

whome give mine, & in thy next let me know in what Condition Pens- 
berry is & by whom Inhabited now, for I hope I am not at any charges 
there, but that it at least maintains itself and Family; and I hope thou 
hast taken Care to preserve the Goods as much as may be from damage, 
an Inventory of wch I shall write to J. Logan for, as being liable to be 
Call'd to an Account for it on acct of Debts, & because I am under a 
necessity to prove ye Will in Chancery by the opposition my Son Penn 
&c. has given me therein. 

"I find by reading thy last Letter, again, per W. Watson, that thou 
art still on Pen'sberry ; who will be the Inheritor of that Place at last is 
yet uncertain, 'till ye Law has settled our Affairs, but ye Goods & Stock 
must be valued, to help to pay Debts, of wch my Husband ha3 paid & 
engag'd for divers on his Son's Acct ; some of wch I have been oblig'd 
to pay, & am call'd on for more, wch I avoid 'till our matters are de- 
termined. The young Blacks must be dispos'd of to prevent their 
increasing Charge, I have offer'd my Daughter Aubrey one, but she does 
not care for any, I would however have ye likelyest Boy reserv'd, and 
bred to reading & sobriety as intending him for my Self, or one of my 
Children ; about wch I design to write to J. Logan, for if Sue proves a good 
Industrious Servant, & Sober, I would have her ye more tenderly us'd 
in ye disposal of her Children. I have wrote more than I intended & 
'till my Head achs, so wth kind Love to thee, & my Cousin Wm & those 
of my Loving Neighbours who formerly knew me in your parts, I close 

& am 

" Thy Loving Cousin, and Friend, 

" H. Penn. 
" To Rebecca Blackfan." 

Endorsed " To Rebbecka Blackfan at Pensberry or Elswhere in Pen- 

The statement that three of the children are in London 
and the two youngest at school confirms the presumption 
that the Euscombe home was broken up in the autumn of 
1719. The three in London were, of course, John, Thomas, 
and Margaret. Those at school were Richard and Dennis. 
Three years later, John, who had then come of age, appears 
to have been settled in the country, and there is a letter to 
him from Thomas in London. It suggests that Hannah's 
and Margaret's home was then with John, but that a lodging 
for them was being inquired for. The letter follows : 

" London, May 15, 1723. 

" Dr : Brother 

"I had James's Letter which came just in the Nick of time to hinder 
my purchasing a Natural pacer 5 yrs old and 13 Hands High for about 

The Family of William Penn. 19 

5 Guineas. Shal be glad to hear the Horse he mentions may please 
thee. I have herewith sent thee a Gallon of good French Brandy which 
hope will do; also [blank] of Cloths, the Charge whereof have put 
down below. 1 My Mother was in the City last night, and is brave and 
well. Daniel Phillips I suppose has been with her, so that she can in- 
form thee his opinion concerning Tunbridge & Windsor, but there's a 
Lodging to be let at Winchmorehill, about 1 Mile from Bushill, and 
Close by the Meetinghouse, which shee may have. W. Picton had it 
some time Since: 'tis a very pleasant Situation, and large garden, near 
the New river, and but about 5 miles from Wormly, where you may 
have fishing enough. If thou likes that side of the Country I think the 
place will do. I have no more to add but Love to thy Self & Peggy 
and am 

"Thyaff: Bro. 

" Tho Peott. 
" I expect to see thee first day." 

In March, 1726, a letter to John Penn from one of his 
correspondents is addressed to him " at Thomas Penn's, in 
the King's Court, Lombard St., London." But a year or 
two later John had established himself in Berkshire, at the 
place called Feens, already mentioned. It was near Maiden- 
head and evidently not far from Ruscombe, and letters 
addressed to John by Thomas and Richard indicate that he 
lived there until he came to Pennsylvania in 1734. His 
brother's letters allude to it as " your house." We get a 
glimpse of one of his friends at this period, Thomas Bishop 
Yickris, who had been among Hannah Penn's neighbors at 
Ruscombe. There are notes from him to John in 1729 ; 
these allude to his (Vickris's) house as " a cottage" at 
" Winton." John, it appears, had given him a pointer dog, 
and in acknowledging the present, Vickris assured the donor 
that the animal should " have a Liberal Education suited 
to his Birth !" October 22, 1729, Vickris writes from London 
to John, " I am eating soope and drinking your health at 
y* George and Vulture w'th your Bro Tom." 

1 The memorandum of the " cloths" is given on the lower corner of 
the letter. It includes twenty-six yards " Callam,'' eight yards " Sars- 
net," and " four yds Wide," altogether five pounds four pence. 

(To be continued.) 

20 Washington after the Revolution, 1795. 



(Continued from Vol. XX. page 503.) 



At Philadelphia: "The treaty of Amity, Commerce and 
Navigation, which has lately been before the Senate, has, as 
you will perceive, made its public entry into the Gazettes of 
this City. — Of course the merits, and demerits of it will 
(especially in its unfinished state), be freely discussed." — 
Washington to Alexander Hamilton. 

Mr. Jay closed his English mission by signing a treaty on November 19, 
1794. The treaty, in which, for the sake of peace, more was yielded than 
gained, was long on its passage, for it was not received by the President till 
March 7, a few days after the adjournment of Congress. "Washington 
summoned the Senate to convene on Monday the 8th of June, and on that 
day laid before it the treaty and accompanying documents ; and on the 24th 
of the month, after a minute and laborious investigation, the Senate, by 
precisely a constitutional majority (twenty to ten), advised and consented to 
its conditional ratification. A sketch of the document appeared in the 
Aurora (June 29), and led Senator Stevens Thomson Mason, of Virginia, a 
strong opponent of the treaty, to send to that paper his copy, and on July 1 
it was issued by Bache in a pamphlet. The ratification of the treaty was 
signed by the President on the 18th of August. 


At Philadelphia : " July 6. — Saturday last being the An- 
niversary of Independence, the same was celebrated by every 
friend to the United States. The Day was ushered in with 
ringing of bells, which continued thro' the Day — The mili- 
tary paraded. Federal Salutes were fired. Public Bodies 
dined together — Congratulations were mutual, and the 
Father of his Country, received the Felicitations of every 
class of Citizens, civil, clerical and military." — Gazette of 
the United States. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1795, 21 


At Philadelphia : Issues a proclamation granting a full, 
free, and entire pardon to all persons concerned in the 
11 Whiskey Insurrection," in Western Pennsylvania, who had 
given assurance of submission to the laws of the United 
States. The proclamation was not published till the 6th of 


Leaves Philadelphia : " July 15. — President Washington 
about eight o'clock this morning set out for Mount Yernon 
in a two-horse phaeton for one person, his family in a coach 
and four horses, and two servants on horseback leading his 
saddle horse." — Diary of Jacob Hiltzheimer. 

11 July 15. — Left Phila* with !M.™ Washington & my family for M* Vernon 
— Dined at Chester & lodged at Wilmington. July 16. — Breakfasted at 
Christ* dined at Elkton — & lodged at Susquehanna — One of my horses over- 
come with heat. July 17. — Breakfasted before I set out dined at Hartford 
& lodged at Websters. — bro* on the sick horse led. July 18. — Breakfasted 
in Baltim e — dined & lodged at Spurriers where my sick horse died. July 
19. — Breakfasted at Yanhornes— dined at Bladensburgh & lodged in Geo : 
Town. July 20. — After doing business with the Com" of the fed 1 City I 
proceeded on my journey & got home to dinner." — Washington's Diary. 


At Baltimore : Receives the resolutions, denouncing the 
Jay Treaty, passed by a meeting of the citizens of Boston, 
held on the 10th of the month. The resolutions were en- 
closed to him in a letter from the selectmen of that town 
dated the 13th. 

As any negotiation or amicable arrangements with Great Britain were 
extremely unpopular, the consent of the Senate to the ratification of the 
treaty was met with virulent opposition, and meetings in Boston, New York, 
Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston, and other parts of the country were 
held and addresses and resolutions against the measure forwarded to the 
President. The first meeting of this character was the one held in Boston. 
Addresses to the chief magistrate and resolutions of town and country 
meetings were not the only means which were employed on this occasion 
to enlist the American people against the measures which had been advised 
by the Senate. An immense number of essays in opposition were written, 
which the friends of the instrument met by counter-efibrts, and the gazettes 

22 Washington after the Revolution, 1795. 

of the day are replete with appeals to the passions and to the reason of those 
who are the ultimate arbiters of every political question. 


At Mount Vernon: "I have not, as I mentioned to you 
in my last, heard much respecting the treaty since I left 
Philadelphia. At Baltimore I remained no longer than to 
breakfast. In Georgetown my whole time was spent in 
business with the commissioners ; and in Alexandria I did 
not stop. Yet the same leaven, that fermented the town of 
Boston, is at work, I am informed, in other places; but 
whether it will produce the same fruit remains to be de- 
cided." — Washington to Edmund Randolph. 


At Mount Vernon : " The contents of your letters of the 
21st and 24th instant, which I received by Monday's post, 
the importance of some of their enclosures, and the per- 
turbed state of men's minds respecting the late treaty with 
Great Britain, together with the proceedings in some of the 
principal towns to embarrass the business, have determined 
me to repair to the seat of government." — Washington to 
Edmund Randolph. 

A meeting of the citizens of Philadelphia, for the purpose of passing 
resolutions against the treaty, was held at the State-House on July 25. After 
the business of the meeting was closed, a copy of the treaty was suspended 
on a pc le and carried about the streets by a company of people, who at 
length stopped in front of the British minister's house (Mr. Hammond) and 
there burnt the treaty, and also before the door of the British consul 
(Phineas Bond), amidst the huzzas and acclamations of the populace. 


Leaves Mount Vernon : " August 6. — Left home on my 
return to Philadelphia — met the Poto k C° at Geo : Town k 
lodged there. August 7. — Breakfasted at Bladensburgh — 
din d at Vanhornes & lodged at Spur". August 8. — Break- 
fasted at Baltimore — and dined and loged at Websters. 
August 9. — Breakfasted at Hartford dined at Susquehanna 
and lodged at Charles town. August 10. — Breakfasted at 
Elkton — Dined at Newcastle and lodged at Wilminjrton. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1795. 23 

August 11. — Breakfasted at Chester and dined in Phil*." — 
Washington's Diary. 

11 Expenses of my Journey to Philadelphia. — August 6. — At Wise's 3.9. 
Turnpike 1.8. Ferriage Geo: Town 7.6; August 7.— Bill at Suters 2.6.7. 
Servants Do 3.9. Bill at Bladensb'g 8.9. Servants at Do 3.10. Bill at 
Vanhornes 15.6. Servants Do. 1.10J. Getting horses out of the Mire 1.7.6 ; 
August 8.— Bill at Spurriers 1.14.0. Servants Do 11. 7£. Ferriage Elk- 
ridge 2.8. Bill at Baltimore 14.1. Servants at Do 3.9 ; August 9.— Bill at 
Websters 1.10.6. Servants at Do 2.0. Bill at Hartford 8.9. Servants Do 
3.0. Bill at Susquehanna 14.8. Servants at Do 1.10J ; August 10.— Bill at 
Charlestown 1.1.8. Servants at D 1.10§. Bill at Elkton 14.6. Servants at 
Do 1.10$. Porter at Mitchells 3.c. Bill at the Bear 3.10*. Ditto at New- 
castle 11.10. Ferry over Christa 2.10; August 11. — Bill at Wilmington 
1.2.10. Servants Do 11.7$. Ferry over Brandy- Wine 2.10. Bill at Chester 
10.9. Servants Do 2.0. Ferry over Schuylkill 1.6. Sundries pd for be- 
sides the above 1.10.11." — Washington's Memorandum- Book. 


At Philadelphia: " August 12.— The President of the 
United States arrived in town yesterday at noon." — Dunlap 
and Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser. 

On the day after the arrival of the President at Philadelphia (August 
12) the question respecting the immediate ratification of the treaty was 
brought before the Cabinet. " The secretary of state maintained singly the 
opinion, that during the existence of the provision order, and during the 
war between Britain and France, this step ought not to be taken. This 
opinion did not prevail. The resolution was adopted to ratify the treaty 
immediately, and to accompany the ratification with a strong memorial 
against the provision order, which should convey in explicit terms the sense 
of the American government on that subject. By this course, the views of 
the executive were happily accomplished. The order was revoked, and the 
ratifications of the treaty were exchanged." — Marshall's Life of Wash- 
ington, Vol. V. p. 633. 


At Philadelphia : " Your resignation of the office of State 
is received. Candor induces me to give you in a few words 
the following narrative of facts. The letter from M. Fauchet, 
with the contents of which you were made acquainted yester- 
day, was, as you supposed, an intercepted one. It was sent 
by Lord Grenville to Mr. Hammond, by him put into the 

24 Washington after the Revolution, 1795. 

hands of the Secretary of the Treasury, by him shown to 
the Secretary of War and the Attorney-General; and a 
translation thereof was made by the former for me." — 
Washington to Edmund Randolph. 

Late in March, 1795, a French corvette was captured by a British man- 
of-war off Penmarch, and some of M. Fauchet's despatches to his govern- 
ment were taken. These despatches were sent to the British minister, Mr. 
Hammond, and by him given to Mr. "Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury, 
July 28. The intercepted despatch was No. 10, dated 10 Brumaire (October 
31, 1794), and purported to give some " precieuses confessions 1 ' of Mr. Ran- 
dolph on the Western insurrection. The inference from the general tenor of 
the despatch was, that the Secretary of State had shown himself accessible to 
a bribe from the French minister, and that he was at heart favorable to the 
"Western insurrection, either from party motives or from others not known. 
The suspicion thus excited was strengthened by the fact that he had changed 
his mind respecting the ratification of the " Jay treaty," and had suggested 
difficulties and promoted delay. 

M. Fauchet wrote a declaration, however, as soon as it was known to him 
that his letter had been intercepted, and when he was on the point of leaving 
the country to return to France, denying in the most positive terms that 
Mr. Kandolph had ever indicated to him a willingness to receive money for 
personal objects, and affirming that in his letter he had no intention of say- 
ing anything to the disadvantage of Mr. Randolph's character. 

On August 19, in the presence of Messrs. Wolcott and Pickering, Wash- 
ington gave to Mr. Randolph the intercepted despatch, and the Secretary 
requested an opportunity to throw his ideas on paper. Instead of so doing, 
he sent in his resignation that evening. 


At Philadelphia : " The seaport towns, or rather parts of 
them, are involved, and are endeavouring as much as in 
them lies to involve the community at large, in a violent 
opposition to the treaty with Great Britain, which is ratified 
as far as the measure depends upon me. The general 
opinion, however, as far as I am able to come at it is, that 
the current is turning." — Washington to James Ross. 


Leaves Philadelphia : " September 10. — Tuesday last [Sep- 
tember 8] the President of the United States set out from 
this city for Mount Vernon. " — Dunlap and Clay poolers Amer- 
ican Daily Advertiser. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1795. 25 

"September 8.— Left Phil* for M l Vernon dined at Chester— & lodged at 
Wilmington. September 9. — Breakfasted at Christiana dined at Elkton — & 
lodged at Charlestown. September 10. — Breakfasted at Susquehanna (M n 
Rogers's) dined at Harford— & loged at Websters. September 11. — Break- 
fasted at Baltimore dined & lodged at Spurriers. September 12. — Break- 
fasted at Van Horns Dined at Bladensburgh — & lodged at George Town. 
September 13. — Breakfasted in George Town and reached M l Vernon to 
dinner." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " If any power on earth could, or 
the Great Power above would, erect the standard of infalli- 
bility in political opinions, there is no being that inhabits 
this terrestrial globe, that would resort to it with more 
eagerness than myself, so long as I remain a servant of the 
public. But as I have found no better guide hitherto, than 
upright intentions and close investigation, I shall adhere to 
those maxims, while I keep the watch ; leaving it to those, 
who will come after me, to explore new ways, if they like 
or think them better." — Washington to Henry Knox. 


At Alexandria: "September 25. — Went to Alexandria — 
dined with M r & M™ Lear. 1 September 26. — Returned home 
to dinner." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " I shall not, whilst I have the honor 
to administer the government, bring a man into any office 
of consequence knowingly, whose political tenets are ad- 
verse to the measures, which the general government are 
pursuing; for this, in my opinion, would be a sort of polit- 
ical suicide. That it would embarrass its movements is 
most certain. But of two men equally well affected to the 
true interests of their country, of equal abilities, and equally 
disposed to lend their support, it is the part of prudence to 

1 Tobias Lear married Fanny Washington, widow of George Augustine 
"Washington, early in August, 1795. His first wife, who died at Philadel- 
phia, July 28, 1793, was 3Iary Long, of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, his 
native place. 

26 Washington after the Revolution, 1795. 

give the preference to him, against whom the least clamor 
can be excited." — Washington to Timothy Picketing. 


At Mount Yernon : " I can most religiously aver I have 
no wish, that is incompatible with the dignity, happiness, 
and true interest of the people of this country. My ardent 
desire is, and my aim has been, as far as depended upon the 
executive department, to comply strictly with all our en- 
gagements, foreign and domestic; but to keep the United 
States free from political connexions with every other coun- 
try, to see them independent of all and under the influence 
of none. In a word, I want an American character, that 
the powers of Europe may be convinced we act for ourselves, 
and not for others." — Washington to Patrick Henry. 


Leaves Mount Yernon : " I shall set out for Philadelphia 
this day ; but business with the commissioners of the Fed- 
eral City will detain me in George Town to-morrow, and of 
course keep me a day longer from the seat of government, 
than I expected." — Washington to Timothy Pickering. 

"October 12.— Set out for Phil*. October 13.— Stayed at Geo: Town. 
October 14. — Lodged at Spurriers. October 16. x — Lodged at Websters. 
October 17. — Lodged at Hartford. October 18. — Lodged at Elkton. October 
19. — Lodged at Wilmington. October 20. — Arrived at Phil." — Washing- 
ton's Diary. 


At Philadelphia : "October 21.— Yesterday afternoon THE 
PRESIDENT arrived in town from the Southward."— 
Gazette of the United States. 


At Philadelphia: "I want a Green Pocket book, w ch is 
to be found in the hair trunk, which is usually put on my 

1 " Baltimore, October 17. — Yesterday morning the President of the 
United States passed through this town on his way to the seat of govern- 
ment. "We with pleasure add, that this venerable patriot appeared in per- 
fect health."— Gazette of the United States, October 20. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1795, 27 

writing Table in the Study, with my Land papers. — The 
key of this trunk is under the lid of the writing Table. — it 
is tied to a bunch of other keys by a twine. — This Pocket 
book is of green parchment, and contains the courses, and 
distances of many surveys of the grounds &c in, and about 
my farms." — Washington to William Pearce. 

This book, which contains seventy-eight closely written pages, in the 
handwriting of Washington, was sold at public sale in Philadelphia, De- 
cember, 1890, for two hundred and fifty dollars. The sale was made by 
order of the administrator of the estate of the widow of Lorenzo Lewi3, 
who was the son of Lawrence Lewis and Xelly Custis. The sale included 
many articles from the household at Mount Vernon which were inherited 
toy Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence Lewis. 


At PMladelphia : * Nwmmer 1 &— MARRIED. On Wed- 
nesday last [November 31], by the Rev. Dr. [Robert] Black- 
wexj^ Major WILLIAM JACKSOX, to Mks ELIZA 

WILLING, daughter of Thomas Willing-,. Esq. President 
of the Bao-k of the United Stakes."— Gazette of the United 

"The ceremony wa3 performed by Bishop White, assisted by his associate, 
Dr. Blackwell. Among those present were General and Mrs. Washington, 
Kobert Morris and his wife, Hamilton, Lincoln, Knox, Vicomte de Noailles, 
the brother-in-law of Lafayette, and many others who then added so much 
to the attraction of Philadelphia society." — Pennsylvania Magazine, 
Vol. II. p. 366. 


At Philadelphia : " The office of Attorney-General of the 
United States is not yet filled. The reason why it is not, 
General Lee at my request, will frankly relate to you. If 
you could make it convenient, and agreeable to yourself to 
accept it, I should derive pleasure therefrom, both from 
public and private considerations." — Washington to Charles 

Charles Lee, of Virginia, brother of General Henry Lee, was appointed 
Attorney-General on December 10, succeeding "William Bradford, who died 
August 23, and on the same day Timothy Pickering was appointed Secretary 
of State in the place of Edmund Randolph. The office of Secretary of War 

28 Washington after the Revolution, 1795. 

was filled January 27, 1796, by the appointment of James Mc Henry, of 


At Philadelphia: "It was with sincere pleasure I re- 
ceived your letter from Boston; and, with the heart of 
affection, I welcome you to this country." — Washington to 
George Washington Lafayette. 

George Washington Lafayette, only son of the Marquis de Lafayette, 
came to the United States late in the summer of 1795, accompanied by his 
preceptor M. Frestel. He landed at Boston, and immediately informed 
"Washington of the fact, but reasons of state prevented the President from in- 
viting him to his house, which was his first impulse. After leaving Boston, 
young Lafayette (he was barely sixteen years of age) lived with his tutor 
for a while in the vicinity of New York, in comparative seclusion. Con- 
gress, at length, took cognizance of his presence in the country, and on the 
18th of March, 1796, the House of Representatives passed a resolution 
directing a committee to inquire into the matter, and to report such measures 
as would be proper " to evince the grateful sense entertained by this country 
for the services of his father." This committee, through its chairman Ed- 
ward Livingston, advised him to come to the seat of government, which he 
did, remaining in Philadelphia until the following spring, avoiding society 
as much as possible, when Washington, on becoming a private citizen, re- 
ceived him into his family as if he had been his own child. He remained 
with the family until early in October, 1797, when news having been received 
of the release of his father from prison, caused him to leave for the seaboard 
to depart for France. He and M. Frestel sailed from New York October 
26. In 1824 he accompanied his father on his visit to the United States. 


At Philadelphia : " By Thursday's post I was favored 
with your letter of the 27th ultimo, enclosing a Declaration 
of the General Assembly of Maryland. At any time the 
expression of such a sentiment would have been considered 
as highly honorable and flattering. At the present, when 
the voice of malignancy is so high-toned, and no attempts 
are left unessayed to destroy all confidence in the constituted 
authorities of this country, it is peculiarly grateful to my 
sensibility; and, coming spontaneously, and with the unan- 
imity it has done from so respectable a representation of the 
people, it adds weight as well as pleasure to the act." — 
Washington to John H. Stone, Governor of Maryland. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1795. 29 

The Declaration of the General Assembly of Maryland, referred to in 
this letter, was expressed in the following language, and was unanimously 
adopted by the House of Delegates and the Senate. 

41 Resolved unanimously, that the General Assembly of Maryland, im- 
pressed with the liveliest sense of the important and disinterested services 
rendered to his country by the President of the United States ; convinced 
that the prosperity of every free government is promoted by the existence of 
rational confidence between the people and their trustees, and is injured by 
misplaced suspicion and ill-founded jealousy ; considering that public virtue 
receives its best reward in the approving voice of a grateful people, and that, 
when this reward is denied to it, the noblest incentive to great and honorable 
actions, to generous zeal and magnanimous perseverance, is destroyed ; ob- 
serving, with deep concern, a series of efforts, by indirect insinuation, or 
open invective to detach from the first magistrate of the Union the well- 
earned confidence of his fellow citizens ; think it their duty to declare, and 
they do hereby declare, their unabated reliance on the integrity, judgment, 
and patriotism of the President of the United States." 


At Philadelphia : " December 8. — The House [Pennsyl- 
vania Legislature] adjourned at noon and proceeded to 
Congress Hall, where President Washington delivered [in 
the Hall of the House] his address to the Senate and 
House." — Diary of Jacob Hiltzheimer. 

William Cobbett (Peter Porcupine), who was present on this occasion, 
says in his pamphlet entitled "A Prospect from the Congress-Gallery," 
published at Philadelphia in 1796, "When the President arrived at the 
House this day, he found it in that state of composed gravity, of respectful 
silence, for which the Congress is so remarkable, and which, whatever wit- 
ling? may say, is the surest mark of sound understanding. — The gallery was 
crowded with anxious spectators, whose orderly behaviour was not the least 
pleasing part of the scene. 

" The President is a timid speaker : he is a proof, among thousands, that 
superior genius, wisdom, and courage, are ever accompanied with excessive 
modesty. His situation was at this time almost entirely new. Xever, till a 
few months preceding this session, had the tongue of the most factious 
Blander dared to make a public attack on his character. This was the first 
time he had ever entered the walls of Congress without a full assurance of 
meeting a welcome from every heart. He now saw, even among those to 
whom he addressed himself, numbers who, to repay all his labours, all his 
anxious cares for their welfare, were ready to thwart his measures, and pre- 
sent him the cup of humiliation, filled to the brim. When he came to that 
part of his speech, where he mentions the treaty with His Britannic Majesty, 
he cast his eyes towards the gallery. — It was not the look of indignation and 
reproach, but of injured virtue, which is ever ready to forgive. I was 

30 Washington after the Revolution, 1795. 

pleased to observe, that not a single murmur of disapprobation was heard 
from the spectators that surrounded me ; and, if there were some amongst 
them, who had assisted at the turbulent town-meetings, I am persuaded, they 
were sincerely penitent. When he departed, every look seemed to say : God 
prolong his precious life." 


At Philadelphia: Is waited on by the Senate, and the 
Vice-President, in its name, presents him with an answer 
to his address. 


At Philadelphia : " TVhen you receive the money for my 
last years flour and Corn, I wish that every demand, of 
whatsoever nature or kind, may be discharged. — I never 
like to owe anything, lest I might be called upon for pay- 
ment when I am not possessed of the means. — A Dun, 
would not be agreeable to me, at any time ; — and not to pay 
money when it is due, and might really be wanting, would 
hurt my feelings." — Washington to William Pearce. 


At Philadelphia : Is waited on by the House of Repre- 
sentatives of the United States, with an answer to his 


At Philadelphia : " It is well known, that peace has been 
(to borrow a modern phrase) the order of the day with me 
since the disturbances in Europe first commenced. My 
policy has been, and will continue to be, while I have the 
honor to remain in the administration, to maintain friendly 
terms with, but be independent of, all the nations of the 
earth ; to share in the broils of none ; to fulfil our own engage- 
ments ; to supply the wants and be carriers for them all ; 
being thoroughly convinced, that it is our policy and interest 
to do so. Nothing short of self-respect, and that justice 
which is essential to a national character, ought to involve 
us in war; for sure I am, if this country is preserved in 
tranquility twenty years longer, it may bid defiance in a 

Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 31 

just cause to any power whatever ; such in that time will be 
its population, wealth, and resources." — Washington to 
Gouvemeur llorris. 


At Philadelphia : " December 26. — Last Thursday [Decem- 
ber 24] I had the honor of dining with the President, in 
company with the Vice-President, the Senators and Dele- 
gates of Massachusetts, and some other members of Con- 
gress, about 20 in all." — Theophilus Bradbury to Mrs. Thomas 

In continuing this letter to his daughter Harriet, wife of Major Thomas 
Hooper, the writer, who was a member of Congress from Essex County, 
Massachusetts, says, " In the middle of the table was placed a piece of table 
furniture about six feet long and two feet wide, rounded at the ends. It 
was either of wood gilded, or polished metal, raised only about an inch, 
with a silver rim round it like that round a tea board ; in the centre was a 
pedestal of plaster of Paris with images upon it, and on each end figures, 
male and female of the same. It was very elegant and used for ornament 
only. The dishes were placed all around, and there was an elegant variety 
of roast beef, veal, turkeys, ducks, fowls, hams, &c. ; puddings, jellies, 
oranges, apples, nuts, almonds, figs, raisins, and a variety of wines and 
punch. We took our leave at six, more than an hour after the candles 
were introduced. No lady but Mrs. Washington dined with us. We were 
waited on by four or five men servants dressed in livery." 


At Philadelphia: Receives from M. Adet, the minister 
from France, the colors of France, sent by the Committee 
of Public Safety of the National Convention as a token of 
friendship to the United States. 2 

The flag, which was directed to be placed in the archives of the govern- 
ment, is described as follows in the papers of the day : " The flag is tricolor, 
made of the richest silk and highly ornamented with allegorical paintings. 
In the middle, a cock is represented, the emblem of France standing on a 

1 Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. VIII. p. 226. 

* " Jany. 1, 1796. — Remarkably mild and pleasant — perfectly clear. Re- 
ceived the National Colours from M r Adet the Minister Plenipo. to day : 
Much company visited." — Washington's Diary. 

32 Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 

thunderbolt. At two corners diagonally opposite are represented two bomb- 
shells bursting, at the other two corners, other military emblems. Round 
the whole is a rich border of oak leaves, alternately yellow and green, the 
first shaded with brown and heightened with gold ; the latter shaded with 
black and relieved with silver ; in this border are entwined warlike musical 
instruments. The edge is ornamented with a rich gold fringe. The staff is 
covered with black velvet crowned with a golden pike and enriched with 
the tricolor cravatte and a pair of tassels worked in gold and the three 
national colors." 


At Philadelphia : " I am not disposed to take any thing 
less for my 4our than it sells at here (allowing for freight 
and Insurance) for if it is well manufactured, it will pass 
Inspection in this Market, and of course command the price 
of other flour, without the credit which is required in Alex- 
andria and would be for my interest to bring it hither, 
rather than sell at an underrate." — Washington to William 


At Philadelphia : " I am under no concern for the fall 
which has taken place in the price of flour — that it will be 
up again, and higher than ever in the spring there is but 
little doubt — indeed some well informed Merchants declare 
they should not be surprized to find it at twenty dollars p r 
Barrel at that season. 

" There can be no question in my mind that herrings will 
be at 10/. p r Thousand and Shads at three dollars at least p r 
hundred for which reason, my advice to you is, not to take 
less from M r Smith, or any other who may ofler to contract, 
beforehand." — Washington to William Pearce. 


At Philadelphia: "I feel obliged by the expression of 
your concern for the attacks, which have been made upon 
my administration. If the enlightened and virtuous part 
of the community will make allowances for my involuntary 
errors, I will promise, that they shall have no cause to 
accuse me of wilful ones. Hoping for the former, I feel no 

Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 33 

concern on account of the latter." — Washington to Oliver 
Wolcott, Governor of Connecticut. 


At Philadelphia : " February 13. — Dr. [Joseph] Priestly 
is here. I drank tea with him at the President's on Thurs- 
day evening [February 11]. He says he always maintained 
against Dr. [Richard] Price, that old age was the pleasantest 
part of life, and he finds it so." — John Adams to Mrs. 

Joseph Priestley, LL.D., scientist and dissenting minister, came to 
America in June, 1794, and settled at Northumberland, Pennsylvania, 
making his home with his sons who had preceded him. Dr. Priestley often 
preached at Philadelphia, and in the spring of 1796 delivered in that city a 
series of "Discourses relating to the Evidences of Revealed Religion," 
which were published the same year. His friend Richard Price, D.D. LL.D., 
to whom allusion is made, was the author of a pamphlet entitled " Observa- 
tions on the Nature of Civil Liberty, Principles of Government, and the 
Justice and Policy of the "War with America," published at London and 
Boston in 1776, and of which sixty thousand copies were distributed. Dr. 
Price also published in 1785, " Observations on the Importance of the 
American Revolution and the Means of making it a Benefit to the World." 
He died in London, England, March 19, 1791. 


At Philadelphia: "February 13. — I went with Charles 
last night to the drawing room. As the evening was fair 
and mild, there was a great circle of ladies and a greater of 
gentlemen. General "Wayne was there in glory. 1 This 
man's feelings must be worth a guinea a minute. The 
Pennsylvanians claim him as theirs, and show him a marked 
respect." — John Adams to Mrs. Adams. 

"Philadelphia, February 8. — On Saturday last [February 6], about five 
o'clock in the afternoon, arrived in this city, after an absence of more than 
three years, on an expedition against the Western Indians, in which he proved 
so happily successful, Major General WAYNE. Four miles from the 
city, he was met by the three Troops of Philadelphia Light Horse, and escorted 
by them to town. On his crossing the Schuylkill, a salute of fifteen cannon 

1 Gained by his victory over the Indians on the banks of the Miami, 
August 20, 1794. 

Vol. xxi. — 3 

34 Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 

was fired from the Centre-square, by a party of Artillery. He was ushered 
into the city by ringing of bells and other demonstrations of joy, and thou- 
sands of citizens crowded to see and welcome the return of their brave 
General, whom they attended to the City Tavern, where he alighted. In 
the evening, a display erf Fire- Works was exhibited, in celebration of the 
Peace lately concluded with the Western Indians, and the Algerines; and 
also, on account of the Peace concluded by France with several European 
Powers." — Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser. 


At Philadelphia: "February 23. — Yesterday being the 
anniversary of the birth-day of the President of the United 
States, when he entered into the 64th [65th] year of his age, 
it was ushered in here by the firing of cannon, ringing of 
bells, and other demonstrations of joy. In the course of 
the day, the members of both houses of Congress, the 
Senate and representatives of this state, 1 the heads of depart- 
ments, foreign ministers, the clergy of every denomination, 
the Cincinnati, civil and military officers of the United 
States, several other public bodies, and many respectable 
citizens and foreigners, waited upon the President according 
to annual custom to congratulate him on the occasion. 
Detachments of artillery and infantry paraded in honor of 
the day, and in the evening there was perhaps one of the 
most splendid balls at Rickett's amphitheatre ever given in 
America." — Clay poolers American Daily Advertiser. 

"Philadelphia, February, 1796. — On General Washington's birth-day, 
which was a few days ago, this city was unusually gay ; every person of 
consequence in it, Quakers alone excepted, made it a point to visit the 
General on this day. As early as eleven o'clock in the morning he was 
prepared to receive them, and the audience lasted till three in the afternoon. 
The society of the Cincinnati, the clergy, the officers of the militia, and 
several others, who formed a distinct body of citizens, came by themselves 
separately. The foreign ministers attended in their richest dresses and most 

1 " February 22. — At noon Speaker [Robert] Hare of the Senate, and 
Speaker [George] Latimer of the House, with their members, called on 
President Washington to congratulate him on his birthday. He stood in 
the centre of the back room, where he bowed to each member as he passed 
into the front room, where wine and cake were served. At night the ladies 
and gentlemen had a dance at Rickett's riding place, southwest corner Sixth 
and Chestnut Streets." — Diary of Jacob Hiltzheimcr. 

■* *>y/582 

Washington after the Bevolution, 1796. 35 

splendid equipages. Two large parlours were open for the reception of 
gentlemen, the windows of one of which towards the street were crowded 
with spectators on the outside. The sideboard was furnished with cake and 
wines, whereof the visitors partook. I never observed so much cheerfulness 
before in the countenance of General Washington ; but it was impossible 
for him to remain insensible to the attention and compliments paid to him 
on this occasion. 

"The ladies of the city, equally attentive paid their respects to Mrs. 
"Washington, who received them in the drawing-room up stairs. After 
having visited the General, most of the gentlemen also waited upon her. A 
public ball and supper terminated the rejoicings of the day." — Isaac Weld, 
Junior, Travels through the States of North America during the Years 1795, 
1796, and 1797. London, 1799. 


At Philadelphia : " February 29.— We are informed THE 
ing the Theatre this Evening ; and, the Entertainments are 
by his particular desire." l — Gazette of the United States. 

"March 1. — Yesterday [February 29] the President sent his carriage 
for me to go with the family to the theatre. The Rage and the Spoiled 
Child were the two pieces. It rained and the house was not full. I thought 
I perceived a little mortification. Mr. George Washington and his fair 
lady were with us. 2 . . . After all, persuasion may overcome the inclination 
of the chief to retire. But, if it should, it will shorten his days, I am con- 
vinced. His heart is set upon it, and the turpitude of the Jacobins touches 
him more nearly than he owns in words. All the studied efforts of the 
federalists to counterbalance abuse by compliment don't answer the end.-" 
— John Adams to Mrs. Adams. 


At Philadelphia : " If the people of this country have not 
abundant cause to rejoice at the happiness they enjoy, I 

1 " NEW THEATRE [north side of Chestnut above Sixth Street]— 
By Particular Desire. On MONDAY EVENING, February 29, Will be 
presented, A celebrated COMEDY (written by the Author of the Drama- 
tist) called THE RAGE ! To which will be added, A Farce in two acts, 
called THE SPOIL'D CHILD. The Public are respectfully informed, 
that the Doors of the Theatre will open at a quarter after FIVE o'clock, 
and the Curtain rise precisely at a quarter after SIX — until further notice." 
— Gazette of the United States, February 27. 

3 George Steptoe Washington, a nephew of the President, son of his 
brother Samuel. He had recently married Lucy Payne, daughter of John 
Payne, of Virginia, and a sister of Mrs. James Madison. 

36 Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 

know of no country that has. We have settled all our dis- 
putes, and are at peace with all nations. We supply their 
wants with our superfluities, and are well paid for doing 
so. — The earth generally, for years past, has yielded its 
fruits bountifully. Xo City, Town, Village, or even farm 
but what exhibits evidences of increasing wealth and pros- 
perity; while Taxes are hardly known but in name. Yet 
by the second sight, — extraordinary foresight, or some other 
sight attainable by a few only, evils afar off are discovered 
by these, alarming to themselves ; and as far as they are 
able to render them so, disquieting to others." — Washington 
to Gouverneur Morris. 


At Philadelphia: "March 25. — Yesterday I dined at the 
President's, with ministers of state and their ladies, foreign 
and domestic. After dinner the gentlemen drew off after 
the ladies, and left me alone with the President in close 
conversation. He detained me there till nine o'clock, and 
was never more frank and open upon politics. I find his 
opinions and sentiments are more exactly like mine than I 
ever knew before, respecting England, France, and our 
American parties. He gave me intimations enough that 
his reign would be very short. He repeated it three times 
at least, that this and that was of no consequence to him 
personally, as he had but a very little while to stay in his 
present situation." — John Adams to Mrs. Adams. 


At Philadelphia : " The resolution moved in the House 
of Representatives, for the papers relative to the negotiation 
of the treaty with Great Britain, having passed in the affirm- 
ative, I request your opinion, 

" 1. Whether that branch of Congress has or has not a 
right, by the constitution, to call for those papers ? 

" 2. Whether, if it does not possess the right, it would be 
expedient under the circumstances of this particular case to 
furnish them ? 

" 3. And, in either case, in what terms would it be most 

Washington after the Revolution, 1796, 37 

proper to comply with, or to refuse, the request of the 
House?" — Washington to Timothy Pickering, Secretary of 
State. 1 

The treaty with Great Britain, commonly called Jay's Treaty, having 
been ratified in London on the 28th day of October, 1795, and returned to 
the United States, a copy of it was laid before Congress, by the President, 
on the 1st of March. It now became the duty of the House of Representa- 
tives to make appropriations for carrying the treaty into effect. The party 
in the House opposed to the treaty were not satisfied with the course pur- 
sued by the President in promulgating it by a proclamation (February 29) 
before the sense of the House of Representatives had been in any manner 
obtained upon the subject. A resolution was brought forward by Mr. Liv- 
ingston (March 2), which, after an amendment by the original mover, 
assumed the following shape : 

" Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay 
before this House a copy of the instructions given to the minister of the 
United States, who negotiated the treaty with Great Britain communicated 
by his message of the 1st instant, together with the correspondence and 
documents relating to the said treaty, excepting such of said papers as any 
existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed." 

A debate arose, which did not terminate till the 24th of March, when 
the resolution passed in the afiirmative by a vote of sixty-two to thirty- 
seven, and it was accordingly sent to the President by a committee of the 
House. 1 The President replied to the committee, " that he would take the 
request of the House into consideration." 

The members of the Cabinet were unanimous in advising the President 
not to comply with the resolution. Each of them stated the grounds of his 
opinion in writing. During the progress of the debate, Chief-Justice Ells- 
worth drew up an argument, showing that the papers could not be consti- 
tutionally demanded by the House of Representatives. A message was 
therefore framed and sent to the House on the 30th of March, at the con- 
clusion of which the President said, " A just regard to the constitution, 
and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbid 
a compliance with your request." 

A motion to refer the message to a committee of the whole House was 
carried by a large majority ; and on the 29th of April, 3 after a debate which 

1 Sent as a circular to the other members of the Cabinet. 

* Edward Livingston, of New York, and Albert Gallatin, of Pennsyl- 

3 The speech of Fisher Ame3, made on the 28th of April, advocating the 
appropriation required for the execution of the treaty, was such a remark- 
able effort that a member of the opposition objected to the taking of a vote 
at that time, on the ground that the House was too excited to come to a 

38 Washington after the Revolution, 1706. 

had lasted for two weeks, the question was taken in committee, and de- 
termined by the casting vote of the chairman (Frederick A. Muhlenberg) 
in favor of the expediency of making the necessary laws for carrying out 
the treaty. The resolution was finally carried (April 30), fifty-one voting 
in the affirmative and forty-eight in the negative. 


At Philadelphia : " I do not know how to thank you suf- 
ficiently for the trouble you have taken to dilate on the 
request of the House of Representatives for the papers 
relative to the British treaty. ... I had, from the first 
moment, and from the fullest conviction in my own mind, 
resolved to resist the principle, which was evidently intended 
to be established by the call of the House of Representa- 
tives ; * and only deliberated on the manner, in which this 
could be done with the least bad consequences." — Washing- 
ton to Alexander Hamilton. 


At Philadelphia : " I am under promise to Mrs. Bingham 
to sit for you to-morrow, at nine o'clock, and wishing to 
know if it be convenient to you that I should do so, and 
whether it shall be at your own house (as she talked of the 
State House) I send this note to ask information." — Wash- 
ington to Gilbert Stuart. 

The full-length portrait of Washington, as President, painted hy Gilbert 
Stuart in compliance with the above-mentioned request of Mrs. William 
Bingham, and known as the "Lansdowne Portrait," was executed for the 
purpose of presentation to the Marquis of Lansdowne (Lord Shelburne), a 
great admirer of Washington, and who, during the Revolution, was an active 
opponent of the policy of Lord North. At this date Stuart had a studio in 
a house at the southeast corner of Fifth and Chestnut Streets (now included 
in the Drexel Building), and in this room, in all probability, the sittings were 
had. The portrait, which will always retain the name of the original owner, 

1 That the assent of the House was necessary to the validity of a 

* " April 13. — I dined on Monday [April 11] at the President's with 
young La Fayette and his preceptor, tutor or friend, whatever they call him, 
whose name i3 Frestel. . . . There is a resemblance of father and mother in 
the young man. He is said to be studious and discreet." — John Adams to 
Mrs. Adams. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1706, 39 

is now in the possession of Lord Rosebery, late Prime Minister of England. 
It is well known through numerous engravings, the first of which, executed 
by James Heath, was published at London, February 1, 1800. 

In a letter to Major "William Jackson (who married a sister of Mrs. 
Bingham), dated London, March 5, 1797, the marquis writes, a I have 
received the picture, which is in every respect worthy of the original. I 
consider it a very magnificent compliment, and the respect I have for both 
Mr. and Mrs. Bingham will always enhance the value of it to me and my 
family. . . . General "Washington's conduct is above all praise. He has left 
a noble example to sovereigns and nations present and to come. I beg you 
will mention both me and my sons x to him in the most respectful terms pos- 
sible. If 1 was not too old, I would go to Virginia to do him homage." 

The "Lansdowne Portrait" was brought to this country in 1876, and 
exhibited at Philadelphia in the Centennial International Exhibition of that 
year. At that time it belonged to John Delaware Lewis. A replica of this 
portrait, executed for Mr. Bingham, is owned by the Pennsylvania Academy 
of the Fine Arts. 


At Philadelphia : " We are an Independent Nation, and 
act for ourselves — Having fulfilled, and being willing to 
fulfil, (as far as we are able) our engagements with other 
nations, — and having decided on, and strictly observed a 
Neutral conduct towards the Belligerent Powers, from an 
unwillingness to involve ourselves in War. . . . We will not 
be dictated to by the Politics of any Nation under Heaven, 
farther than Treaties require of us. 

" Whether the present, or any circumstances should do 
more than soften this language, may merit consideration. — 
But if we are to be told by a foreign Power (if our en- 
gagements with it are not infracted) what we shall do, and 
what we shall not do, we have Independence yet to seek & 
have contended hitherto for very little." — Washington to 
Alexander Hamilton. 


At Philadelphia: "May 13. — At one o'clock to-day I 
called at General Washington's with the picture and letter 
I had for him. He lived in a small red brick house on the 

1 Lord "Wycombe, the eldest son of the Marquis of Lansdowne, visited 
the United States in the latter part of 1791. He was entertained by the 
President when in Philadelphia. 

40 Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 

left side of High Street, not much higher up than Fourth 
Street. There was nothing in the exterior of the house 
that denoted the rank of the possessor. Next door was a 
hair-dresser." — Diary of Thomas Twining. 1 

In continuing the above entry in his diary, Mr. Twining says, " Having 
stated my object to a servant who came to the door, I was conducted up a 
neat but rather narrow staircase, carpeted in the middle, and was shown 
into a middling-sized well-furnished drawing-room on the left of the passage. 
Nearly opposite the door was the fire-place, with a wood-fire in it. The floor 
was carpeted. On the left of the fire-place was a sofa, which sloped across 
the room. There were no pictures on the walls, no ornaments on the 
chimney-piece. Two windows on the right of the entrance looked into the 
street. There was nobody in the room, but in a minute Mrs. "Washington 
came in, when I repeated the object of my calling, and put into her hands 
the letter for General "Washington, and his miniature. She said she would 
deliver them to the President, and, inviting me to sit down, retired for that 
purpose. She soon returned, and said the President would come presently. 
Mrs. Washington was a middle-sized lady, rather stout ; her manner ex- 
tremely kind and unaffected. She sat down on the sofa, and invited me to 
sit by her. I spoke of the pleasant days I had passed at Washington, and 
of the attentions I had received from her grand-daughter Mrs. [Thomas] 

w While engaged in this conversation, but with my thoughts turned to 
the expected arrival of the General, the door opened, and Mrs. Washington 
and myself rising, she said, ' The President,' and introduced me to him. 
Never did I feel more interest than at this moment, when I saw the tall, 
upright, venerable figure of this great man advancing towards me to take 
me by the hand. There was a seriousness in his manner which seemed to 
contribute to the impressive dignity of his person, without diminishing the 
confidence and ease which the benevolence of hi3 countenance and the kind- 
ness of his address inspired. There are persons in wlose appearance one 
looks in vain for the qualities they are known to possess, but the appearance 
of General Washington harmonized in a singular manner with the dignity 
and modesty of his public life. So completely did he look the great and 
good man he really was, that I felt rather respect than awe in his presence, 
and experienced neither the surprise nor disappointment with which a per- 
sonal introduction to distinguished individuals is often accompanied. 

1 1 — 

1 Thomas Twining, an Englishman by birth, who occupied a prominent 
position under the British government in the East Indies, made a short visit 
to the United States in 1796. When at Washington City he called upon 
Tobias Lear, then residing near Georgetown, who gave him a letter of in- 
troduction, and also intrusted him with a miniature picture of the President, 
to be delivered to him. We have no means of ascertaining what portrait 
this was. Mr. Twining's diary was published at New York in 1894. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 41 

"The General having thanked me for the picture, requested me to sit 
down next the fire, Mrs. Washington being on the sofa on the other side, 
and himself taking a chair in the middle. ... In the course of the conver- 
sation I mentioned the particular regard and respect with which Lord Corn- 
wallis always spoke of him. He received this communication in the most 
courteous manner, inquired about his lordship, and expressed for him much 
esteem. . . . After sitting about three quarters of an hour, I rose to take 
leave, when the General invited me to drink tea with him that evening. I 
regret to say I declined this honor on account of some other engagement — a 
wrong and injudicious decision, for which I have since reproached myself. . . . 
The General's age was rather more than sixty-four. In person he was tall, 
well-proportioned, and upright. His hair was powdered and tied behind. 
Although his deportment was that of a general, the expression of his 
features had rather the calm dignity of a legislator than the severity of a 
soldier." — Thomas Twining. 


At Philadelphia: " May 18.-— On Monday last [May 16] 
Robert Liston, Esq. was received by the President of 
the United States, as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary from his Britannic Majesty to the United 
States of America." — Gazette of the United States. 


At Philadelphia : " May 21. — Edward Thornton Esq. 
was presented to the President of the United States on 
Tuesday last [May 17] by the British Ambassador, as his 
Britannick Majesty's secretary of legation to the United 
States." — Gazette of the United States. 


At Philadelphia : " Congress talk of rising about the 
middle of this week; but there is no dependance on it. — In 
about ten or twelve days after the session closes, it is likely 
I shall commence my journey homewards : — as soon as I 
can fix the day, I will advise you of it. . . . During my stay 
at Mount Vernon I expect much company there, and of the 
mo3t respectable sort, it would be pleasing to us therefore 
to find everything in nice order." — Washington to William 

42 Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 


At Philadelphia : " June 4. — On our return [to the city] 
we met, just below the stone bridge in the meadows, our 
President, Washington, and lady in a coach and four, two 
postillions, and only one servant on horseback. In old 
countries a man of his rank and dignity would not be seen 
without a retinue of twenty or more persons." — Diary of 
Jacob Exltzheimer. 


At Philadelphia : " On Wednesday last [June 1] Congress 
closed their Session ; but there is yet a good deal for me to 
do, before I can leave the Seat of the Government. — My 
present expectation however is, that I shall be able to do 
this tomorrow week: but as this is not certain, and as I 
shall travel slow, to avoid what usually happens to me at 
this season — that is — killing or knocking up a horse ; and 
as we shall, moreover, stay a day or two at the Federal 
City, it is not likely we shall be at Mount Vernon before 
the 20 th or 21 st of this month.— 

" In a few days after we get there, we shall be visited, I 
expect, by characters of distinction ; I could wish therefore 
that the Gardens, Lawns, and every thing else, in, and 
about the Houses, may be got in clean and nice order." — 
Washington to William Pearce. 


Leaves Philadelphia: " June 13. — The President and 
family left town this morning for Mount Vernon." — Gazette 
of the United States. 


At Georgetown : " George-Town, June 21. — The President 
of the United States arrived in the City of Washington on 
the 18th instant, and at this place on the 19th. He is ac- 
companied by the Son of his illustrious friend, Fayette." — 
Dunlap and Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser, June '27. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 43 


At Mount Vernon : " June 26. — We arrived at this place 
on Monday last [June 20], where it is probable I shall remain 
till the middle of August, when public business will require 
my attendance in Philadelphia, until towards the end of Sep- 
tember. I shall then return to this place again for M n 
Washington, with whom, in the latter part of October, I 
shall make my last journey, to close my public life the 4th 
of March; after which no consideration under heaven, that 
I can foresee, shall again withdraw me from the walks of 
private life. 

" My house, I expect, will be crowded with company all 
the while we shall be at it, this summer, as the ministers of 
France, Great Britain, and Portugal, in succession, intend 
to be here — besides other strangers," — Washington to Robert 


At Mount Vernon : " The Spanish minister M. de Yrujo, 
spent two days with me, and is just gone." — Washington to 
Timothy Pickering. 

Don Carlos Martinez, Marquis de Casa Yrujo, succeeded Don Joseph 
Jaudennes as Spanish minister to the United States, but was not formally 
presented to the President until August 25. He married (April 10, 1798) 
Sally McKean, a daughter of Thomas McKean, Chief-Justice of Pennsyl- 
vania 1777-99. Their son, the Duke qf Sotomayer, born in Philadelphia, 
became Prime Minister of Spain. 


At Mount Vernon : " Until within the last year or two, I 
had no conception that parties would or even could go the 
length I have been witness to ; nor did I believe until lately, 
that it was within the bounds of probability, hardly within 
those of possibility, that, while I was using my utmost 
exertions to establish a national character of our own, 
independent, as far as our obligations and justice would 
permit, of every nation of the earth, and wished, by 
steering a steady course, to preserve this country from the 
horrors of a desolating war, I should be accused of being 

44 Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 

the enemy of one nation, and subject to the influence of 
another; and, to prove it, that every act of my adminis- 
tration would be tortured, and the grossest and most insidi- 
ous misrepresentations of them be made, by giving one side 
only of a subject, and that too in such exaggerated and 
indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a 
notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket." — 
Washington to Thomas Jefferson. 


At Mount Yernon : " I hope and expect, that the proposed 
visit from the Cherokee chiefs will be so managed, a3 not to 
take place before the month of November. I have already 
been incommoded at this place by a visit of several days 
from a party of a dozen Catawbas, and should wish, while I 
am in this retreat, to avoid a repetition of such guests." — 
Washington to James McHenry. 


At Mount Yernon : " In the course of next week, prob- 
ably about the middle of it, I expect to commence my jour- 
ney for Philadelphia ; but, as I shall be obliged to halt a day 
at the Federal City, and from the heat of the season and 
other circumstances must travel slowly, it is not likely I 
shall arrive there before the middle of the following week." 
— Washington to Timothy Pickering. 


At Mount Yernon : " I propose to enter upon my jour- 
ney to Philadelphia to morrow.'" — Washington to James 
McHenry, MS. Letter. 


At Washington City : " August 18. — In passing through 
Alexandria yesterday, on my way to Philadelphia, I saw 
Col Fitzgerald, who informed me of a letter he had received 
from you." — Washington to James Anderson. 

James Anderson, to whom the above letter was addressed, succeeded 
William Pearce as superintendent at Mount Vernon in December. He was 

Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 45 

acting in that capacity at the time of the decease of Washington, and the 
last letter written by him, dated December 13, 1799, was to Mr. Anderson. 
This letter is now in the Ferdinand J. Dreer Autograph Collection of the 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 


At Philadelphia: "August 22.— The President of the 
United States arrived in town last evening." — Gazette of the 
United States. 


At Philadelphia : " My conduct in public and private life 
as it relates to the important struggle in which the latter 
nation [France] is engaged, has been uniform from the 
commencement of it, and may be summed up in a few 
words ; that I have always wished well to the French revo- 
lution; that I have always given it as my decided opinion, 
that no nation had a right to intermeddle in the internal 
concerns of another; that every one had a right to form 
and adopt whatever government they liked best to live under 
themselves ; and that, if this country could, consistently with 
its engagements, maintain a strict neutrality and thereby 
preserve peace, it was bound to do so by motives of policy, 
interest, and every other consideration, that ought to actuate 
a people situated as we are, already deeply in debt, and in a 
convalescent state from the struggle we have been engaged 
in ourselves." — Washington to James Monroe. 

11 August 26. — The President of the United States yesterday received the 
Chevalier Martinez De Yrujo, as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- 
potentiary from his Catholic Majesty [Charles IV., King of Spain], to the 
United States of America." — Gazette of the United States. 


At Philadelphia : " August 31. — The President yesterday 
received E. G. Van Polanen, Esq. as Minister Resident of 
the Batavian Republic.' f — Gazette of the United States. 


At Philadelphia : " Write me by the first Post (fridays) 
after you get this letter, how every thing is, and going on ; 

46 Washington after the Revolution, 1796, 

for if I can accomplish the business which bro fc me here, I 
hope by "Wednesday, or thursday in next week, to leave 
this, on my return to Mount Vernon." — Washington to 
William Pearce. 


At Philadelphia : " I recollect a year or two ago to have 
sent some rape Seed to Mount Vernon, but do not recollect 
what has been the result of it : — but particular care ought 
always to be paid to these kind of Seeds as they are, gener- 
ally, given to me, because they are valuable — rare — or 
curious." — Washington to William Pearce. 


At Philadelphia: Issues his Farewell Address to the 
people of the United States. 1 

"The end of the same year [1796] witnessed the resignation of the 
presidency of the United States of America by General "Washington, and 
his voluntary retirement into private life. Modern history has not a more 
spotless character to commemorate. Invincible in resolution, firm in con- 
duct, incorruptible in integrity, he brought to the helm of a victorious 
republic the simplicity and innocence of rural life ; he was forced into 
greatness by circumstances rather than led into it by inclination, and pre- 
vailed over his enemies rather by the wisdom of his designs, and the per- 
severance of his character, than by any extraordinary genius for the art of 
war. A soldier from necessity and patriotism rather than disposition, he 
was the first to recommend a return to pacific counsels when the indepen- 
dence of his country was secured ; and bequeathed to his countrymen an 
address on leaving- their government, to which there are few compositions 
of uninspired wisdom which can bear a comparison. He was modest with- 
out diffidence ; sensible to the voice of fame without vanity ; independent 
and dignified without either asperity oin pride. He was a friend to liberty, 
but not to licentiousness — not to the dreams of enthusiasts, but to those prac- 
tical ideas which America had inherited from her British descent, and which 
were opposed to nothing so much as the extravagant love of power in the 
French democracy. Accordingly, after having signalized his life by a suc- 
cessful resistance to English oppression, he closed it by the warmest advice 
to cultivate the friendship of Great Britain ; and exerted his whole influence, 
shortly before his resignation, to effect the conclusion of a treaty of friendly 
and commercial intercourse between the mother country and its emanci- 

1 The Farewell Address first appeared in Claypoole's American Daily 
Adverser for September 19, 1796. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1796, 47 

pated offspring. He was a Cromwell without his ambition ; a Sylla without 
his crimes : and after having raised his country, by his exertions, to the rank 
of an independent state, he closed his career by a voluntary relinquishment 
of the power which a grateful people had bestowed." — Archibald Alison. 


Leaves Philadelphia : " September 21. — Monday last [Sep- 
tember 19] the President of the United States left this city, 
on his journey to Mount Vernon." — Pennsylvania Gazette. 


At Lancaster, Pennsylvania : " September 23. — The Presi- 
dent of the United States arrived here [Lancaster] on Tues- 
day afternoon last [September 20], and on Wednesday 
morning at 6 o'clock proceeded on his way to Mount 
Vernon." — Lancaster Journal. 


At Mount Vernon : "A few months will put an end to 
my political existence, and place me in the shades of Mount 
Vernon under my Vine and Fig Tree ; where at all times I 
should be glad to see you." — Washington to Landon Carter. 


At Washington City : " Mrs. Washington desires me to 
inform you that there was some Butter left in the Cellar, 
and some Beef in a Tub which (after supplying James) may 
be applied to any uses you think proper." — Washington to 
William Pearce. 


At Philadelphia: "November 2. — On Monday last [Oc- 
tober 31] the President of the United States arrived in 
town from Mount Vernon." — Claypoole's American Daily 


At Philadelphia : " November 3. — Gave Geo. W. Fayette 
for the purpose of getting himself such small articles of 
clothing as he might want, and not chuse to ask for, 100 
Dollars." — Washington's Cash-Book. 

48 Washington after the Revolution, 1796, 


At Philadelphia : " December 4. — Yesterday I dined with 
the President, in company with John Watts, the King of 
the Cherokees, with a large number of his chiefs and their 
wives; among the rest the widow and children of Hanging 
Maw, a famous friend of our's who was basely murdered by 
some white people. The President dined four sets of Indians 
on four several days the last week." — John Adams to Jlrs. 


At Philadelphia: "December 7. — This day precisely at 12 
o'clock the President of the United States met both Houses 
of Congress in the Hall of the Representatives, where he 
addressed them in a speech. The President was accom- 
panied by his Secretary [George Washington Craik], the 
Secretaries of State, the Treasury and War Departments, 
and the Attorney-General, &c. The hall was filled at an 
early hour with the largest assemblage of citizens, ladies 
and gentlemen ever collected on a similar occasion. The 
English, Spanish, and Portuguese Ministers had Seats as- 
signed them, and were present." — Gazette of the United States. 


At Philadelphia: "A few months more, say the 3d of 
March next (1797), and the scenes of my political life will 
close, and leave me in the shades of retirement; when if a 
few years are allowed me to enjoy it (many I cannot expect, 
being upon the verge of sixty-five), and health is continued 
to me, I 6hall peruse with pleasure and edification, the fruits 
of the exertions of the Board [of Agriculture, England] for 
the improvement of Agriculture ; and shall have leisure, I 
trust, to realise some of the useful discoveries which have 
been made in the science of husbandry." — Washington to Sir 
John Sinclair. 


At Philadelphia: "December 12. — At 12 o'clock this day, 
the Senate in a body, waited on the President of the United 

Washington after the Revolution, 1796. 49 

States, at his house, when the Vice President presented an 
answer to his speech to both Houses at the opening of the 
Session. " — Gazette of the United States. 


At Philadelphia : " December 16. — At 2 o'clock this day, 
the members of the House of Representatives in a body, 
waited upon the President at his house, and the Speaker 
[Jonathan Dayton] presented an answer to his address to 
both Houses." — Gazette of the United States. 


At Philadelphia : " December 17. — At noon the [Pennsyl- 
vania] Assembly went to the Presbyterian Church on 
Market Street [between Second and Third Streets], where 
Dr. [Benjamin] Rush, a member of the Philosophical 
Society, pronounced an eulogium in memory of their late 
president, David Rittenhouse. The church was crowded, 
President Washington and lady, with members of Congress 
being present." — Diary of Jacob Hiltzheimer. 

"On Saturday [December 17], at twelve o'clock agreeably to appoint- 
ment, Dr. Rush delivered his Eulogium in the Presbyterian Church in High 
street, on the late Mr. Rittenhouse. The Doctor commenced his Oration 
with an account of the birth of the great philosopher whose eulogy he was 
about to make, and proceeded to give an account of all the material trans- 
actions of his life, till he came to the awful period of his death, in all which 
he found occasion to pay the highest tribute of praise to the deceased. In- 
deed, we believe, we shall be joined in sentiment by all who heard it. in 
pronouncing the Oration a most masterly composition, and that it was pro- 
nounced with all the ability of an Orator and with all the feeling of a 
Friend. The Church was exceedingly full, but very attentive. The Presi- 
dent of the United States, the Members of Congress, and of the Legislature 
of this State, the foreign Ministers, the Philosophical Society, Medical 
Students, &c. were a part of the auditory on this solemn and affecting 
occasion." — Gazette of the United States, December 20. 


At Philadelphia : " I had a letter from Mr. Anderson by 

the last Post, who informs me that it was not in his power 

to leave the concern he was engaged in at the time I wished 

him to be at Mount Yernon ; — but that he certainlv would 

Vol. xxi.- 

50 Washington after the Revolution, 1796, 

be there by the 27 th or 28 th of this month, if he was alive 
and well. — I wish it may be convenient for you to stay a few 
days after he comes to give him a thorough insight into the 
business, and then transfer the directions I have given con- 
cerning it to hirn." — Washington to William Pearce. 


At Philadelphia : " Yesterday I received your letter of the 
16th instant, covering the resolutions of the Senate and 
House of Delegates of the State of Maryland, passed on the 
13th and 14th. The very obliging and friendly terms, in 
which you have made this communication, merit my sincere 
thanks." — Washington to John H: Stone, Governor of Mary- 

Resolutions had been unanimously adopted by the Legislature of Mary- 
land, approving in the highest terms the public services of the President, 
and particularly the sentiments advanced by him in the Farewell Address. 
It was "resolved, that, to perpetuate this valuable present in the most 
striking view to posterity, it be printed and published with the laws of this 
session, as an evidence of our approbation of its political axioms, and a 
small testimony of the affection we bear to the precepts of him, to whom, 
under Divine Providence, we are principally indebted for our greatest 
political blessings." 

From the time the President published his Farewell Address till the term 
of the presidency expired he received public addresses from all the State 
Legislatures which were convened within that period, and also from many 
other public bodies, expressing a cordial approbation of his conduct during 
the eight years that he had filled the office of Chief Magistrate, and deep 
regret that the nation was to be deprived of his services. 


At Philadelphia : " December 29. — Yesterday at 12 o'clock, 
a deputation from the Grand Lodge of the Ancient and 
Honorable Fraternity of Free and Accepted Masons in 
Pennsylvania waited on the President of the United States 
with an address delivered to him by the Grand Master 
[William Moore Smith]." — Gazette of the United States. 

(To be continued.) 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 51 


(Continued from Vol. XX. page 551.) 


" Camp 4 th December, 1777 
" Dear Gen* 

" I did not receive your Excellency's Letter till ray return 
from Head quarters last Evening, or I should have com- 
ply'd with your requisition sooner. 

" I have before given my reasons for being against ex- 
poseing this Army to a Winters Campaign in their present 
condition. I would add to them the present Temper of the 
soldiery, who I am convinced are very gener'ly against it. 

" The practicability of an attack upon Philadelphia I have 
look'd upon to be entirely out of the question since your 
Excellency's return from viewing the Enemy's Works. 

" As to the Aid of the Militia, I cannot be brought to 
think they will be of any in such an attempt. I am inclined 
to think whilst this Boddy were assembling we should loose 
more Continental officers & soldiers by waiting for them in 
the Field, then double the value of them that would arrive. 
Experience shewes that few Militia can be brought to stand 
in the line of Battle, & it would be deceiving ourselves to 
expect them upon this creation to march up to the attack 
of the Enemy's Works. 

"If such an attack is to be made, I would advise it to be 
put in execution Immediately with the Force we have in 
the Field, because I think we are stronger than we shall be 
any time this winter, it is possible our numbers may en- 
crease, but our real strength will diminish. 

"Without some new light could be thrown upon this 
matter, or other reasons urged then I heard at the late 

52 Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 

Council, I am clearly against either making a winter's Cam- 
paign, or attacking the Enemy's works. 

"I have the Honour to be your Excellences 

" Most Obed* humble Serv* 

"W M Woodford." 


"D* Sir 

" I have from the first moment it was suggested to your 
Excellency, 'that an attack on Philadelphia this winter 
with the aid of Militia was practicable and promised suc- 
cess,' kept in mind the desirable object ; have compaired 
and viewed it in every light, and on every ground I could 
place it, and after mature consideration on the matter 
cannot promise a single Advantage that would Justine the 
measure, nor can I see the least prospect of anything honor- 
able or advantagious by adopting it. On the other hand I 
foresee numberless Obstacles to retard, and perplex that 
with sober reasoning stares any man in the face who views 
it with an impartial eye, places it on a military scale, and 
reflects on what human nature is. — It has been found, I 
believe, by most of your Officers who you have advised with 
on the matter, that your Continental Force is far, very 
far, Inadequate to an attack on the enemies lines, in their 
present strength and situation. — Operations like those pro- 
posed, are of too extensive a nature to crrry into sudden 
execution. Reasons sufficiently cogent, must diminish your 
force every day you keep the field at this season of the year, 
and to resolve on the measure, ensures a winters Campaign 
to this Army, which in their Circumstances also ensures 
certain destruction to great part of them, without the Aid 
of an euemy — your principle dependence must then be on 
the Militia, to carry this important matter into execution. 
Glory and our Countries good is no doubt what every up- 
right soldier would wish to obtain, but we may be too keen 
in pursuit of it, and like the Dogs in the fable, sutfer the sub- 
stance to escape while we Grasp at the Shadow. — I would 
only mention to y r Excellency some Difficulties that occur 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777, 53 

in drawing a sufficient force of Militia together for this pur- 
pose, and providing for them ; particularly at a season of the 
year when our Fields, and Rivers are Ice k Snow. — Cov- 
ering we have not for them when they arrive, Hospital 
Stores we could not furnish for the numbers that would fall 
sick by being exposed to the severity of the winter, nor do 
I know that even provisions & forrage, could be procured 
with any degree of certainty, which shorely should be ren- 
dered beyond a doubt in such cases ; take the matter still 
on a more extensive scale. Every one that reflects on 
human nature and considers mankind at large must know 
how reluctantly they relinquish the ease and more calmer 
pleasures of domestick & social life to share the hardships 
& Fatigue of a Camp, even in more pleasant weather than 
what winter generally affords us. Men that are not taught 
and compelled to obey, will never render service, and Obe- 
dience & perseverance is not to be expected from a permis- 
cuous body of men drawn together from all Quarters of the 
Globe, ware they to assemble, but you would find one half 
would desert in their way to Camp, others probably might 
arive, a day or two before their time of service expired. 
No object on Earth would keep them afterwards, nor could 
an [ ] influence them after their time was out. What 

would follow must be distressing to an exalted mind. You 
would find your regular Troops by this time much Dimin- 
ished. They must bare the burthen of all necessary duties, in 
such cases, while this body of men are collecting, — expensive 
preparations are daily accumulating. The Eyes of the Con- 
tinent are turned towards you. Much speculation on the' 
practicability of the expedition terminating with success, 
which you at last find yourself obliged to relinquish, leaving 
the unthinking world (who want nothing more to blast 
reputation than a miscarriage, without inquiring into it's 
causes,) at liberty to sensure boath you & army. — Your Ex- 
cellency is perfectly acquainted with my Sentiments respect- 
ing this Army — it is Sir the Bullwork of America and should 
be nursed and cherished as the salvator of her Liberties. 
The Troops that compose it are not more than mortal, and 

64 Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 

cannot work Maricles. The bravest spirits may be exausted 
by uncommon, and constant fatigue. And Sir, there is not 
in my Opinion an Object on the Continent that justifies 
subjecting them, at this particular time, to a winters Cam- 
paign, unless there was a moral certainty of obtaining that 
Object, and with it, a perminant and honorable end to any 
further Hostilities. I give it therefore as my clear Opinion, 
that keeping this Army in the Field for the purpose of 
attacking Philadelphia, under the uncertainty of sufficient 
aid and support of Militia, is by no means Advisable, and 
am Sir, with high esteem 

" Y r Excellencies most obed* Serv* 

" G. Weedon 

"-B. Gen 1 . 

" Camp White Marsh 


"Camp, Dec 1 4 th , 1777 

"Your Excellency was pleas'd to desire the Opinion of 
your General Officers on ' The Adviseability of a Winters 
Campaign, & practicability of an Attack upon Philadelphia, 
with the Aid of a considerable Body of Militia to be Assem- 
bled at an appointed Time & place.' I must Confess that 
to me this Question seems so much interwoven, with the 
Question your Excellency was pleasd to put a few days ago, 
that I can hardly seperate them : The main point, I con- 
ceive, is still, whether a Winters Campaign is practicable : 
if not, the last Question falls of Course, unless the Time is 
the Spring. A Winter's Campaign to me, seems not only 
unadviseable, on account of our Situation, but impracticable, 
at least if I am to Judge of other Brigades by my own ; one 
single Reg' of mine have turned out Ninety Men unfit for 
duty, on Account of Shoes & other Necessarys. The Sick 
become Numerous, & the Men, notwithstanding the utmost 
Care of their Officers, will be Frostbitten, & subject to 
many other disorders, if they are to keep the Field, until 
the Militia can be collected, which if we are to Judge from 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 65 

the past, cannot be done in less than two Months — in the 
meantime it cannot be expected that the Enemy will re- 
main Idle, Their ^Vorks will be Continued, Their Vessells 
who are now before the Town, will not only furnish them 
with Cannon, but with Marines, Sailors &c, so that in all 
probability, before the Militia can be collected an Attack 
will be thought impracticable, upon the same Grounds & 
perhaps with more reason than at present. — At the Time 
when this Hint was first thrown out in Council, I was 
pleasd with it, there seemd a probability of success ; but 
I had no Idea, that a Winter's Campaign was so closely 
Connected with the plan, which in my Opinion would prove 
more fatal to the Army under your Excellencys Comand 
than an unfortunate Attack on the Town — but I am far 
from thinking the plan ought to be dropped entirely. If 
the Army was to go into Winter Quarters where the Men 
could be refreshd & Clothd, & remain there untill the 
latter end of March ; the Militia could be Collected in the 
meantime. Then a "Vigorous Attack could be made with 
a probability of success. 

" Thus I have given your Excellency my Sentiments on 
the Question proposd, as Clear as the shortness of the time 
I had for Consideration would permit me, which was only 
a few Minutes this Morning. The utility of hearing a 
Question debated is great, at least to a Young Soldier — 
Should the Question be decided otherwise your Excellency 
may be assured that any part entrusted to me shall be ex- 
ecuted with the greatest Chearfullness. 

" Your Excellencys Most Obed* & very humble Serv* 

"P : Muhlenberg." 


"White Marsh, 4 th Dec' 1777 

" I rec d your Excellencys letter of yesterday. I well re- 
member the proposition made. I then thought there was 
a probability of Success in such an attempt, but after your 
Excellency returnd from Reconoitring the Enemy's Lines 

56 Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 

and hearing your oppinion with regard to their strength, I 
lost every Idea of a Winters Campaign. I must confess I 
never Promised my self any Certainty of success In it. But 
the many Waity reasons then given for a Vigorous Execu- 
tion Induced me to think something possably might be 
done, but since your Return from the lines, as before men- 
tiond, I have not had a single thaught of such a thing 
Ither with or without the Militia. 

" I am your Excellency's Ob* Serv fc 

" Ch 8 Scott." 


"Head Quarters, 3 d Dec' 1777 
"Dear Sir 

"Whether the Army under your Excellency's command 
should continue in the field this winter ; and whether it is 
expedient to call to your assistance a great body of militia 
to make an attack on the Citty, are very important Questions 
— the determination of which may decide the fate of Amer- 
ica — they therefore require our most serious consideration. 

"It is certainly usual with all nations, in every cold 
climate, to retire with their armies into winter quarters — 
The men want cloathing & want rest; and the army is 
generally much reduced by inaction, sickness & a variety of 
casualties. To repair these losses, to nurse & recruit the 
Soldiers, & to make the necessary arrangements for an- 
other campaign are certainly great objects : but, Sir, if the 
practice of other nations, k the rules laid down in the 
books by military authors, are, implicitly, to regulate the 
armies of these States, I cannot help thinking our ruin is 
inevitable: — precedents may justify us to military pedants, 
but not to the sensible Citizen. — 

" The situation of the American States is very different 
from that of a nation whose indepen dance is acknowledged 
& established. It requires great management to keep up 
the spirits of the well-affected, & to subdue those who have 
taken a part against us — Imprisonment, confiscation & death 
are the punishments for those who engage in the support of 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 57 

a revolution — these are terrors not so much dreaded in 
common wars — To remove these fears, and to secure the 
inhabitants from danger, appears to me to be measures of 
the utmost importance. The people of this State had the 
greatest expectations that the Army under your Excel- 
lency's command would have prevented General How from 
penetrating thro' the country & taking possession of the 
capital of this State. — They were disapointed! — and it is 
very evident what conclusions they must have drawn — The 
superiority of the enemy was easily discovered, and it natu- 
rally affected their spirits. Our successes to the northward 
have enabled you to draw great reinforcements from thence 
— our whole force, now collected, gives them new hopes ; 
and tho they may not expect a successful attack will be 
made on the city this winter, they expect to be protected. 
The withdrawing your army to a great distance will not 
only magnify the enemy's strength (in the Opinion of the 
Inhabitants) but will be construed into an acknowledgment 
of our own weakness. — The enemy may then detach a body 
of troops to take post at Bordenton or Mount Holly ; another 
to Newtown on this side, and a third to Wilmington — with 
these (having possession of the Capital) they have perfect 
command of an immense country; from which they can 
draw provision, forage & men. — The State of delaware must 
be totally subjected — the eastern shore of maryland & Vir- 
ginia left open to be ravaged at will ; in short, the inhabit- 
ants within this great Circle, must come in for protection, 
must swear allegiance to the king, & deliver up their 
arms. Those men who are to compose a very considerable 
part of your army the next Campaign will be engaged 
against you ; the inhabitants of other States, who are event- 
ually concerned in these misfortunes, will feel very sensibly 
their dreadful effects — the power of Legislatures will be 
weakened & the States may find it impossible to enlist, 
draft, or, by any other means, to furnish their quota's for 
the ensuing Campaign. — All the manufactures that might 
be drawn from the Country you desert, will be lost to us. — 
The depreciation of our money will encrease ; and, in a 

58 Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 

short time, the Credit of the States will be totally ruined — 
Your army too, cantooned in a scattered manner, at so great 
a distance from the Enemy, will be dispersed thro' the 
States, by Leave-of-absence, Furlows, k Desertion — and in- 
stead of your troops coming into the Field better disci- 
plined (as some Gentlemen expect) they will become licen- 
tious, ungovernable & total strangers to military Discipline. 

" Last winter, after repeated ill-successes, you was obliged 
to retire from post to post, as the enemy advanced, and in 
addition to your misfortunes, your army was every day re- 
duced, by whole Brigades, leaving you, in sight of the 
Enemy — When you crossed the Delaware, tho' reinforced 
with the Philad* Militia, you had but a handful of men, & 
these in a wretched ragged condition — What then would 
have been the consequence if you had retired to the back- 
country to nurse & recruit the miserable remnant of your 
army ; and to enlist men for the next Campaign . The Conse- 
quences are so evident they need no explanation. By 
having the river as a Barrier you kept the field till an 
opportunity offered; and by a well timed, well executed 
blow, you gave hopes again to all the States — in conse- 
quence of this, the Prince-town affair happened, which drew 
the enemy to one point ; and, at once, recovered N. Jersey 
& set America again on her Legs. 

" The King of Prussia (in the last war) overpowered by 
numbers, had almost lost all his Dominions during the 
Summer; but by a noble exertion, with those very troops 
that had been harrassed & almost torn to pieces by repeated 
actions and constant Marches, he recovered his Losses by a 
winter Campaign. 

" Your men, I know, Sir, are in great want of cloathing, 
but I conceive they will be sooner equipped by remaining 
in the field than in winter Quarters — because by being in 
the field, the necessity will appear more evident, will induce 
those employed to provide cloathing to exert themselves, 
and will justify measures that otherwise would disgust A: 
exasperate those from whom they are taken. — Let the robust, 
& best cloathed, do the duty of Guards; let the Invalids be 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 59 

sent to the most comfortable Quarters ; & let premiums be 
given to those who shall make the best Hutts. 

" If you are out of the reach of a surprize, the Duty will 
be easy ; and you may effectually annoy the enemy as if you 
was nearer. 

" I am far from thinking that a winter Campaign will not 
be attended with great distress to the poor Soldiers, & do 
not mean to insinuate that good winter Quarters may not 
be more comfortable ; but I am obliged from the necessity 
of the case to declare, that I think, if your army was re- 
duced by action & sickness, to one half its present number, 
the consequences would not be so fatal, as if we were to 
take winter Quarters. 

" I have confined myself merely to the Question ■ whether 
a "Winter Campaign is adviseable,' but beg leave to make a 
few remarks on the two Positions that have been proposed. 

" To cover our stores, to afford the most protection to 
the country, to procure the best shelter (& out of the reach 
of a surprize) where there is plenty of water, forage & pro- 
visions — these appear to me to be the considerations that 
should determine the choice of the position for winter quar- 
ters. — Lancaster & the line from thence to Easton, has 
been mentioned as a proper place for winter Quarters. — 
Others have mentioned Wilmington & its neighbourhood. 
— Let us compare them ! Lancaster &c, tis said, from the 
best information, are so crouded with Families from the 
City & its Invirons, that a traveller can with difficulty get 
a night's lodging. I cannot conceive that any person can 
seriously propose to turn out those inhabitants, while their 
Husbands, Fathers & Brothers are now, perhaps, in the 
Field — Hutts then must be substituted in the place of 
houses. — You have plenty of water, forage, & perhaps pro- 
visions, and you leave a vast country exposed as has been men- 
tioned above — You are to live on that country from whence 
you must draw your chief supplies in the next Campaign, 
& every article brought a great distance in waggons. 

"Wilmington has not its usual number of Inhabitants : & 
several other Towns in the neighbourhood are under the 

60 Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 

like circumstances; there are 9 or 10 mills at Brandywine, 
all these will afford shelter for a great body of troops. — 
This situation is out of the reach of surprize, & near enough 
to annoy the Enemy, cover your stores, & a great part of the 
country, which in the other case is left exposed. Wood, 
water & forage in great plenty and provisions, as the 
Com : General informs, may be had in large quantities from 
Maryland & Virginia by water, to the Head of Elk. — Hutts 
may be built, in such places as will best answer the pur- 
poses of defence, for that part of the Army that cannot find 
shelter in Houses. — 

" I am so perfectly convinced, that nothing but success, 
can keep up the spirits of our Friends, confirm the doubt- 
ful Characters, convert our Enemies & establish our Credit, 
(on which the bringing another army into the Field very 
much depends), that every Effort ought to be made to pro- 
cure it — I have not doubt but a successful attack could be 
made upon the City this winter by calling a considerable 
Body of Militia to your assistance if the enemy remain in 
their present position. — But I am apprehensive, that by de- 
claring your Intention (which will be necessary to induce 
the militia to turn out) it would immediately alarm the 
Enemy — they would find it necessary to surround the City 
with works, on the west side, and by drawing their force 
within a narrow compass, might defeat your Scheme — as 
they could only be carried by storm, at this season of the 

" It would probably take two months to collect the Militia 
from the distant States, which would bring us to the first 
of February, at which time the Ice is often gone, or at 
least, so weak as not to answer our purpose. — I am there- 
fore inclined to think it will not be proper to give the 
militia so fatiguing a march at this severe season, or put 
the States to so great an Expence without a greater pros- 
pect of success. 

" I am, D r Sir, with great respect & esteem, 

" Your Excellency's most ob' very h'ble Serv' 

"John Cadwalader." 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 61 

opinion of joseph reed, esq. 

"Dear Sir 

" Tho' the Consideration of a Winters Campaign, k Prac- 
ticability of an Attack on Philad* have been so lately pro- 
posed, every Gentleman who extended his views beyond the 
present Hour, must have turned his Thoughts upon these 
Subjects so as to be able to form something more than a 
sudden Opinion. There cannot be any Person, Sir, either 
on a publick or private Account, upon whom the Motives 
for a "Winters Campaign can operate more forcibly. I have 
every Reason to wish it — & yet in the State & Condition 
of our Army my Judgment is against it. — The History of 
every Winters Campaign made in Europe closely evinces 
how destructive they have ever proved : during the Course 
of the last War the allied Army under Prince Ferdinand 
was almost ruined tho' victorious, & pursuing the Enemy. 
— Charles the 12 th failed & fell from the very Summit of 
Victory, & Success by keeping the Field a part of the 
Winter. It is true, these Climates were more severe than 
ours, but the Troops were so well appointed, or at least so 
much better than ours, as to give Force to the Argument. 
Nay the Experiences of the Enemy last Winter confirms 
the Observation — a great Mortality, Discontent among Offi- 
cers & Men, & considerable Desertions, were the Conse- 
quences, tho' they were much better provided than we are. 
The Nakedness of the Army, & Temper of the Troops seem 
to be insurmountable Objections, possibly the latter might 
subside if the former was removed, but as it is, from every 
Observation I have been able to make, unless a competent 
Supply of Cloathing can be procured all Argument is vain. 
— The Dissafection of the Country, Distress to the Whigs, re- 
cruiting & refreshing the British Army, a general Despond- 
ency & above all, — Depreciation of the Currency stare me 
in the Face as the Consequences of Retirement to distant 
Quarters : I shall share personally in this Distress — With a 
Family I have a Habitation to seek at this inclement Season, 
& every other Accommodation to provide, & yet I cannot 

62 Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 

desire the Array so unprovided to remain for my Protec- 
tion. The oreneral Calamity I fear will not be removed by 
attempting it. The Credit of the Currency in my Opinion, 
will depend more upon an effective Army, than any other 
Circumstance. If Sickness, Discontent & Desertion should 
disperse or greatly reduce our Army; I think the general 
Cause would suffer more than from the Evils I have noticed 
before : these Evils will admit of some Remedy, but the 
other will not. With a recruited & refreshd Army, we 
may recover what we lose, but with a fatigued worn out, 
dispirited one what can we expect but that General Howe 
will next Spring take the Field with every Superiority — But 
in this Case it appears to me, the true & proper Line may 
be between such a distant Cantonment as has been proposed, 
& taking Post so near the Enemy as to make a Winters 
Campaign. The Arguments of disciplining the Troops, re- 
cruiting the Army &c. at a distance have little weight with 
me; such a Security would afford, & be used as the best 
Excuse for going Home, & the Officers Commissions have 
not such an inherent Value as to make them fearful of 
losing them by Disobedience, or Neglect of Duty. The 
surest Pledge of Fidelity, & Attention, would be putting 
them in such a Situation as to require it. I do believe a 
partial Dispersion of the Army would follow, on putting it 
in any other Situation. Military Rules & Maxims laid down 
in long established Armies do not allways apply to ours, k 
this Case I think is an Exception. 

"An Attack upon the Enemy in his Quarters when the 
River is froze, has been much thought of — if the Proba- 
bility of Success was in our Favour, no Exertion ought to 
be left untried, & even the present Situation of our Army 
should be made if possible to bend to it. But if after [cut] 
Efforts, the Chances will be still against us, Prudence for- 
bids our venturing upon a Measure, which if unsuccessful 
would be attended with very fatal Consequences. Gen 1 
Howe from the best Calculation, has now 120&0 Men on 
one side strongly posted with Redoubts & Abbatis, so for- 
midable as to discourage our most enterprizing Genius's, 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 63 

when a large Detachment seemed to favor an Attack — on 
the others two unfordable Rivers, I fear we cannot oppose 
a o-reater Number of Continental Troops to him ; but this is 
to be supplied with Militia from Jersey, Pennsylvania Mary- 
land & Virginia — as to the first they are very fully employed 
at Home, the second from a Variety of Circumstances we 
find will not turn out but in two or three Classes & even of 
these there are Numbers allways unarm'd. — The two latter 
in Point of Arms are in the same Condition. They are at 
a Distance & will march in at different Times, those who 
come early will be impatient, of Delay & hard Service, their 
Subsistence will be difficult, & after all the very Possi- 
bility of it will depend on the Weather — A South Wind 
with a little Rain will make the Ice impassable in a few 
Hours, But supposing them to come into Camp in great 
[Numbers, & good Humour, well arm'd, & fed — the Frost to 
continue — from the Nature of the Thing it can be no Secret 
—the Enemy will probably throw up Works, or make up 
other Preparations. On the opposite Bank therefore you 
will meet with an equal Army ready to receive you: for 
every one acquainted with our Militia will allow, that the 
Nature of the Attack will require too much Firmness & 
Discipline, to expect them to be equal to it farther than as 
a Support. Upon the whole there are such a Variety of 
Circumstances each of which are important, indeed essen- 
tial, all to coincide, that I think it would be almost miracu- 
lous if no one of them should fail us. 

"We are so circumstance, Sir, as to have only a Choice 
of Difficulties, true Wisdom will direct us to select that 
Plan which will be attended with the least. — As to the 
main Body of the Army laying on the East Side of Schuyl- 
kill, & taking Post between that & Delaware, it is not prac- 
ticable in my Opinion — as the Country does not supply 
Forage or Means of Subsistence. No Magazines being 
established but at a great Distance, nothing, or next to 
nothing now to be procured from the surrounding Country, 
the Supplies would be too precarious in the Winter Season 
I therefore cannot but join in Opinion with those Gentle- 

64 Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 

men, who advise passing the Schuylkill with the greatest 
Fart of the Army. The left Wing 1 , & as much of it as 
could find Cover in Wilmington to take Post there, ex- 
tending as they can find Accommodation or good Ground 
to Hut, as far or farther than Downing-town. I would also 
propose that upon an exact Estimate of our present Force 
it be divided into 3 or 4 Parts or Classes. The most robust, 
healthy & well eloath'd to form the first Class; & so on. 
The first Class to take the first Tour of Duty on this side 
Schuylkill, taking Post at such a Distance from Philadel- 
phia as not to risque a Surprize, having with them only 
their light Baggage or even bare Necessaries. I would 
have a Body of Militia advanced between them & the 
Enemy, their Line & Parties to extend to Delaware or as 
near it, as their Strength would admit. This Body of Men 
will not find Cover sufficient I believe, without going too 
far or too near, they will therefore hut, or perhaps Boards 
may be procured. — I am very sensible that Objections & 
very plausible ones may be framed to this Plan & so there 
may be to every other, this answers the most valuable 
Purposes & such as appear to me to require our running 
some Risque to obtain. — I will just enumerate a few. In 
the first Place, a very valuable Country, the three lower 
Counties & Chester will be covered, & a Degree of Protec- 
tion afforded to the Country on the East side of Schuylkill. 
2 d . The Army will find some Cover; a Country abounding 
in Forage, & many other Articles necessary for their 
Comfort, those Countries having suffered as yet very little 
by the War, & being very fertile. 3 d . The Enemy will be 
deprived of this Supply which they will otherwise obtain. 
4 th . The Troops will be within striking Distance, if Circum- 
stances should favour that Measure without being exposed 
to a Winters Campaign. 5 th . A Tour of Duty will not 
admit the Officers neglecting the service by going Home, 
or entering into Scenes of Dissipation, & Amusement, 
which will in the same Desrree infect the Soklierv. 6 th . 
Some Annoyances may be given to the Enemys Intercourse 
by Ships. 7 th . It will prevent any Insurrection in those 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 65 

lower Counties, or the Eastern Shore of Maryland of which 
every Year has furnish'd us with an Instance. 8 th . The 
Passage of the Enemy ha3 occasioned Wilmington, & that 
Neighbourhood to be evacuated by the Friends to America, 
they with many others have retir'd to those very Places 
some Gentlemen propose to go & occupy — in the one Case 
you will have empty Houses, in the other you must exercise 
a Spirit of Hardship by turning Families out to experience 
every Species of Distress. 9 th . You will reserve the Supplies 
of the back Country for the next Campaign which otherwise 
you will eat up in the Winter. 

" I would farther beg leave to add that the support of the 
Army, the Success of the Cause & even the Supply of 
Cioathing & Necessaries for the Troops depends very much 
on the Opinion & Spirits of the People, they rise or fall 
according to the Appearances of Success & of our Force ; 
abandoning a large Body of the Country to the Enemy, will 
to them be a sure Proof of our Inferiority & Inability to op- 
pose the British Army, of course they will seek Protection, 
take the Oaths, & throw themselves under the Enemys 
Government. — A Circle of 30 Miles at least including 
Jersey will be under the Command of the Enemy. 

"It is a great Objection & has much Weight that this 
Post may be liable to Affront from the Enemy & Disturb- 
ance in their Quarters, but I do not think our Affairs or 
Situation will admit of total Tranquillity.— 2 d . The Schuyl- 
kill will afford some Security after the Destruction of the 
Bridge which must be effected. 3. Some Works may be 
thrown up for Defence. 4 th . The Army will be within sup- 
porting Distance of each other, so as to require a great 
Exertion & Movement of the Enemy, which they will not 
be fond of after being settled in their Quarters. These 
Circumstances in a Degree obviate this Objection. 

"2* Object. That Bucks County & Jersey will be exposed 
to the Depredations or Practices of the Enemy. 

"Answ. This Position will afford a partial Cover & in 
my Opinion a better than the distant Cantonment. I am 
confident the Country will esteem it so. 
Vol. xxi. — 5 

66 Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 

" 3. We have Hospitals in this Country & are establish- 
ing Magazines at Places that may be exposed by these 

"Answ. These Hospitals are scattered about, they hardly 
make an Object for an Enemy, but I should think they might 
be removed as fast as the Patients recover & no new ones 
sent, so that in a little Time the Difficulty will be removed. 

"Upon the whole, Sir, I can think of no other Expedient 
to reconcile the many Difficulties which present themselves 
in every view of this important Question. The shortness 
of Time & a sore Finger has obliged me to throw together 
these Sentiments with very little Accuracy — they may serve 
as Hints perhaps for better Heads to improve. 

11 1 am with the greatest Respect & Regard, D r Sir, 

" Your obed & aff 4 Hble Serv' 

"Jos: Reed." 
[December 4, 1777.] 


"3 d December, 1777 


" I have examined anew with all the attention of which I 
am capable, the Project of attacking the English and it 
still appears to me too dangerous — the great Body of Militia 
with which we might be reinforced for this purpose does 
not give me any additional hope of succeeding — it is not 
the number of Troops which is of importance in this case, 
but it is the quality, or rather their nature and manner of 
fighting. — The Troops wanted are such as are capable of 
attacking with the greatest vivacity, the greatest firmness. 
— Troops that are not astonished at suite ring a considerable 
Loss in the first onset, without causing any to the Enemy — 
for this must be the case in an Attack of Intrenchments — 
although when the Works are carried the Chance turns and 
the Loss is on the side of the intrenched. — Xow, are the 
Militia or even Continentals capable of undergoing this 
Trial, in which the best Troops in the World cannot always 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 67 

support themselves — I am very sorry in giving the motives 
of my opinion to be obliged to speak so unfavorably of our 
Army — but the Battle of German Town ought to be a Les- 
son to us — if our Army had proceeded with vigour on that 
occasion, would not the English have been completely de- 
feated — The Disposition was excellent. — Your Excellency 
in that instance really conquer'd General How, but his 
Troops conquered yours. — if then notwithstanding the ad- 
vantage of a complete surprize, notwithstanding the ad- 
vantages of ground, we were repulsed, what would happen 
before a Line of Redoubts well disposed in all appearance, 
and the Intervals of which are closed with Abbatis. 

" There is however a case in which I think we might attack 
the Enemy with success — I mean if the Schuylkill should 
be sufficiently frozen below their left to admit of our throw- 
ing our greatest Force on their Rear at the same time that 
we' should make an attack in front. Gentlemen acquainted 
with the Country must decide this point — if indeed the 
Schuylkill is sufficiently frozen every year to afford a pas- 
sage for Columns of Troops with Artillery — my opinion is 
fixed. I think the Army ought to be marched to the other 
side of Schuylkill, to be reinforced with all the militia that 
can be collected, while we wait for the favorable moment. 

" I would go more minutely into the Subject, if your Ex- 
cellency did not order me to send my Answer this morning. 
I did not receive your Excellency's Letter 'till half after 
twelve, and it is now half after one. 

" I am with great Respect, Sir, your &c 

" Le Chev* Du Portail." l 

opinion of brigadier-general irvine. 


" If posting the army in a position similar to that I ad- 
vised in my last letter, be to form a winter's campaign, the 
measure in my opinion is not only adviseable, but abso- 

1 Translated by Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens. 

68 Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 

lutely necessary, as the more I think on the subject the 
more I am convinced that retiring into winter quarters aud 
leaving the country uncovered will be followed with the 
ruin of our friends, give ease and plenty to our enemies, 
and do an irreparable injury to the cause we are ingaged to 
defend ; the aids to be drawn from this State in future will 
be triffling indeed, the inhabitants of new jirsey will be 
intimidated, the delaware state lost, and an opportunity 
given to the tories on the eastern shore of maryland once 
more to appear in arms against us. When I proposed 
hutting the army it was not so much with a view of annoy- 
ing the enemy in their present possessions as to prevent 
them from ravaging the country; and to give our officers a 
better opportunity of attending to the discipline of the 
troops than they could possibly have were they dispersed 
in extensive cantonments; — how far the former may be 
effected by drawing together a large body of militia, is a 
question not easily determined — The idea I confess is a 
noble one, and could it be reduced to practice might be 
attended with the most happy consequences, but the great 
variety of circumstances that must concur to insure those 
consequences is a strong argument against making the 
experiment. — I take it for granted that not less than eighteen 
or twenty thousand militia would be called, it is uncertain 
whether so large a body could be collected on the short 
notice they will receive, it is equally uncertain whether the 
different states could arm their quotas, and their assembling 
at the place of rendezvous at or near the time to be fixed, 
still more so, as it may depend upon circumstances not in 
their power to foresee or prevent: allowing they came in 
time and properly armed, the ice or weather may be against 
our striking a capitol stroke for some time, and the diffi- 
culty of keeping such a body of militia in the field at that 
season of the year (when they expected to be discharged in 
a day or two) is easier to foresee than get over. Upon the 
whole, I am of opinion that tho' it is necessary for this 
army to remain somewhere between twenty and thirty miles 
of Philadelphia this winter, it is not adviseable to attempt 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 69 

collecting a large body of militia together with a view of 
attacking that place. 

" I am with the greatest respect Sir 

" Your most obedient & humb. Serv' 

"James Irvine. 
" Whitemaksh, Decem r 4 th , 1777" 

opinion of brigadier-general potter. 


" Your excelancey by your letter of yesterday Requested 
my Sentements on two points — 

" first the advisability of a winter Campaign, secondly the 
Practicability of an Attact upon Philadelphia — Ass to the 
first of these points my Sentements is that a winter cam- 
paign is Practable. — I confess the verey thought of a win- 
ter Campaign in our Sircumstances appeers dredfull. But 
it is liek many other Evels, that befaul U3 in this life, before 
we under go them we are Redey to conclud the are unse- 
portable, but when the are over we dont find them so dred- 
full as we apprehended. I can from experance say so of a 
winter Campaign — I have not found it, to have so many 
Evels attending it as I have hard warmly Represented — 
But on suposition that those evels were Reale, how shall 
they be remeded the answer will be by goining into winter 

" I assart winter Quarters is not to be found In the state 
of Pennsylvania my Reasons for this assartion is, the 
Capatale is in persession of the Enemy, and there is such 
large numbers fled from it, and the neghbourhood, adjasant, 
and the Towns and Viledges alonsr the River Dalawer, that 
all the Towns and Viledges Back in the Country are full of 
Refugees all Redey. 

11 What will be dun with those people Turn them out 
of Dores to make Room for the Solders, god for Bid it — 
that would be cruilty unaxaniplyfied by General How him- 
self. * 

" then it Remains that we must Buld Huts, for our sol- 

70 Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 

diers go where we will, in thi3 state — and I take it for 
granted we will not leave the State Entily to the marcey of 
the enemy. 

" I would Recommend the taking persision of Wilming- 
ton and Newport and what other Houses we could find in a 
Conveneant place in Chester County, and Rai3 Huts for the 
Remainder of our Troops, so as to prevent, the enemys fur- 
idging in that County by this Station being Ocqupied By us, 
we will get the furridge and provisions that our enemies 
would otherwise get, and the Back parts of the Countrey will 
be Resarved for the ensuing Campaign, and in Case the[y] 
should be able to force there way into our Countrey in the 
spring, the furridge and provisions being Acosted [ex- 
hausted] will retard there march, and will be mutch in our 
favour that our stors are safe in our Reer — Another advan- 
tage will follow by Quartering in the aforesaid maner it 
will be In your power to keep a number of men in Bucks 
and Philadelphia Countys to prevent the enemys coming 
out in small party s to force the Inhabitance to Take the 
Oath of Elegance to the King. !Nor will the have it in there 
power to get that suckuer from the disaficted part of the 
community, if they are closley shut up in the City. I am 
Convinced a winter Campaign will give Spirits and Yiger to 
all the Inhabitance of these United States and will do Hon- 
our to the Army and Good to our cause In genral. — 

" Ass to the Provibility of an Attact on the City of Phil- 
adelphia with the aid of a Bodey of Militia, it is unsartain 
when or at what time it would be possible to cross the 
Rivers to attact them, for that is the way that appeers most 
provable to me at present. 

" If your Enjineers are Confidant that they can set the 
City on fier from the other side of the Dalawer or Schuyl- 
kill in case the Ise did not answer I would be for cauling 
the Militia to aid the Army, if they could not set it on fier, 
I think we would be verey liable to a disapointment. 

" I am &c. 

" Ja 8 Potter. 

" Camp, Dec' 4 th , 1777" 

Defences of Philadelphia in 1777. 71 

opinion of colonel lutterloh. 
" Remarks, 

" As the present Camp wants Wood & other comfords 
for the Men, in this Severe Weather, and the Enemjs Situ- 
ation being to strong for an Attaque, I would propose to 
post our Army into Refreshing Quarters, (as We do abroad 
in such cases). I have been lucking out where you could 
forme such a Line, Sufficiently stocked with houses for that 
purpose & find we would form such a Line between the 
Two Rivers Schuylkill & Delawar, where we could effect- 
ually cover our Country, Stores, & provide the Necessary 
Supplyes easy, as all so prevent the Enemy from doing our 
Army any material hurt. To do this we should place our 
Right Wing allongst the Schuylkill & the left on the Dela- 
var. Our Van Troops in German Town & those hights 
&c. &c. in [ ] up towards Reading all the Army could lay. 
Head Quarter to be at Pots Grove which I find a good 
large Town for it. The great Magazin to be in Reading 
& in the Trap & Hickery Town the Mooving Magazines & 
Backerys must be established — to which those places are 
proper. All that Country is full of Forrage & these Sup- 
plyes can be got easy as allso over the Schuylkill. The 
Right Whing Melitia could be over the Schuylkill as from 
Mottrom's ford upwards I find the Country very advanta- 
gious with hills where no Surprise could happen to them 
at the Yan postes & in each Division some poles must be 
fixed on it a Caske with Pich & Combustibles which are 
fired & lightered directly upon the Allarm Gun from the 
Commander of the Yan, by which all the Troops march to 
their Larm-postes forwards, pointed out to them by their 
going into the Quarters. All Commanders do keep in the 
Nights their Troops in their houses together &c. &c. Over 
Schuylkill must be Two bridges more one by Wolley forge 
& one near Potsgrove to get quik Communications. When 
this is done directly we keep our Men in health & are re- 
freshed to stand any attaque & our Supplyes can be good 
& Regulair. 

" Decbr 1* 1777" 

72 Extracts from the Letter-Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 



(Continued from Vol. XX. page 472.) 

[Letter 143.] 

"Yesterday being the last time we (the officers of the 
regiment), expected to be together, as the arrangement was 
to take place this day, we had an elegant Regimental 
Dinner and entertainment, at which all the Field and other 
officers were present, with a few from the German Regi- 
ment, who had arrived with the men of their regiment that 
belong to the Penna. Line. We spent the day very pleas- 
antly and the evening 'till about ten o'clock as cheerfully 
as we could wish, when we were disturbed by the huzzas 
of the soldiers upon the Right Division, answered by those 
on the Left. I went on the Parade and found numbers in 
small groups whispering and busily running up and down 
the Line. In a short time a gun was fired upon the Right 
and answered by one on the right of the Second Brigade, 
and a skyrocket thrown from the center of the first, which 
was accompanied by a general huzza throughout the Line, 
and the soldiers running out with their arms, accoutre- 
ments and knapsacks. I immediately found it was a mutiny, 
and that the guns and skyrocket were the signals. The 
officers in general exerted themselves to keep the men 
quiet, and keep them from turning out. We each applied 
himself to his own company, endeavored to keep them in 
their huts and lay by their arms, which they would do while 
we were present, but the moment we left one hut to go to 
another, they would be out again. Their excuse was they 
thought it was an alarm and the enemy coming on. 

"Next they began to move in crowds to the Parade, 

Extracts from the Letter- Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 73 

going up to the Right, which was the place appointed for 
their rendezvous. Lieut. White of our regiment in endeav- 
oring to stop one of these crowds, was shot through the 
thigh, and Capt. Samuel Tolbert in opposing another party 
was shot through the body, of which he is very ill. They 
continued huzzaing and fireing in riotous manner, so that 
it soon became dangerous for an officer to oppose them by 
force. We then left them to go their own way. 

" Hearing a confused noise to the Right, between the line 
of Huts and Mrs. Wicks, curiosity led me that way, and it 
being dark in the orchard I mixed among the crowd and 
found they had broken open the magazine and were pre- 
paring to take off the cannon. 
"January 2 1781." 

[Letter 144.] 

"Mount Kemble. 

" In taking possession of the cannon they forced the sen- 
tinel from his post, and placed one of their own men. One 
of the mutineers coming officiously up to force him away 
(thinking him to be one of our sentinels) received a ball 
through the head and died instantly. 

" A dispute arose among the mutineers about firing the 
alarms with the cannon, and continued for a considerable 
time — one party aledging that it would arouse the timid 
soldiery, the other objected because it would alarm the in- 
habitants. For a while I expected the dispute would be 
decided by the bayonet, but the gunner in the meantime 
slip'd up to the piece and put a match to it, which ended 
the affair. Every discharge of the cannon was accompanied 
by a confused huzza and a general discharge of musketry. 

" About this time Gen. Wayne and several field officers 
(mounted) arrived. Gen. Wayne and Col. Richard Butler 
spoke to them for a considerable time, but it had no 
effect — their answer was, they had been wronged and were 
determined to see themselves righted. He replied that he 
would right them as far as in his power. They rejoined, it 
was out of his power, their business was not with the officers. 

74 Extracts from the Letter-Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

but with Congress and the Governor and Council of the 
State ; 'twas they had wronged and they must right. With 
that, several platoons fired over the General's head. The 
General called out, 'if you mean to kill me, shoot me at 
once, here's my breast,' opening his coat. They replied 
that it was not their intention to hurt or disturb an officer 
of the Line, (two or three individuals excepted) ; that they 
had nothing against their officers, and they would oppose 
any person that would attempt anything of the kind. 

" A part of the Fourth Eegiment was paraded and led on 
by Capt. Campbell, to recapture the cannon ; they were 
ordered to charge and rush on — they charged but would 
not advance, then dispersed and left the officer alone. Soon 
after a soldier from the mob made a charge upon Lieut. 
Col. William Butler, who was obliged to retreat between 
the huts to save his life. He went around one hut and the 
soldier around another to head him, met Capt. Bettin who 
was coming down the alley, who seeing a man coming 
towards him on a charge, charged his Espontoon to oppose 
him, when the fellow fired his piece and shot the Captain 
through the body and he died two hours later. 

"January 2 1781." 

[Letter 145.] 

"Mount Kemble. 

"About twelve o'clock they sent parties to relieve or 
seize the old Camp guard, and posted sentinels all round the 
camp. At one o'clock they moved off towards the left of 
the Line with the cannon and when they reached the centre 
they fired a shot. As they came down the line, they turned 
the soldiers out of every hut, and those who would not go 
with them were obliged to hide 'till they were gone. They 
continued huzzaing and a disorderly firing 'till they went 
off, about two o'clock, with drums and fifes playing, under 
command of the sergeants, in regular platoons, with a front 
and rear guard. 

" Gen. Wayne met them as they were marching off and 
endeavored to persuade them back, but to no purpose : he 
then inquired which way they were going, and they replied 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 75 

either to Trenton or Philadelphia. He begged them not to 
attempt to go to the enemy. They declared it was not 
their intention, and that they would hang any man who 
would attempt it, and for that, if the enemy should come 
out in consequence of this revolt, they would turn back and 
fight them. ' If that is your sentiments,' said the General, 
* I'll not leave you, and if you wont allow me to march in 
your front, I'll follow in your rear.' 

"This day Col. [Walter] Stewart and Richard Butler 
joined Gen. Wayne in hopes they could turn them when 
they grew cooler, being much agitated with liquor, when 
they went off, it being New Years day they had drawn half 
a pint per man. The men have continued going off in 
small parties all day. About one o'clock one hundred head 
of cattle came in from the Eastward, which they drove off 
to their main body, which lay in a wood near Vealtown, 
leaving a few behind for the use of the officers. 

" When we came to draw provisions and State stores this 
day, we found that near half of the men of our regiment 
had remained. 

" The men went off very civily last night to what might 
have been expected from such a mob. They did not at- 
tempt to plunder our officers' huts or insult them in the 
least, except those who were obstinate in opposing them. 
They did not attempt to take with them any part of the 
State stores, which appears to me a little extraordinary, for 
men when they get but little want more. 

"The militia are called out, they are to assemble at 
Chatham, in order to oppose the enemy if they come out, 
or the mutineers if they attempt going to them. 

"January 2, 1781." 

[Letter 146.] 

" D* Liddel's, Mexdem. 
" On the afternoon of the 2d inst. I procured wagons and 
moved all the officers' baggage out of camp to Mr. Daniel 

Drake's on the S Road, in Mendem, about three miles 

from the huts, to which place most of the officers and their 
boys returned. 

76 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves, 

" The revolted party marched from Vealtown to Middle- 
brook, and the 3rd went on to Princetown. In the even- 
ing an Express arrived from Gen. Wayne, ordering all 
officers of the Division (a quartermaster and subaltern from 
each regiment excepted), to press horses and make all possi- 
ble speed to Pennington. (Ensign Brooke was left behind 
and I as Quartermaster, of course.) The greater part of 
the Officers left the night of the 3rd, and the others fol- 
lowed on the fourth. Since this affair Mrs. Wicks and Dr. 
Liddel's very agreeable families have been kept in continual 

" On the 5 inst. as I was obliged to be in camp once every 
day, I concluded it would be best to move in and stay there, 
and in consequence of that resolution moved my baggage, 
and when it had come as far as D r LiddePs he very 
kindly offered me the use of his house and to live with his 
family. I accepted the generous offer with pleasure. Drank 
tea and spent the afternoon with the agreeable young 

" About ten o'clock I walked in to camp to see if all was 
quiet, and when I came on the parade, I found a number of 
men assembled, and when I reached our regiment, a signal 
gun was fired on the right of the Division, and in a short 
time a large party collected and endeavored to take off the 
two remaining pieces of artillery, !Not finding it conven- 
ient :hey went off' about twelve o'clock and left them with 
us. This party in going off behaved with less noise and 
more impertinence than the first. They fired on two or 
three officers as they were going out of camp. About one 
o'clock I returned from camp to the Doctor's, where I found 
the family up, with the addition of Mrs. Wicks and her 
agreeable daughter, almost frightened out of their lives, as 
some of the mutineers made their appearance around their 
house and insisted on their showing them where to find 

" Everything is still again today and the young ladies not 
much the worse for their fright. 

"January 6, 1781." 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 77 

[Letter 147.] 

" D B Liddel's, Mexdem. 

" We are informed that the mutineers lay at Princetown 
and intend to await the arrival of some persons from Con- 
gress and the Governor of the State. One Sergeant Wil- 
liams commands the Line, a sergeant is appointed to the 
command of each regiment, and the first sergeants of each 
company still keep the command, except in some few in- 
stances where they have misbehaved and in consequence 
turned out. They have likewise a Board of Sergeants, 
consisting of twelve, a president and secretary, by whom 
all business is transacted, orders issued, provision returns, 
&c. They have kept the men in such order on the march 
and in Princetown as reflects on them the highest honor. 
But the stragglers who went off in small parties have com- 
mitted great depredations on the road. 

" The militia of this and neighboring counties are called 
out and ordered to rendezvous at Chatham, as well to defend 
the lines from any attempt of the enemy to penetrate the 
country at this time as to hinder any of the mutineers from 
taking that route, should they attempt it. We have certain 
intelligence that the enemy have reinforced Staten Island 
with a large body of men to be ready for any movement 
that may offer. I have spent my time very agreeably in 
this very pleasant family in the constant company of the 
ever amiable and very agreeable Miss Betsy Lid del, and 
very often with the additional happiness of Miss Wicks' 
company, and sometimes with Col. Spencer's lovely family, 
which has caused long and perhaps tedious evenings to pass 
away unnoticed. Capt. William Gray being here at this 
time, when the ladies did not interfere, with the Doctor 
and myself would ply the apple-toddy and amuse ourselves 
with nuts. Thus I have striven to beguile care, for you 
must know this revolt has given me many uneasy hours. 

" Yesterday Major Fishbourn went on express from head- 
quarters with dispatches for Gen. Wayne. His Excel- 

78 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

lency has been expected down from ]S"ew Windsor, but it 
was thought most expedient for him to remain. 
'• January 14, 1731." 

[Letter 148.] 

" Dr. Liddel's, Mexdex. 

" Last evening Capt. Stake and Steele arrived from Penn- 
ington, (where the officers of the Line are quartered), with 
the following intelligence. The Governor of Pennsylvania, 
with a Committee composed of a member of Congress, one 
of the Council, one of the Assembly and a citizen, to settle 
or treat with our mutineers. Previous to their arrival, three 
spies who had come from Gen. Clinton (British) were ar- 
rested by the revolters, and after being drum'd along the 
Line were delivered to Gen. Wayne to be tried. They 
brought a letter from Gen. Clinton to this effect — That if 
the revolted party would come to Amboy, he was waiting 
with a great force on Staten Island to receive them; that he 
would grant them all they could expect from this revolt, 
that is their arrearages of pay and clothing, make up their 
depreciation in hard money, with the addition of several 
guineas to each man. To their immortal honor, they re- 
jected it, and delivered up the messengers as spies, who 
were tried the evening of the same day and hung the next 
morning about eight o'clock, and I am informed are to be 
left hanging till they fall from the gallows. 

"You know a great number of the men enlisted for 
three years or during the war, which has for a long time given 
cause of uneasiness in the minds of the soldiers. They 
claim their discharge at the expiration of three years, while 
the State claims their services for the war. However, that 
matter is now given up and proposals made to the non- 
commissioned officers and soldiers of the Penna. Line to 
the following purport : That every non commissioned officer 
and soldier whose enlistment specifies three years or during 
the icar, shall be discharged, and that the gratuity of one 
hundred dollars given by Congress is not looked upon as a 
bounty. That those enlisted for the war were to remain in 

Extracts from the Letter-Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 79 

service, but that the Governor would endeavor to have 
something done for them in consideration of the smallness 
of their bounty, aud that they should be indulged with a 
furlough for a short time. That auditors shall be appointed 
to settle their accounts of depreciation and certificates given 
for them as soon as possible. That where the enlistment 
cannot be produced the soldier's oath shall be taken, with 
regard to the terms of his enlistment and he discharged 
thereon accordingly. And if a soldier can prove that he 
was forced to enlist or any undue advantage taken of him, 
he shall be discharged. That every one on producing his 
discharge or furlough to the Clothiers and Commissioners 
at Trentown, shall receive one shirt, one pair of overalls and 
a pair of shoes. This was agreed to by the mutineers, and 
they are to march tomorrow to Trentown, and the Com- 
mittee to begin their business at once. The paymasters are 
sent for, who are to bring all enlistments and other regi- 
mental papers. 

" Col. Humpton has arrived at Trentown and has sent up 
for his baggage — for the purpose of sending which, I have 
this day been to Squire Dailey's who has promised to send 
me a wasron tomorrow. 

"January 14, 1781." 

[Letter 149.] 

" De. Lid~>el's, Mendem. 

" On the 15th inst. Lieut. Col. William Butler received 
orders from Gen. Wayne to repair to Pennington with all 
the officers' baggage and the remaining men of the Line. 
Of the latter, there were not many, as they have been 
joining the rest in small parties ever since the revolt. 

" Squire Dailey disappointed me in a wagon, and I wrote 
to Squire Stiles for one for the Colonel's baggage. 

" On the morning of 16th breakfasted at Col. Spencer's 
and got an order on Squire Stiles for three wagons, but on 
my arrival at his house found a prior order of the Deputy 
Q. M. from Morristown had deprived me of what he could 
furnish. I then proceeded to Squire Dailey's at Chatham, 

80 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

who promised me three, which he was to send the following 
morning. You must know that the mutineers stole my 
horse and I now have a borrowed one. 

" I stopped at Lieut. Col. Hay's quarters and was agree- 
ably surprised to find him there as he had arrived in the 
course of the day from Pennington. The Committee have 
begun to settle with the men and proceed rapidly. 

"The 17th I procured a wagon for the Colonel's baggage 
and gave orders for its setting off the next morning. I 
awaited the arrival of the teams from Chatham with great 
impatience, but to my great mortification found myself 
again disappointed. The teams for twelve miles round this 
place have been so harrassed since our arrival in quarters, 
with assisting in drawing the timber for building, drawing 
forage, provisions and timber for the redoubts, with what 
the mutineers impressed and what we have employed to 
move our stores, that a person might almost as well attempt 
to make a wagon and horses as to procure them otherwise. 

"January 17, 1781." 

: [Letter 150.] 


"Lieut. Feltman and Ensign Brooke being impatient left 
for Pennington. The 21st had the baggage loaded and 
sent off; settled and gave certificates for forage &c. for the 
use of the regiment. Returned to D T Liddel's, where I 
dined with Miss Wicks and the doctor's family. Delayed 
setting off until four o'clock, when with regret I was forced 
to part with that very agreeable family. I expected to ride 
seventeen miles to the White House, but by the badness of 
the road night overtook me at Mendem, where Lieut. White 
(who was wounded) quarters, who prevailed with me to 
stay all night. 

" Being under the necessity of being up with the baggage 
before they set out in the morning I arose at one o'clock 
and overtook it. We set off, and I breakfasted with Col. 
Berry at the White House. In the evening we reached the 
north branch of the Raritan, where we remained all night. 

Extract* from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves, 81 

I found myself very sick and with some difficulty was able 
to sit on my horse. On the 22d arrived at Pennington 
where all the officers are quartered. 
" January 23, 1781. " 

[Letter 151.] 

" Peitcington N. J. 

"On my arrival I found the officers of the First, Second 
and Third Regiments had left the town and gone to Phila- 
delphia, their regiments having been settled with. On 
examination I found myself arraigned in the Second 
Regiment, Capt. Patton and Ensign Van Court in the 
Sixth, and all the rest of our officers in the First. 

u At Pennington I quartered at a Mr. Kerr's who keeps 
a very good tavern, where with a number of others we lived 
in one continuous round of riot for the space of five days. 

" On the 24th and 25th our regiment was settled with ; 
the 27th we moved to Trentown, and put up at a genteel 
tavern at the ferry. . . . The morning of the 28th made a 
visit to Col. Humpton, who is very lame. I breakfasted 
with Col. Nelson Q.M. to the State of New Jersey, in com- 
pany with Capt. Beeker. No vessels being up from Phila- 
delphia, I made application for wagons to go down by land ; 
they arrived, we loaded them and crossed the Delaware and 
arrived at Bristol. . . . The town is chiefly inhabited by 
the people called Quakers, from their unsociability like an 
infectious disorder has spread itself over almost all Penn- 

" On the 29th we proceeded towards Philadelphia — 
crossed Neshaminy ferry and arrived at the city early in 
the evening, and took up our quarters at the King of 
Prussia Tavern on Market Street. 

44 January 30, 1781." 

[Letter 152.] 


" This is my first appearance in the city since the battle 

of Brandywine. I visited my Aunt Reeves who I found in 

perfect health ; met Miss Polly Morris and called on Miss 

Patty Caruthers, where I drank tea and spent a very soci- 

Vol. xxi. — 6 

82 Extracts from the Letter-Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

able evening. On February 1st was introduced to Miss 
Rachel and Nancey Gardner, Miss Bell and Miss M c Cauley 
with several gentlemen, drank tea, -danced and sung. It 
would be an everlasting piece of work to inform you of 
every days amusement, let it suffice to say, that I never 
drank tea, seldom dined or breakfasted at my quarters. . . . 
"February 8, 1781." 

[Letter 153.] 


[ P A few days since, on invitation of the citizens of this 
city all the officers dined at the City Tavern. The com- 
pany was very large, not less than three hundred,; the 
Ambassador of France, the President of Congress, Gen- 
erals St. Clair, Wayne and Irvine were of the company. 
We sat down at four o'clock to dinner, which was brought 
on in elegance and greatest abundance. After dinner, we 
had the greatest variety of wines of the best brands, and 
began to drink toasts — ' Our illustrious Allies/ ' The United 
States of America/ * The General and the Army,' and a 
number of patriotic toasts. When General Washington 
was given, every eye sparkled with joy, and a bumper toast 
was the cry, which every one drank with pleasure and we 
gave three huzzas. The wine was plied close and by seven 
o'clock the company began to grow noisy, though numbers 
had left before that time. A song was sung by Dr. Duffield 
Jr., Jthat had been composed for the occasion, which I 
thought elegant. He sings well and was applauded. I 
retired about eight o'clock in good order and spent the 
remainder of the evening with very agreeable ladies." 

[The Letter-Book beginning with Letter 154 to 197 is missing ; the 
succeeding book begins with a mutilated part of Letter 198, dated at 
Beading, Pennsylvania, in September of 1781.] 

[Part of Letter 198.] 
Beau Tippet . 
Mrs. Gadabout 
Mrs. Tippet 

Drunken Cook 

Lieut Jones. 
Capt. Bush. 
Doctf Alison. 
Master Scull. 
Capt. Bo wen. 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 83 

"We were a3 busy as possible arid as assiduous as if 
we expected to make a living by it, so eager are all men 
for Applause, that we cannot think of being excelled even 
in the character of a player. The task is so severe on me 
that I believe I shall give it up for the future, but the parts 
I have had, have been exceeding long, and mostly the 
person in trouble, which affects me almost as much as if it 
was real. 

"Beading Pa. 
"Septr. 1781." 

[Letter 199.] 

" On Monday last we performed the Revenge again, with 
the Lying Valet for a farce; our house was much crowded, 
a number of people that had not tickets beg'd to be ad- 
mitted. We had the satisfaction to hear that every charac- 
ter in the Tragedy was better supported than the last 
evening, Carlos excepted, which was not done so well. 
Leonora made a brilliant appearance this evening dress'd 
in a pink silk with an extraordinary head dress. 

" The Farce pleased the Dutch inhabitants exceedingly ; 
and kept them in one continual burst of laughter. 

" We broke up about one o'clock, and waited on the 
ladies of our acquaintance home in dress. 

" Sharp and Kitty Any was well supported, and all the 
rest [torn badly] Lawyer Biddle, Lawyer Graydon and 
several others was pleased to compliment the performers. 
So much for plays. 

"Reading Pa. 
" Sept. 1781." 

[Letter 200.] 

"Last evening the officers of the garrison at this place 
had a Ball and entertainment, to which all the ladies and 
gentlemen of the town was invited. The Ball was opened 
about 7 o'clock with a Minuet — we then proceeded to 
Country Dances ; and spent the evening. About 11 o'clock 
adjourn'd to a genteel supper, our wines were tolerable, 
the music good. After supper our dances were chiefly 

84 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

Cotillions, and concluded the evening in a very agreeable 
manner about two o'clock in the morning, and waited on 
the ladies home. This day has been spent very agreeably 
according to custom, in waiting on the ladies; I drank Tea 
this afternoon with the agreeable Miss Nelly Scull, her 
mother and sister. 
"Beading, Septf . . . 1781." 

[Letter 201.] 

" On Wednesday evening last an express arrived from 
Genl. St. Clair to march all the troops from this place to 
the City of Philadelphia with all expedition. On Thursday 
morning orders was issued to be ready to march off the 
parade at Troop-beating on Friday morning. On Monday 
last we paraded and fired thirteen pieces of Artillery on the 
arrival of news of twenty-eight sail of the Line in Chesa- 
peake bay, of the French Navy. Lord Cornwallis is now in 
Yorktown, in Virginia, and his Excellency Gen. "Washing- 
ton is on his way to Virginia with detachments of Infantry 

from the Northern Army and thousand French troops 

from the same place, one Reg* of which was reviewed on 
Philadelphia Commons before his Excellency — Every body 
allows both friend and foes that they never saw troops make 
so brilliant an appearance, or exercise, or fire with greater 
regularity or exactness. 

" The French troops marched by land to Annapolis, and 
our troops embarked on board small vessels at the Head of 

"There is a report now prevailing, that a party of the 
enemy from New York under the command of the infamous 
Arnold is expected to make an excursion in the Jerseys, 
and some think will make a push for the City of Philadel- 
phia, in order to make a diversion in favour of Cornwallis, 
who is blocked up in Virginia. 

"The militia of this State are under marching orders and 
to rendezvous at Newtown in Bucks County. 

"Our detachment marched off yesterday morning for 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves, 85 

Philadelphia. I have remained behind, having a horse and 
shall set oti this day. The town looks distressed since the 
departure of the troops, no drums beating in the morning 
or evening, nor crowd of men parading up and down the 
Streets, nor gay officers gallanting the gayer ladies to and 
fro — the ladies look disconsolate and confess their loss. I 
am just going to take my leave, and to horse, and away to 

"Reading Pa., 
"Sat. Sept... 1781." 

(To be continued.) 

86 Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 



The year 1896 was fruitful in the production of books 
concerning our Provincial history. The wide-spread taste 
for historical research which has grown among us so rapidly 
of late, combined as it generally is with a critical spirit 
among painstaking students, has done much to aid those 
who have long felt the need of a complete and trustworthy 
history of the State. It may surprise some who are not 
familiar with the work done in these investigations to be 
told that no less than ten volumes — books relating wholly 
to the history of Pennsylvania in some form or other — have 
been printed during the past year. The list comprises 
books in almost every department of historical research. 
They are not merely family genealogies, the details of which 
so often throw important side-lights upon the history of the 
time, especially by bringing before us the Old-World charac- 
teristics of the different races which have peopled our do- 
main, but elaborate treatises also, upon many disputed ques- 
tions of great importance to the historian, such, for instance, 
as the causes of the early emigration of the Germans, and 
especially the development of the different religious creeds 
and practices which their followers sought to establish here ; 
the attitude of the Quakers towards measures of defence 
against the French and the Indians, — a subject much be- 
fogged by our popular historians. The total neglect of such 
writers to explain what were the special forces growing 
tip from the ideas and habits of a population made up of 
five distinct races which long stood in the way of making 
our population homogeneous and aggressive renders such 
inquiries very important. 

Among these books there are some in which genealogy 
and history have been most usefully combined to aid the 

Same Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 87 

researches of those who study our early annals. Mr. 
Thomas Allen Glenn, 1 in his book concerning " the Welsh 
Barony in the Province of Pennsylvania," has given us a 
learned and elaborate treatise upon the history of the "Welsh 
or Cymric Quakers in their native land, who emigrated to 
the Province in 1682, and settled that portion of Chester 
County known as the " Great Welsh Tract," or " Barony." 
These Welshmen were nearly all substantial freeholders, 
and many of them whose services are commemorated in 
this volume have left an ineffaceable mark in the history of 
the Commonwealth. While many of their children have 
at all times held conspicuous positions in the public service, 
it is curious to observe, in looking over the map of the 
country, how strikingly the hereditary affection of the 
Welshman for his native soil is illustrated, a large number 
of the land-owners of the present day bearing the same name, 
and being often, doubtless, the descendants of the original 

Next we have the genealogy of the Fisher family, the 
descendants of John Fisher, who was a fellow-passenger of 
Penn's in the " Welcome," and who, it is said, very truly, 
was " the ancestor of a large family in America." One of 
his descendants, Miss Anne Wharton Smith, has under- 
taken the task of collecting the names and commemorating 
the services of his descendants. 2 Every one in this part 
of *he State, at least, knows something of the multitudinous 
Fisher family, and will be glad to learn more of its mem- 
bers and their affiliations. It is indeed a name conspicuous 
in our annals, at all times honorably associated with the 
conduct of public affairs, its members for many years having 
been especially influential in the meetings of Friends, at a 
time when such a position enabled one to exercise a far 
wider influence for good than is possible now. An authentic 
account of this family may be said (to use a common phrase) 

1 "Merion in the Welsh Tract, with Sketches of the Townships of 
Haverford and Radnor." By Thomas Allen Glenn. 

■ "Genealogy of the Fisher Family, 1682-1896." By Anne Wharton 

88 Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History, 

to meet, owing to its widely spread connections, a public 

The genealogy of Lewis Walker's 1 family performs the 
same service for the members of his family in Chester 
County as that of John Fisher for those of his descendants 
who live in Philadelphia. In both cases the collateral rela- 
tives whose names find a place in these books are so numer- 
ous, and those names are so well known, that they would 
seem to embrace almost all who, in Provincial times at least, 
were conspicuous in the two counties for social position or 
public service. 

We turn next to the genealogical record of the Spengler 
family, of York County. 2 This is a bulky volume (far more 
so than is needed, as it seems to us), and is the result of the 
researches of Mr. E. W. Spangler. Spengler or Spangler 
is a well-known family name in the country west of the 
Susquehanna. Its progenitor settled in what is now York 
County in 1729. The book has special value as illustrating 
the ideas and habits of the early Germans who settled in 
the interior of the State. It has an interest quite outside 
that of a family record, for we find in it a picture of a Ger- 
man typical family, showing how successfully the German 
peasant met the trials of life in the wilderness. As the 
predominant race type in Provincial times in York County 
was German, we learn how it accommodated itself to English 
law ^nd English civilization, and what was. there as else- 
where, the curious result of such an amalgamation. It 
occupies, too, a somewhat unexplored territory in our his- 
torical investigations in this State, and is therefore doubly 

But publications like these, valuable as they are for 
throwing what we have called a side-light on our local his- 
tory, have a limited interest compared with other recently 
published books on Pennsylvania history which treat at 

1 " Lewis Walker, of Chester Valley, and his Descendants, 1686-1896." 
Collected, compiled, and published by Priscilla Walker Sheets. 

* "The Annals of the Families of Caspar, Henry, and George Speng- 
ler, of York County." By Edward W. Spangler. 

Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 89 

large of some particular era and of its historical character- 
istics. We find in our list books which give us not merely 
the family history of those who have been prominent in our 
public affairs, but also in many of them some account, more 
or less trustworthy, of the laws, civil and ecclesiastical, by 
which our forefathers were governed, and of the theories 
which they brought with them from Europe, and how far 
and in what way their 01d-"World ideas were modified by 
their surroundings here : the attitude of different religious 
bodies in the Province towards each other (a subject much 
neglected by our historians) ; and, perhaps most important 
of all, material for determining how far during the Provin- 
cial era we were governed by our own legislation, and how 
far the orders of the Lords of Trade and of the Privy 
Council in England shaped our policy. The information 
contained in some of these volumes would induce many to 
think that the early history of the Province should be com- 
pletely revised and many portions of it rewritten. 

Of books of this character the first, we believe, in point of 
time is Mr. Sydney G. Fisher's essay on " The Making of 
Pennsylvania." x In this book Mr. Fisher attempts to explain 
how the five distinct families which settled each a distinct por- 
tion of our territory grew up here together and contributed 
each its well-marked share to the civilization of the Province, 
and what was the general result of such a process. He de- 
scribes carefully the prominent characteristics of the Swedes 
and Dutch, the first settlers; of the English and Welsh 
Quakers ; of the German emigrants ; of the Protestants of 
the north of Ireland, the larger portion of whom peopled 
the country west of the Susquehanna ; and, lastly, the influ- 
ence of the New England people who became inhabitants 
and land-owners in the northern part of the Province, in 
the belief that the countrv belonged to Connecticut. How 
people differing so widely in their characteristics managed at 
last to coalesce, and what sort of civilization was the out- 

1 "The Making of Pennsylvania: an Analysis of the Elements of the 
Population and the Formative Influences that created One of the Great- 
est of the American States." By Sydney George Fisher. 

90 Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 

growth of such a coalition, are interesting problems not easily 
solved. The writer who undertakes such a task, aside from 
all other difficulties inherent in the subject, must possess a 
judicial temper seldom met with, if he hopes to satisfy 
the susceptibilities of those who can see no defects in the 
career of their forefathers. No one can apportion with 
absolute justice the share of the credit belonging to each 
nationality in the advancement of civilization in the Prov- 
ince ; hence it is not to be wondered at that the conclusions 
which Mr. Fisher has reached in reference to certain acts, 
withholding praise or bestowing censure, have been made 
subjects of attack by unfriendly critics. Whatever may be 
their opinion, no one, it seems to us, can doubt that Mr. 
Fisher's book bears the mark of much study and research. 
As a popular account of the many contested questions 
which were settled in Provincial times, it exposes, doubtless, 
many errors into w r hich previous writers have fallen, and it 
has thus a positive value of no ordinary kind. The vexed 
and intricate subject of the boundaries of the Province, the 
long-protracted quarrel between the Penns and Lord Balti- 
more, the account of the Virginia claim to a very large 
portion of the southwestern part of the Province, and espe- 
cially the statement of the nature of the memorable contro- 
versy which grew out of the attempt by Connecticut to 
usurp the sovereignty of Pennsylvania of the northern tier 
of counties, are so discussed and explained as to appear 
clear and convincing to the ordinary reader. 

In the work of Mr. Julius F. Sachse l we have presented 
quite a romantic and hitherto little-known phase of Penn- 
sylvania life. Strangers are not accustomed to associate 
our Provincial life with monastic discipline, or with hermits 
who made our caves their dwelling-place, or with the adepts 
in Rosicrucianism or theosophy who sought here, under 
Penn's benign charter of religious liberty, the propagation 
of their esoteric doctrine. It is none the less true, however, 
that we had here, under the name of German Pietists, Kel- 

1 " The German Pietists of Pennsylvania, 1694-1708." By Julius Fried- 
rich Sachse. 

Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 91 

pius, the hermit of the Wissahickon ; Koster and Falkner, 
the great hierophants of the community. Monks lived a 
cloistered life at Ephrata, and formed with their followers 
quite an array of mystics and theosophists, certainly very 
unlike any sectaries whose lives have left a mark in the 
history of other American Colonies. Many of these people 
were sincere dreamers of dreams, which they were forbidden 
to put in practice in Germany, and who looked upon Penn- 
sylvania as to a new Atlantis where, under the mild and 
gentle rule of its founder, not merely hard-working Ger- 
man peasants would be welcomed, but where the wildest 
and most extravagant practices of those whom the Germans 
called by the distinctive name of Pietists would be regarded 
with boundless indulgence. These mystics professed to be 
devout Lutherans ; they were men of pure lives, and while 
waiting in the wilderness for "the coming of the Lord," 
they sought by means of alchemy and astrology to note the 
hour of His coming. This book gives us a most novel and 
interesting account of the doings of these strange people, 
and of the nature and aim of their doctrine, so far as it had 
any practical aim. These men, it must be remembered, 
were sincere Christians, bound to live in peace and har- 
mony with all men, and they sought a home in Pennsylva- 
nia in the hope and belief that they would be permitted to 
accomplish their object without molestation. Their vaga- 
ries never excited any persecution or opposition. Their 
doctrine seems to have been a species of Quakerism more 
or less tinctured with the wild beliefs and practices which 
had been adopted by the mystics. The book is a marvel 
of research and study, and we cannot doubt that Mr. 
Sachse's attempt to explain what can be understood of 
the beliefs and career of these hermits of the Wissahickon 
by the ordinary reader will always be regarded by those 
who desire to trace out the history of mysticism with great 

The standard History of the University of Pennsylvania 
has long been that of Dr. George B. Wood, the last edition 
of which was published by the Historical Society in 1834. 

92 Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History . 

During the last sixty years much material which was not 
accessible to Dr. TVood for the illustration of the early 
history of the University has been found among the Penn 
papers and those left by Dr. Smith, the first Provost of the 
College. By the liberality of a member of the Council of 
the Historical Society, this material, under the judicious 
supervision of Dr. F. D. Stone, its librarian, has been made 
use of to prepare a new edition of Dr. Wood's excellent 
work. 1 It has been thought best (we think wisely) not to 
alter the original text, but to supplement it with six addi- 
tional chapters. It does not bring the history to a later 
date than that fixed by Dr. Wood. 

This new edition points out several popular errors con- 
cerning the origin of the University. It has been generally 
supposed that the establishment of a charitable school in 
1740 marks the date of its beginning. In this account of 
the early history of the institution, Dr. Stone shows most 
satisfactorily that no charitable school existed in 1740, and 
that such a school was not established until 1751, and then 
only when the Latin and English schools were first opened 
in the Academy, so that the latter was in no case due to the 
development of the former. It seems that there was the 
best of all possible reasons for its non-establishment, and 
that was that the trustees of the new building, who had 
talked for so many years about maintaining a charitable 
school, could not raise money enough to fulfil their prom- 
ises, and therefore in their conveyance of 1749 to the 
trustees of the Academy they bound them to do what they 
had agreed to do themselves. 

Dr. Franklin is usually spoken of as the founder of the 
University, and no doubt in an important sense he was. He 
interested the public in education, and he raised money to 
carry out the plans, and to him, therefore, the establishment 
of the Academy in 1751 may be attributed. But Franklin's 

1 " Early History of the University of Pennsylvania from its Origin 
to the Year 1827." By George B. Wood, M.D. With supplementary 
chapters by Frederick D. Stone, Litt. D., librarian of the Historical 

Some Recent Boote on Pennsylvania History. 93 

idea of such an establishment as well as of that of the 
College which succeeded it was a place where a good Eng- 
lish education might be acquired. He desired that Latin 
and Greek should be taught to those only who were to 
follow the learned professions. But the Board of Trustees 
was too wise to follow this restricted plan of education. 
In one of the last papers he wrote (in 1789), after all the 
experience he must have gained on the subject during his 
long sojourn in France, he says, " I submitted my views on 
this subject [the plan of education] to some of my friends 
who concurred with me, but Mr. Allen, Mr. Francis, Mr. 
Peters, and some other persons of wealth and learning 
whose subscriptions and countenance we should need were 
of opinion that it ought to include the learned languages." 
The truth is that the Provost and the trustees could not 
agree with him. The College continued to flourish as long 
as Dr. Smith was permitted to govern it, and when he was 
struck down by his personal and political enemies it re- 
ceived a wound from which it suffered during many long 
years. Here he should always be remembered as the man 
who first introduced that curriculum of study which for 
more than a hundred years was made, with very little varia- 
tion, the groundwork of a liberal education in all the col- 
leges of the country. 

Under the title of " History of Proprietary Government 
in Pennsylvania," l Dr. William R. Sheptierd has given 
us the most philosophical account we possess of the genesis 
of the Provincial laws and government. This book explains 
how this system was administered by Penn and his successors, 
in the essay prepared by the author and required by the 
faculty of Columbia University for the degree of Doctor 
of Philosophy, and it must be pronounced a most thorough 
specimen of historical work. The theme is a most inviting 
one to the true scholar, for nowhere else on this continent 
was the Proprietary system so fully developed as in Penn- 
sylvania, and nowhere were its special advantages and 

1M History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania." By Wil- 
liam Robert Shepherd, Ph.D., Prize Lecturer on History. 

94 Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 

defects more clearly apparent, and, we may add, no portion 
of our history has been so much neglected. The Proprietary 
system wa3 essentially a feudal grant with feudal incidents, 
modified by a self-governing Assembly and controlled by 
the imperial authority. The nature of Penn's title to the 
Province with u the territories annexed/' the vexed question 
how far the manors and baronies which he created resembled 
the English tenures of the same name, with all their feudal 
incidents, the modes by which the Indian title was ex- 
tinguished, the long-protracted controversy about the boun- 
daries of the Province, — these fundamental questions are 
learnedly discussed, and are made as clear as such intricate 
subjects can be made to the intelligent student. 

But these do not form the specially original portion of 
this essay. While the main object of the book is to point 
out the peculiarities of the Proprietary system, it has been 
necessary, in order fully to illustrate its practical working, 
to enter upon a somewhat minute examination of the his- 
tory of the State during the Provincial era. In this way 
only can it be determined how far the rights, the prosperity, 
and the happiness of the inhabitants were affected by the 
machinery of the Proprietary government, or, in other 
words, can we understand how an$ why such a system 
proved by experience to be unsuited to the habits and 
policy of a colony of free-born Englishmen. Accordingly 
we have an account of the methods practised in dealing 
with the Indians, and the'system adopted of acquiring their 
lands by the deputy governors under the successors of 
Penn. This system is contrasted with that of the Founder 
himself, who always claimed, most truly, that the Indians 
never complained of a want of honesty, equity, and justice 
on his part in his dealings with them. To discuss this sub- 
ject which caused so much bitter controversy and resulted 
in the serious wars which marked a long period of our 
Provincial history, and indeed upon all others connected 
with the Proprietary system which gave rise to partisan 
attacks upon the Proprietaries, Dr. Shepherd prepared 
himself for a thorough knowledge of the points in dispute 

Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 95 

by a careful study of the vast collection of Penn MSS. in 
the library of the Historical Society. These contain not 
only the official correspondence between the deputy gov- 
ernors and Penn's successors, but also the letters of the 
land agents and of private friends of the Proprietors here, 
as well as a large number of papers showing how closely 
Thomas Penn, for instance, watched the progress of the 
Colony, and how little he was disposed to look upon it in 
any other way than as a money-producing investment. 

The administration of the government by the Proprieta- 
ries, as it was carried on by the deputy governors, proved, as is 
well known, a sad failure, and was so unsatisfactory that the 
people with one voice, in 1764, clamored for its suppression 
and the substitution of a royal government in its place. 
We are thus led to consider by what misgovernment the 
charter of William Penn — so full of a promise of peace and 
freedom — became an instrument of oppression. In the por- 
tion of this book which treats of the administration of the 
deputy governors under that charter is to be found the 
answer to this question. We can only point out here a 
few of the grievances of which the student will find in 
these pages a trustworthy account. He tells U3 of the utter 
unfitness for their position of many of the governors who 
were sent out here (for nearly all were venal and corrupt), 
of the antagonism always existing between the Proprietary 
and the Assembly, and of their quarrels about their respec- 
tive rights, until a complete paralysis of the functions of 
government was the result. In regard to two of the most 
important questions affecting its administration — the right 
of taxation, and the method of raising and maintaining an 
armed force for the defence of the Province — there was such 
an irreconcilable difference as deeply affected the best in- 
terests of the Province. The successors and heirs of Wil- 
liam Penn were not statesmen nor philanthropists, as the 
Founder had been; they were simply what is called, in the 
cant of the day, business-men, caring for the interests of 
the inhabitants of their vast territory only so far as their 
labor increased the Proprietary income. 

96 Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 

Dr. Shepherd's account of the dealings of the Founder 
with Philip Ford (which nearly cost him the loss of his 
Province) is a good specimen of the accuracy with which he 
has studied all sides of Penn's character and career, show- 
ing that singular want of business management in the 
Founder which came so near wrecking his fortunes. The 
book, as a whole, is a rich storehouse of facts in Pennsyl- 
vania history, now classified and arranged for the benefit 
of students, who cannot too gladly welcome its publication. 
Those who desire to study carefully our Provincial history 
could find no more satisfactory text-book. 

Of the next book on the list — an account of the sites of 
the frontier posts in Pennsylvania 1 — we need say here but 
little, as attention has been drawn to its value by an article 
in the July number (1896) of this Magazine. It was there 
stated that this book has great historical importance. By 
the location, through the efforts of a most industrious and 
competent commission appointed by the Governor, of the 
sites of more than two hundred fortified posts on the fron- 
tier, the popular opinion, so long held, that all efforts made 
to protect the inhabitants against the incursions of the 
French and the Indians were defeated by the conscientious 
scruples of the Quakers in the Assembly against warlike 
measures, is shown to be false and unfounded. We have 
before us the best evidence that these posts were established 
and garrisoned by two regiments in the pay of the Province, 
not only in Pontiac's war (1763), but in the earlier Indian 
war begun after Braddock's defeat. How all this is to be 
reconciled with the statement made in a petition to the 
Privy Council from some of the most respectable inhabitants 
of Philadelphia, and argued before the Lords of Trade on 
the 26th of February, 1756, that " Pennsylvania is the only 
one of the Colonies which has not armed a single man, nor 
at the public expense provided a single fortification to 
shelter the unhappy inhabitants from the continual inroads 
of a merciless enemy " or with the decision of the Lords of 

l " Report of the Commission to locate the Sites of the Frontier 
Forts in Pennsylvania," 1896. 

Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 97 

Trade, after hearing the argument, " that the measures taken 
by the Assembly for the defence of the Province were im- 
proper, inadequate, and ineffectual/' it is not easy to explain. 
Such an opinion was certainly not held by Governor Morris, 
deputy agent of the Penns, the sworn foe of the Quakers, 
striving at all times to divest them of their political influ- 
ence, for he says in a message to the Assembly on the 3d of 
February, 1756, and before these absurd charges were laid 
before the Lords of Trade, "that everything possible had 
been done for the security of the Province, that a chain of 
forts and block-houses extending from the River Delaware 
along the Kittatinny Hills to the Maryland line was then 
almost complete, that they were placed at the most im- 
portant passes, at convenient distances, and were all garri- 
soned with detachments in the pay of the Province. " 

Perhaps the most interesting of the books printed in 
1896 about Pennsylvania, and certainly the most important 
and valuable one from an historical point of view, is that 
issued by the State authorities containing the result of the 
labors of the Commission appointed to prepare a complete 
edition of the early laws, many of which had never been 
printed. The present edition, or rather this volume of it, 1 
contains those enacted between the years 1700 and 1712. 
The original text, or that which claims to be original, has 
suffered much from the accidents of time, and it seemed to 
many that before many years passed we should be without 
any authentic record of these statutes. This book has res- 
cued these laws from threatened physical ruin. It con- 
tains copies of those passed by the Assembly between the 
years mentioned which were either confirmed or disallowed 
by the Privy Council in England. By means of copious 
references and notes in this volume, the result of prodigious 
labor, we can follow the history of each particular law, and 
ascertain its fate when it came before the Privy Council, or 
discover in what way it has been altered or modified by the 

1 " The Statutes at Large of Pennsylvania from 1682 to 1S01." Com- 
piled under the authority of the Act of May 19, 18S9, by James T. 
Mitchell and Henry Flanders, Commissioners. Volume II. 

Vol. xxi. — 7 

98 Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 

change of time and of circumstances. By following this 
process we begin to see that the power of legislation in 
our Assembly was practically a very limited one under 
Penn's charter, and that many of his most cherished ideas 
of government, when embodied in laws, failed to satisfy 
the Privy Council, when they came before that body for 
revision. Many of these acts were simply of local impor- 
tance, but they did not conform to the views of the Attorney- 
General concerning Colonial policy, and therefore they were 
disallowed. It appears that of one hundred and six acts 
passed between the years 1700 and 1706, no less than fifty- 
three were disallowed and repealed by the Privy Council, 
by virtue of the power reserved to that body by the charter : 
"The said "William Penn is empowered with the advice 
of the freemen of that province or their delegates in gen- 
eral assembly to enact laws for the good of the said prov- 
ince under a proviso that such laws be not repugnant or 
contrary to, but so far as conveniently may be agreeable 
with the laws of England, as also that a transcript or dupli- 
cate of all such laws be within five years after the making 
thereof transmitted and delivered to your Majesty's Privy 
Council, and that if any of the said laws within the space 
of six months after they shall be delivered as aforesaid be 
declared by your Majesty to be void, the said laws shall 
thenceforth become null and void accordingly, otherwise to 
remain in full force." 

The real legislator for Pennsylvania in those days, there- 
fore, was not the Proprietary nor the Assembly, but the 
English Privy Council and the Lords of Trade, or rather the 
English Attorney-General, whose fiat determined not merely 
whether the proposed Provincial law was in conflict with 
imperial law, but also whether it was fitting and proper 
that a Colony should adopt the measure. 

Before explaining how this extraordinary system was 
carried out in practice, we must give some account of the 
movement which has resulted in revealing to us how very 
little Penn's charter, as it was interpreted, secured to us the 
rights of a self-governing people. 

Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History, 99 

In the year 1881 the necessity of reprinting the statutes 
passed in the early part of the eighteenth century had been 
much discussed in the Council of the Historical Society, 
and in that year the late William Henry Rawle, Esq., in a 
lecture before the Law Department of the University, gave 
many cogent reasons why the work should be undertaken. 
The laws passed between the -years 1682 and 1700 had just 
then been published, and Mr. Rawle advocated the continu- 
ance of the work. In the year 1883 the Society presented to 
the Legislature a memorial asking that measures should be 
taken for printing a complete edition of the laws passed 
during the past century. The petitioners urged that by 
these means only could accurate copies of the legislative 
acts be secured. The result of this application was the 
passage of the act of 1883, and its supplements of 1887 and 
of 1893, by which a Commission was appointed to do the 
work. The volume before us is the second of the series, 
the first, which contains, we are told, much valuable his- 
torical information, being still in preparation. It is impos- 
sible to exaggerate the value of the minute and careful labor 
which has been bestowed upon this second volume. The 
Commission, assisted by the most eminent bibliographer in 
the State, Mr. Hildeburn, and by Messrs. Sellers and Elwell, 
of the Philadelphia bar, has doubtless felt that in a book 
of this kind the work would be worthless unless absolute 
accuracy of the text was assured. 

In the view we take of this book, — that is, its value to the 
historian, — the most important part of it seems to be the 
extracts given from the papers in the English Public Record 
Office, which contain the substance of the discussions which 
took place when these measures were before the Privy 
Council and the Lords of Trade, together with the opinions 
of the Attorney-General upon them. 

It is doubtful whether there can be found a more com- 
plete picture anywhere of the absolute subjection of our 
fathers, not, as has been often said, to the authority of Par- 
liament, but to the orders of a body in a large sense irre- 
sponsible, the Privy Council, whose decisions were usually 

100 Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 

prompted by the political ideas of one man, the English 
Attorney-General. The Commission has not been satisfied 
with giving us the mere text of these laws, and pointing 
out by copious references what changes subsequent legis- 
lation has made in them, but it has caused the English 
Record Office to be searched, and has there discovered 
spread out on its proceedings the reasons given for the dis- 
allowance of the laws passed by the Assembly, as set forth 
in the opinions of the Attorney-General. These opinions 
the Commission has printed in appendices to its report. 
These will teach us who was responsible for ignoring or 
disallowing some of the most fundamental ideas of govern- 
ment embodied in the laws passed by the Assembly, and 
will clear up many questions concerning our early history 
which have puzzled those who have sought to explain 

Taking some of these acts disallowed by the Privy 
Council, we discover how and why they were not suffered 
to stand. Take, for instance, the law concerning liberty of 
conscience, passed in 1700, in these words : 

" Section I. Be it enacted by William Penn, Proprietary 
and Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania and the 
Territories thereunto belonging, by and with the advice 
and consent of the freemen thereof in General Assembly 
met, and by the authority of the same, That no person, 
now or at any time hereafter, living in this province or 
territories, who shall confess and acknowledge one Almighty 
God to be the Creator, Upholder and Ruler of the world, 
and that professeth him or herself obliged in conscience to 
live peaceably and quietly under the civil government, 
shall in any case be molested or prejudiced for his or her 
conscientious persuasion or practice ; nor shall he or she, at 
any time, be compelled to frequent or maintain any religious 
worship, place or minister whatsoever, contrary to his or 
her mind, but shall freely and fully enjoy his or her Chris- 
tian liberty in that respect, without any interruption or re- 
flection. And if any person shall abuse or deride any other 
for his or her different persuasion and practice in matter of 

Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 101 

religion, such person shall be looked upon as a disturber of 
the peace and be punished accordingly." 

This act contains the characteristic ideas on religious 
liberty of Penn and his followers, and was disallowed by 
the Privy Council on receiving the following opinion of the 
Attorney-General : 

" I am of opinion that this law is not fit to be confirmed, 
no regard being had in it to the Christian religion, and 
also for that in the indulgence allowed to the Quakers in 
England, by the statute of the first "William and Mary, 
chapter 18 (which sort of people are also the principal in- 
habitants of Pennsylvania), they are obliged by declaration 
to profess faith in God and in Jesus Christ his Eternal Son, 
the true God and in the Holy Spirit one God blessed for 
evermore, and to acknowledge the scriptures of the old and 
new testaments to be given by divine inspiration, and also 
for that none can tell what conscientious practices allowed 
by this act may extend to." 

So with the act " of privileges of a freeman," granting to 
the Provincial subject, in the very words of Magna Charta, 
the security enjoyed by every Englishman from arbitrary 
rule of person or property. 

" This act ordains ' That no freeman shall be hurt, dam- 
nified, destroyed, tried or condemned but by the lawful 
judgment of his twelve equals or by the laws of the prov- 
ince/ which we think interferes with the act for preventing 
frauds and regulating abuses in the plantation trade, passed 
in the seventh and eighth years of the late King's reign, 
whereby admiralty courts are settled in the plantations." 

In the same way one of the most local of our laws in 
regard to the tanning of leather was objected to in these 
words : 

"It cannot be expected that encouragement should be 
given by law to the making any manufactures made in 
England in the plantations, it being against the advantage 
of England." 

We might go on, had we time and space, in transcribing 
the frivolous objections to many of the acts of our As- 

102 Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History, 

sembly on the part of the Attorney-General. They uni- 
formly prevailed with the Lords of Trade and the Privy 
Council until, as we have said, fifty-three out of one hun- 
dred and six statutes were disallowed and repealed. Cer- 
tainly this is quite a new view of our Colonial legislation. 

It will naturally be asked, With what temper did our 
forefathers bear this extraordinary way of governing them ? 
It would seem, from the statement made in the Appendix to 
this work, that William Penn must have been present at 
many of the hearings when these laws were discussed by 
the Lords of Trade. He had returned to England in 1702, 
and he was so much oppressed with all the cares which the 
administration of the Province had imposed upon him that 
he was led to make arrangements for the surrender of his 
government to the Crown. His fortunes were at that time 
more desperate than they had ever been. His debts, con- 
tracted for the support of the Province, had overwhelmed 
him, the misconduct of his governor (Evans), the wild ex- 
travagance of his beloved son and heir William, the general 
anarchical condition of affairs in Pennsylvania, and, per- 
haps more than all, the fraudulent acts of his former stew- 
ard, had impaired his health and were the cause of that 
disease which was fast clouding his mind. In his opinion 
and that of his friends, his only course was to surrender 
his Proprietary rights to the Crown. He was most anxious, 
however, that the laws which he considered essential to the 
welfare of his Province should not be disallowed. 

With this end in view, he remonstrated and protested 
against the course recommended by the Attorney-General, 
and finally begged that the laws might be sent back to 
Pennsylvania to be there amended in such a way as to be 
satisfactory to the Privy Council. But his protests were of 
no avail, and fifty-three of these laws were returned to the 
Provincial authorities as disallowed, and they, on receiving 
them, issued a proclamation declaring them null and void. 

There was one of these laws, that " relating to the priv- 
ileges of a freeman," which we have given above, in regard 
to which Penn would listen to no compromise nor suggest 

Some Recent Books on Pennsylvania History. 103 

any amendment. When called upon by the Council to 
modify or defend it, Penn made the memorable declaration, 
the boldest and most emphatic protest on record in favor 
of civil liberty he ever made, in these words : " I cannot 
help it, 'tis the great charter [Magna Charta~] that all Eng- 
lishmen are entitled to, and we went not so far to loose a 
tittle of it." 

Such was the authority of the Privy Council, and so com- 
pletely was the necessity of conforming to it felt by the 
Provincials, that the representatives of the same people who 
had passed in 1701 the " law of liberty of conscience" did 
not hesitate in 1705 to require by law religious tests for all 
intending office-holders as strict as that existing in any of 
the Colonies or in England herself. 

In this way it happened that the legal guarantees pro- 
vided by Penn's legislation for the firm establishment of 
the two great principles which underlaid his ideal system 
of government — the right of trial by jury as provided by 
Magna Charta, and religious toleration — were swept away 
and destroyed. 

This humiliating story with all its details is for the first 
time given us in this book, and we cannot, we think, over- 
rate its historical importance, and especially lament how 
little the personal influence and example of William Penn 
affected permanently the legislation of the Province. 

104 The Bethlehem Feiry, 1743-1794. 



The early diaries of the Moravian congregation in Phila- 
delphia contain frequent records of the arrival of vessels 
from Europe and the West Indies with letters for the 
church authorities and inhabitants of Bethlehem, and, as it 
occasionally happened that the post rider or the wagon from 
that town was not in the city, messengers were despatched 
with them to their destination. These journeys were per- 
formed either on foot or on horseback, and high water in 
the streams to be forded not infrequently caused detentions 
or compelled a return. 

In July of 1742 a weekly post and express was established 
between the two places ; four postilions were employed, and 
two agents at Bethlehem, one at Falckner's Swamp, and one 
in Philadelphia (John Stephen Benezet) managed its affairs. 
The service was scheduled to leave Bethlehem every Monday 
and Philadelphia every Wednesday. It was not until Sep- 
tember of 1763 that the first public conveyance was run 
between Bethlehem and the capital of the Province. This 
enterprise was commenced by George Klein, who every 
Monday morning started " a stage-wagon" from the Sun Inn, 
the return trips being made every Thursday over the follow- 
ing route : out Front Street to Pool's bridge, to Morris's, to 
Fair Hill Meeting-House, to Rising Sun, to Stenton, to Ger- 
mantown Meeting-House, to Mount Airy, to Scull's, to Ot- 
tinger's, to Francis's, to White Marsh Church, to Benjamin 
Davis's, to Baptist Meeting-House, to Housekeeper's, to 
Swamp Meeting, to Stoffel Wagners, and thence over the 
ferry to Bethlehem, a distance of fifty-two miles, three- 
quarters, and fifty-seven perches. 

The first grant and patent for a ferry within the present 
bounds of Northampton County was issued in 1739 to David 
Martin, of Trenton, New Jersey, with the privilege of con- 

The Bethlehem FeiTy, 17^3-17 9 ^ 105 

structing a ferry " iii the Forks of Delawar, from the Penn- 
sylvania shore to the upper end of an island called Tinnicura, 
to Marble Mountain in Morris county New Jersey, with 
the undivided right to ferry over horses, cows, sheep, mules, 
etc.'*' Martin established his ferry near the confluence of the 
Lehigh with the Delaware, where Easton now stands, and 
in 1747 had his flat-boats built at the Bethlehem boat-yard. 
The ferries on the Lehigh nearest to Bethlehem were Cal- 
der's (now Allentown) and Currie's (now Freemansburg), 
and by acts of Assembly these were " assessed at three- 
fifths of the sums they do or may rent for, and that the 
lands leased with the said ferries or appurtenant thereto 
shall be rated as uncultivated lands."' 

From the time the Moravians began their improvements 
on the " West Branch of Delawar" an impetus was given 
to settlement, and soon farms dotted the country on every 
side. IS'ew roads were opened, connecting via the King's 
highway the capital of the Province on the south, and the 
Minisink road to Hudson's River on the north, and Bethle- 
hem grew to be an important point in the eastern section 
of the Province. For the better convenience of commu- 
nication with the capital, the prospective purchase of lands 
on the south side of the Lehigh, and at the solicitations of 
the settlers in the neighborhood, in January of 1743 a ferry 
was located near the present railroad bridge which spans 
the river. A boat to operate the ferry was finished in 
March, hauled to the river by eight horses, and success- 
fully launched. Prior to the epoch of the ferry the river 
was forded, and in times of high water, travellers were 
conveyed across in canoes. 

The water of the Lehigh was long noted for the variety 
and abundance of its fish, particularly rock and shad, and 
the early mode of securing these delicious articles of food 
was by bush-net fishing, until superseded by the gill-net 
and seine. On April 29, 1768, Governor John Penn, with 
his wife, brother, and suite, who were on a visit to Bethle- 
hem, witnessed the operation of bush-net fishing (the gov- 
ernor from a boat in the rear of the net), the result of the 

106 The Bethlehem Ferry, 1743-1794. 

catch being six hundred and forty shad. A few days later 
Lord Charles Montague, Governor of South Carolina, with 
his wife, were also interested witnesses. The largest number 
of shad caught at the Bethlehem fishery is recorded between 
April 27 and May 12, 1778, at eight thousand and seventy- 
seven ; the fishery was abandoned when the improvements 
made by the Lehigh Coal and [Navigation Company prevented 
the shad from resorting to the head-waters of the river to 

The name of the first Bethlehem ferryman we have been 
able to find is Adam Schaus (ancestor of the Easton family 
of that name), who conducted a public house on the south 
side of the Lehigh, a short distance below the town, and 
who consented to operate the ferry for the year 1745. The 
rates of ferriage were " 3d. for foot passengers each way, 
and 6d. for man and horse/' but as no grant or patent had 
been obtained, payment was not demanded of travellers, 
but made by courtesy; hence the income for the year only 
amounted to £2.11.2. Early in January of 1746, Matthew 
Hoffman and John D. Behringer succeeded Schaus, " the 
former to take passengers over, the latter to bring them 
back." It was during their management that, in the night 
of February 16, 1747, by a sudden rise in the river, the 
ferry-boat was torn from its moorings and wrecked. A new 
boat, thirty-one and one-half feet long, nine feet wide, and 
twenty-four inches deep, was launched on June 8, and Peter 
Petersen was appointed ferryman next in succession. In 
1749 a grant and patent for the ferry was obtained from 
the Proprietaries at the annual rental of five shillings 
sterling. This was found necessary in order to meet the 
increasing uncertainty of remuneration from people using 
the ferry, and also as security against a possibility of com- 
petition from some rival enterprise in the adjacent neutral 
waters of the Lehigh. Having now developed into a public 
ferry, wharves were constructed, the approaches improved, 
and the equipment increased. After serving for five years 
and six months, in January of 1753, Petersen was succeeded 
by Daniel Kunckler. 

The Bethlehem Ferry, 1743-1794. 107 

Kunckler's term of service, happening at a time when 
important events were transpiring in the Province, was 
far from being an uneventful one, and the chronicler of the 
town has recorded that three hundred and twenty whites 
and seven hundred and ten Indians visited it in 1755. An 
attempt was made to transport the products of the farms 
and mills at Bethlehem by water instead of the more ex- 
pensive mode of wagon service. A light-draught sailing- 
vessel was built; but the project failed, owing to the ob- 
structions at the Falls of the Delaware, which prevented 
the passage of the vessel northward. 

In the spring of 1756, David Nitschmann, Proprietor of 
the Moravian estates, applied to the Proprietaries to re- 
confirm to him for seven years the patent and grant of the 
ferry at Bethlehem, which was granted. It recites, — 

"Whereas it hath been represented to us, by reason of the late very 
considerable increase of settlements on both sides of the West Branch 
of the River Delaware and parts adjacent, and the great resort of people 
thither, and the many travelers whose business and affairs call them 
into those parts of the Province, and have occasion to pass over that 
branch of the said river, it is become necessary that some regular ferries 
at proper distances and places should be erected and established for the 
more ready and safe transporting all persons, cattle, carriages and goods 
over the said branch, — And it appearing to us upon the representation 
of David Nitschmann of the County of Northampton in our said Prov- 
ince, that the plantation belonging to the said David Nitschmann and 
company, and now in the occupation of the said David Nitschmann, 
situate in Saucou township in the said County of Northampton upon 
the highroad leading from the city of Philadelphia to the Minisinks, 
and from thence to the northwest parts of the Province of New York, 
by means of the convenient situation thereof on the sides of the said 
branch, is a suitable place for erecting and keeping a ferry over the 
same to Bethlehem in the Forks of Delaware, And the same David 
Nitschmann having requested our license for erecting and keeping a 
ferry there, and that we would grant and confirm the same to him. 
Now Know ye, that in consideration of the charge and expenses 
which the said David Nitschmann must be put to in making wharves 
and landing-places and providing necessary flats and boats, and the con- 
stant attendance necessary thereunto, And we being always ready and 
willing to promote the public utility and improvement of our said 
Province, & to give due encouragement to all who shall undertake or 
contribute to the same, Have given, granted and confirmed, and by 

108 The Bethlehem Ferry, 1743-1794.. 

these Presents for us & our heirs Do give, grant and confirm unto the 
said David Nitschmann, his executors, administrators and assigns, the 
sole liberty & privilege of erecting, keeping and occupying a ferry over 
the said West Branch of the River Delaware to & from the place afore- 
said for the transporting & carrying over the same all persons, wagons, 
carts & other carriages, horses, cattle, goods, wares, merchandises & 
things whatsoever, hereby strictly forbidding all other persons on either 
side of the said branch from taking or carrying over the same within 
the distance of one mile above and one mile below the said ferry hereby 
settled & established, for hire, reward or pay, in any flat, boat or canoe, 
any persons, wagons, carts or other carriages, horses or cattle, And we 
do further give & grant unto the said David Nitschmann, hi3 executors, 
administrators and assigns during the term hereby demised, the liberty 
and privilege to demand & receive from all persons, & for all wagons, 
carts and other carriages, horses, and other cattle, goods, wares, mer- 
chandise, & things whatsoever passing or being carried over the said 
ferry all such reasonable toll, fees, or reward as shall be settled for the 
same (us our heirs & successors & our Lieutenant Governor & attend- 
ants & servants only excepted), To have and to hold the said ferry, 
liberties, privileges, profits & advantages hereby granted, with the ap- 
purtenances, unto the said David Nitschmann, his executors, admin- 
istrators & assigns, — from the second day of March instant for & during 
and unto the full end & term of seven years thence next ensuing fully 
to be complete & ended, Yielding and paying therefor yearly to us 
our heirs & successors at the town of Easton in the said County of 
Northampton on every the first day of March in every year for & during 
the said term hereby granted five English silver shillings or value 
thereof in coin current according as the exchange shall be between 
our said Province and the city of London, to such person or persons as 
shall from time to time be appointed to receive the same, Provided 
always that if the same David Nitschmann, hie executors, adminis- 
trators or assigns shall not at all times during the said term hereby 
granted, find, provide and maintain necessary & sufficient flats and 
boats for the use of the said ferry, and give due, constant & ready 
attendance thereunto, and then and from thenceforth this present grant 
shall cease, determine & be void, anything herein before mentioned & 
contained to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding." 

William Denny, on November 17, 1756, was the first 
governor of the Province to enjoy the immunity provided 
for his rank and station by the thoughtful Proprietaries. 
A new flat-boat, forty-two feet in length, together with 
poles, sweeps, and a speaking-trumpet, was added to the 
equipment of the ferry, and the old boat repaired and held 
in readiness for emergencies. In January of 1758 a rope- 

The Bethlehem Fei*ry, 17^3-179^ 109 

ferry superseded the old mode of poling, and wa3 con- 
tinued until the first bridge was built. A chronicler of 
that day, in noticing this improvement, observes with 
somewhat of enthusiasm, "that formerlv in times of hi<rh- 
water, four men found it difficult to effect a passage in 
less than half an hour, the flat now crosses the river by 
rope usually in ninety seconds." John Garrison succeeded 
Kunckler in September, but in 1759 the latter was ap- 
pointed ferryman for a second time. In 1761, Francis 
Steup followed next in succession, and the year following 
Augustus H. Francke, with Peter Petersen as assistant. 
The ferry, including flat-boats, ropes, wharves, chains, four 
canoes, and other equipments, was inventoried at £185.18.4, 
and the gross receipts amounted to £165.0.11, and the cost 
of maintenance £92. 1.4 J for the year. 

Valentine Fuehrer, who succeeded Francke, was ferryman 
from 1763 to 1784, and again from 1791 to 1794. 

In the autumn of 1765 a ferry-house was erected at the 
southern terminus, which in later years was occupied by 
the toll-keepers of the bridge. The spring freshet of 1766, 
the greatest since 1739, did very little damage at the ferry, 
owing to the precautions taken, notwithstanding the water 
had risen to one hundred and twenty-five inches above low- 
water mark. In January, 1767, the following schedule of 
ferriage rates was printed and posted up in the villages and 
mills through the counties of Northampton and Bucks : 

For a loaded wagon & 4 horses Ss.Od. 

" an empty do do 2.0. 

" a loaded do 2 do 2.6. 

" an empty do do 2.6. 

" a carriage with 4 wheels & 2 horses . . . 2.6. 

" a chair & 1 horse 1.6. 

" a do 2 do 1.10. 

" a sled 4 do 3.0. 

" ado 2 do 1.6. 

" ado 1 do . 1.2. 

" a single horse 6. 

" a number of horses, each 4. 

" a footman 2 coppers. 

110 The Bethlehem Ferry, 1743-1794. 

For a single ox or cow 6</. 

" a number of oxen or cows, each .... 4. 

u a single sheep, hog or calf, each . . . .2 coppers. 

" 10 head of the same ls.lOrf. 

Accompanying this schedule was the following : 

" All such persons as bring wheat, rye, Indian corn & buckwheat, to 
the grist-mill at Bethlehem, for grinding, are free of ferriage, provided 
they observe the following regulations, to wit : 

One horse with two bushels of wheat, rye or Indian Corn. 

One horse with 3 bushels buckwheat. 

One wagon & 4 horses with 20 bushels of wheat. 

One do 



" 15 


One cart 


" 12 


One do 



" 8 


One sled 



" 12 


One do 



" 6 


" Besides the above-mentioned quantities of grain, all kinds of pro- 
visions brought for sale in Bethlehem are allowed on the same wagon, 
cart, sled or horse. Furthermore, all persons that come to church at 
Bethlehem on Sundays or holy days are ferriage free, provided they do 
not come for the purpose of transacting business, or carry parcels, — in 
which case they are to pay the usual rates." 

The period of Fuehrer's incumbency between 1775 and 
1783 was a particularly busy and exciting one, and twice 
the ferry-boats were impressed by the army and taken to 
the Delaware ; the first time on December 16, 1776, to assist 
in the transportation of General Lee's division, and the 
second time in July of 1777, to transport troops and muni- 
tions of war of Washington's army. The first of the Con- 
tinental troops to cross the ferry at Bethlehem was the 
company of Captain Michael Doudle, attached to Colonel 
William Thompson's Pennsylvania Rifle Battalion, en route 
to the camp at Cambridge, and the first British, detachments 
of prisoners captured in the Canada campaign. The year 
1777 was, perhaps, the busiest in the annals of the ferry, 
when Bethlehem was crowded with delegates to Congress, 

The Bethlehem Ferry, 1743-1794. 1 1 1 

officers, and civilians, the heavy baggage and wounded of 
the army, and soldiers and prisoners of war. On June 25, 
1779, Lady Washington, in company with Generals Sullivan, 
Poor, and Maxwell, and on July 25, 1782, General Wash- 
ington, with two of his aides, were conveyed over the ferry 
to the town. 

Fuehrer retired from the management of the ferry in 
April of 1784, and was succeeded by Massa Warner ; but 
the veteran ferryman's services were again needed, and for 
the last time, in July of 1791, he took charge of its concerns, 
which he acceptably managed until September, 1794, when 
the bridge was completed and the ferry abandoned. On the 
opening of the bridge for traffic he was appointed toll-keeper, 
and filled the position until his death in 1808. 

112 Boone Genealogy. 

[Our Genealogy, etc., Wrote in 1788, March 21.] 

Our Genealogy, or Pedigree ; traced as far back as had come to the 
Knowledge of John Boone [the Son of George & Mary Boone] : Wrote 
by James Boone [Grandson of the Said George and Mary Boone] . — 

George Boone, I. (that is the first that we have heard of) was born 
in England. 

George Boone, II. [Son of George Boone the first] was born in or 
near the City of Exeter in Devonshire ; being a blacksmith ; his Wife's 
Maiden Name was Sarah Uppey. He died aged 60 ; and she died aged 
80 Years, and never had an aching Bone, or decay'd Tooth. 

George Boone, III. [Son of George & Sarah Boone] was born at 
Stoak (a Village near the City of Exeter) in A. D. 1666, being a 
Weaver ; his Wife's Maiden Name was Mary Maugridge, who was born 
in Bradninch (eight Miles from the City of Exeter) in the Year 1669, 
being a Daughter of John Maugridge and Mary his Wife, whose maiden 
name was Milton. They (the said George & Mary Boone) had nine 
Children that lived to be Men and Women : namely, George, Sarah, 
Squire, Mary, John, Joseph, Benjamin, James, and Samuel, having 
each of them several Children, excepting John, who was never married. 
The said George and Mary Boone with their Family, came from the 
Town of Bradninch in Devonshire, Old-England (which is a Town at 
8 Miles Distance from the City of Exeter, and 177 measured Miles 
Westward from London) ; they left Bradninch the 17 Aug. 1717, and 
went to Bristol where they took Shipping, and arrived at Philadelphia 
in 1717, (September 29, Old-Stile, or October 10th New-Stile) ; three of 
their Children, to wit, George, Sarah, and Squire, they sent in a few 
Years before. From Philadelphia they went to Abington, and staid a 
few Months there ; thence to North- Wales, and liv'd about 2 Years 
there; thence to Oley in the same County of Philadelphia, where 
Sarah (being married) had moved to some Time before. This last Place 
of their Residence, (since the Divisions made in the Township of Oley 
and County of Philadelphia) is called the Township of Exeter in the 
County of Berks: It was called Exeter, because they came from a 
Place near the City of Exeter. And, 

He the said George Boone the Third, died on the Sixth Day of the 
Week, near 8 o'Clock in the Morning, on the 27th of July, 1744, aged 
78 Years ; and Mary his Wife died on the 2d Day of the Week, on the 
2d of February 1740-1, aged 72 Years ; and were decently interred in 

Boone Genealogy, 113 

Friends Burying-Ground, in the said Township of Exeter. When he 
died, he left 8 Children, 52 Grand-Children, and 10 Great-Grand-Chil- 
dren, living ; in all 70, being as many Persons as the House of Jacob 
which came into Egypt. 

George Boone, IV. [the eldest child of George & Mary Boone] was 
born in the Town of Bradninch aforesaid, on the 13th of July, 1690, 
about £ H. past 5 in the Afternoon ; and died in Exeter Township afore- 
said, on the 20 November 1753, in the 64th Year of his Age. He taught 
School for several Years near Philadelphia; was a good Mathematician, 
and taught the several Branches of English Learning ; and was a Magis- 
trate for several Years. His Wife's maiden Name was Deborah Howell. 
She died in 1759, January 26. 

George Boone V. [the eldest Son of George & Deborah Boone] was 
never married, and died in Exeter Township aforesaid, aged about 24 

Sarah Boone [Daughter of George & Mary Boone] was born on the 
Fifth Day of the Week, about £ H. past 11 in the Forenoon, on the 18th 
of February 1691-2. 

Squire Boone [Son of George and Mary Boone] was born on the 
Fourth Day of the Week, between 11 & 12 in the Forenoon, on the 25 
November, 1696. 

Mary Boone [Daughter of George & Mary Boone] was born Sept. 23, 
A. D. 1699: She was the Wife of John Webb, and departed this Life on 
the 16th of January, 1774, in the 75th Year of her Age ; her Husband 
died in the same Year, October 18th, in the 80th Year of his Age. 

Joseph Boone [Son of George & Mary Boone] was born between 4 & 5 
in the Afternoon, on the 5th of April, 1704 ; and he departed this Life 
on the 30 January, 1776, in the 72d Year of his Age. His Wife Cath- 
erine Boone died on the 31st of January, 1778, and was interred at 
Exeter the next Day exactly 2 Years after the Burial of her Husband. 

Benjamin Boone [Son of George & Mary Boone] was born on the 16th 
of July, 1706 ; and he died on the 14th of October, 1762, in the 57th 
Year of his Age. Susanna Boone [his Widow] died on the 5 Nov. 1784. 
in the 76th Year of her Age. 

Samuel Boone [the youngest Son of George & Mary Boone] departed 
this Life on the 6th of August, 1745, and was buried at Exeter the next 
Day ; aged about 54 Years. 

James Boone [the sixth Son of George & Mary Boone] was born in the 
Town of Bradninch, in Devonshire, in Old-England, about * Hour past 
2 in the Morning, on the 7th of July (Old-Stile), or the 18th of July 
(New-Stile), Anno Domini 1709. And in 1735 May 15, (O. S.) he 
married Mary Foulke by whom he had fourteen Children, and nine of 
them lived to be Men & Women, namely, Anne, Mary, Martha, James, 
John, Judah, Joshua, Rachel, & Moses. The said James Boone, senior, 
and Mary, his Wife, lived together 20 Years 8 Months & 25 Days ; and 

Vol. xxl— 8 

114 Boone Genealogy. 

she departed this Life on the 6th Day of the Week, at 20 Minutes past 
one o'Clock in the Afternoon, on the 20th Day of February 1756, aged 
41 years & 11 Weeks, and was decently interred in Friends Burying- 
Ground at Exeter on the First Day of the next Week. And in 1757 
October 20, he married Anne Griffith, being just 20 months after the 

Decease of his former Wife. And here, for the Satisfaction of the 

Curious, I shall insert a few Chronological Remarks, viz. — 

1. The said Mary Boone deceased in 1756 Feb. 20, at 20 Minutes past 
one in the Afternoon, which wanted but two Minutes and sixteen Seconds 
of 20 o'Clock according to the Italian Manner of Reckoning (for the 
Italians, Jews, and some others, always begin their Day at Sun-set); 
which was the 20th Day of the Jewish Month Adar, when the Moon 
was 20 Days old, and 4 Weeks before the Vernal Equinox. 

2. The said James Boone, senior, married Anne Griffith in 1757, Octo- 
ber 20, at 20 Minutes past one in the Afternoon ; that is, he wa3 married 
to his second (or last) Wife exactly 20 Months after the Decease of his 
first, and 4 Weeks after the Autumnal Equinox. * 

James Boone, senior, departed this Life on the 1st Day of September, 
A. D. 1785, on the Fifth Day of the Week, at ten Minutes after nine 
o'Clock at Night, in the 77th Year of his Age; and was decently in- 
terred in Friends Burying-Ground at Exeter on the Seventh Day of the 
same Week. He (with his Parents, &c) left Great-Britain in the 9th 
Year of his Age, and lived almost 6$ Years in Pennsylvania. — N.B. 
When he was born, it was between 9 & 10 at Night here in Pennsyl- 
vania (allowing for the Difference of Longitude) ; and he died between 
9 & 10 at Night. 

John Boone, senior, [the third Son of George & Mary Boone] was born 
in the Town of Bradninch, in Devonshire, in Old-England, on the 
Seventh day of the Week, about 10 or 11 o'Clock in the Forenoon, 
on the 3 January 1701-2, Old-Stile ; or A. D. 1702 January 14, New- 
Stile. And he departed this Life on the 10th Day of October 1785, on 
the Second Day of the Week ; sixteen Minutes after Midnight, in the 
84th Year of his Age, (being the oldest of our Name & Family that we 
have heard of) ; and was decently interred in Friends Burying-Ground 
at Exeter the next Day. He (with his Parents, &c) left Great-Britain in 
the 16th Year of his Age, and lived exactly 68 years here (in North- 
America) from the day he landed at Philadelphia. He lived only 5 
Weeks and 4 Days after the Decease of his Brother James. — N.B. All 
our Relations of the Name of Boone, who were living after 17S5 October 
10, are American-born, as far as we know. 

Now I shall conclude this Paper, after I have set down the Time and 
Place of my own Nativity ; viz. — 

I James Boone [the eldest Son of James Boone, senior, & Mary 
his Wife] was born in the Township of Exeter aforesaid, on the Fifth 
Day of the Week, about five o'Clock in the Morning, on the 26th Day 

Boone Genealogy. 115 

of January 1743-4, Old-Stile, or A. D. 1744 February 6, New-Stile.— The 
Geographical Situatiou of the Place of my birth, is nearly as follows ; 
viz. — 

Deg. Min. 

Latitude 40 : 22 North. 

Longitude from London 75 : 43£ We3t. 

So that, the Meridian passing through said Place, is 5 Hours 2 Minutes 
& 64 Seconds West from the Meridian of London : or nearly so, if 

James Boone, senior [Son of George & Mary Boone] was born in the 
Town of Bradninch (eight Miles from the City of Exeter) in Devonshire, 
in Old-England, about £ Hour past 2 in the Morning there, A. D. 1709 
July 18 (N. S.). And he departed this Life A. D. 1785 September 1, at 

H. M. 

9 : 10 at Night, in the 77th Year of his Age. 

Mary Foulke, [Daughter of Hugh & Anne Foulke] was born at North- 
Wales in Philadelphia County, A. D. 1714 December 5, (N. S.) James 
Boone, senior, & Mary Foulke were married, A. D. 1735 May 26 (N. S.), 

T. M. D. 

and lived together 20 : 8 : 25 : She departed this Life, A. D. 1756 Feb. 

H. M. 

20, at 1 : 20 in the Afternoon, in the 42d Year of her Age. 

The Times of the Births of the Children of the said James Boone* 
senior, and Mary (his first Wife), set down according to the New-Stile. 
The Place of their Births is Exeter Township, Berks County, in Pennsyl- 

New Stile. 

Anne Boone was born about 5 in the Afternoon . ._. 1737 Apr. 14. 

Mary Boone was born about 1 in the Morning . . 1739 Jan. 23. 

Martha Boone was born about 5 in the Afternoon . . 1742 July 1. 

James Boone, junior, was born about 5 in the 

Morning 1744 Feb. 6. 

John Boone, junior, was born about 2 in the Morn- 
ing 1745 Nov. 21. 

Deceased at 10 o'clock at Night, in the 28th Year 

of his Age 1773 Mar. 29. 

Judah Boone was born about 3 in the Morning . . 1746 Dec. 19. 

Dinah Boone was born 1743 Mar. 19. 

Deceased , 

Joshua Boone was born about 4 in the Morning . . 1749 Apr. 4. 

Rachel Boone was born about 3 in the Afternoon . . 1750 Apr. 2. 

Moses Boone was born about 3 in the Morning . . 1751 Aug. 3. 

Hannah Boone was born 1752 June 14. 

Deceased 1752 Aug. 15. 

Nathaniel Boone was born, and died, in the Tear 
1753 ; being 5 Weeks old at his Decease. 

James Boone, senior, and Anne Griffith were married A. D. 1757 Oct. 20, 
being just 20 Months after the Decease of his former Wife. She the said 
Anne Griffith was born A. D. 1713 January 29th, New-Stile. 

116 Boone Genealogy, 

John Boone, junior, [Son of James Boone, Senior, and Mary his Wife] 
when he died left three Children, the Times of whose Births were as 
hereunder mentioned ; viz. — 

1. Hannah Boone, was born on the 6th Day of the 

"Week, about 4 o'Clock in the Afternoon . 1765 November 1. 

2. James Boone, III. was born on the 7th Day of 

the Week, 15 Minutes after Noon . . . 1769 January 21. 

3. Susanna Boone, was born on the 4th Day of the 

Week, 45 Minutes past 10 o'Clock at Night . 1771 May 1. 

John Boone, senior [Son of George & Mary Boone, and Brother of 
the said James Boone, senior] was born in the Town of Bradninch, in 
Devonshire, in Old-England, on the Seventh Day of the Week, about 
11 in the Morning; A. D. 1702 January 14th, New-Style. And he the 
said John Boone, senior, departed this Life (in the Township of Exeter) 
on the 2d Day of the Week, 16 Minutes after Midnight, on the 10 Oc- 
tober 1785, in the 84th Year of his Age ; He left Old-England in the 16th 
Year of his Age, and he (with his Parents, &c.) arrived at Philadelphia in 
1717 October 10th, New-Stile, and lived here [in North- America] exactly 
68 Years; he died within 5 Weeks & 4 Days after the Decease of his 
Brother James. 

Judah Boone [Son of James Boone, senior, and Mary his Wife] de- 
parted this Life on the loth Day of May, A. D. 1787, on the third Day 
of the Week, at fifteen Minutes after Midnight, aged 40 Years 4 Months 
3 Weeks & 5 Days, that is, he was in the 41st Year of his Age ; and 
was interred in the Friends Burying Ground at Exeter on the fourth Day 
of the same Week. 

James Burnside, of Northampton County, Pennsylvania. 117 



James Burnside, the first representative from the County 
of Northampton in the Assembly of Pennsylvania, wa3 
born in the County of Meath, Ireland, June 4, 1708. His 
parents were members of the Established Church, in good 
circumstances, and gave him a liberal education. In 1734 
he sailed for Georgia, where for some time he was em- 
ployed as accountant for the trustees of the Colony, at 
Savannah. Purchasing a small plantation on an island 
near the town, in 1736 he was married to Margaret, daugh- 
ter of Charles and Margaret Bevan, by whom he had a 
daughter, Rebecca, born March 31, 1740, who two days 
later was baptized by Rev. George Whitefield. 

His plantation dwelling-house having been destroyed by 
fire, he removed to Savannah, where a similar misfortune 
befell him, and in consequence of these repeated losses, in 
1740 he accepted the position of general manager of the 
Orphan House, " Bethesda," founded by Whitefield. Here 
he became acquainted with the Rev. John Hagen, Moravian 
missionary to the Indians, and John Brownfield, the secre- 
tary of Governor Oglethorpe, and attended the religious 
meetings held in the house of the latter. After the death 
of his wife, in 1743, with his daughter he sailed for Phila- 
delphia, and visited Bethlehem. On being notified of his 
appointment to a civil office at Charleston, South Carolina, 
he set out thither in the autumn of 1744, after having 
placed his daughter in the Moravian boarding-school at 
Germantown. Two years later she was transferred to the 
school at Nazareth, where she died August 12, 1746. 1 

1 To defray the expenses of education and maintenance of his daugh- 
ter during his absence, Mr. Burnside disposed of the following personal 

118 James Burnside } of Northampton County, Pennsylvania. 

Early in the year 1745 Mr. Burnside left Charleston for 
New York, and in May proceeded to Bethlehem, where on 
August 19 he was married to Mary Wendover (maiden 
name Peterse), widow of Hercules Wendover, of New 
York. In 1749 he purchased a plantation of three hun- 
dred and fifty acres near Bethlehem, on which he erected a 
substantial mansion, where he resided until his decease. 

On the erection of Northampton County, in 1752, Mr. 
Burnside was elected, after a sharp contest, by upwards of 
three hundred majority, its first representative in the 
Assembly. His opponent was ex-Surveyor-General Wil- 
liam Parsons, the Proprietary candidate and founder of 
Easton. During the two sessions, 1752 and 1754, in which 
he served, he was a member of several important com- 
mittees, — finance, Indian afiairs, and amendments to the 
charter of the Province. He was finally defeated for a re- 
election by his old opponent, William Parsons, who, in writ- 
ing to Secretary Richard Peters, states, " Mr. Burnside is 
going from place to place, beating his breast, declaring that 
he would serve the county to the utmost of his power, if 
he was chosen." 

James Burnside died at his plantation August 8, 1755, 
and his remains were interred at Bethlehem. His widow, 
in 1758, disposed of the plantation to the Moravian Church, 
and then removed to New York, where she died in January 
of 1774. During the Revolution the Burnside mansion 
was occupied for a time by the captive major-general, the 
Baron Riedesel, and his accomplished wife, with their suite. 

property: one silver net apron, four gold and silver handkerchiefs, five 
large silver spoons, three silver teaspoons, one silver strainer, one pair 
silver sugar-tongs, one silver knife, one looking-glass set in silver, one 
jet heart inlaid with gold, one silver girdle buckle set with stones, one 
seal set in gold, one music box set in silver, one carnelian bell with gold 
clapper, two gold lockets, one enamelled portrait of King Charles II., 
one gold ring, four diamond sparks, one diamond spark, one agate-han- 
dled knife, one striped lustre gown, one striped satin night-gown, two 
portraits of Charles and Margaret Bevan, one fine fan, one pair gold ear- 
rings, one suit of broad Brussels lace, two silk gowns, pewter dishes and 
plates, and numerous other articles. 

Notes and Queries. 119 


Harriton. — A Letter from Mr. George Vaux. — 
"Editor Pennsylvania Magazine. 

" My attention has been called to certain statements made on pages 229, 
389, and 390 of a work recently published, called " Merion in the Welsh 
Tract," which question the correctness of the date of 1704 generally ac- 
cepted as the year that Rowland Ellis built the ancient mansion-house 
on what is now known as Harriton Plantation, in Lower Merion. The 
author does not tell the ground for the doubt expressed, beyond an inti- 
mation at the foot of page 389, which will be referred to hereafter. 

"I have known this building ever since 1856, and at that time there 
was a date-stone in the southwest gable in which 1704 was cut. The 
one, the seven, and the cipher were very plainly disclosed. The per- 
pendicular line of the figure four was also clear, but the horizontal 
and diagonal lines were very indistinct and could only be traced by 
careful examination. Hence many persons supposed the date was 
1701, but never 1714. This statement is based upon careful personal 
examination made many years since, and I have no doubt of the facts. 
The stone was antiquated in appearance and bore evident marks of 
having been put there when the house was built. It disappeared some 
years since, but its loss was not discovered until too late to trace it. 
There can be no reasonable doubt that 1704 was the date on this stone, 
and if date-stones are an authority, this is certainly entitled to being 
conclusive as to the time the building was erected until some very good 
evidence is furnished to the contrary. 

" Referring now to the statements on pages 389 and 390 (in which, by 
the way, I am erroneously called Richard Vaux), it is manifest that 
the author was very imperfectly acquainted with the facts, and that 
those he possessed were not properly digested. The allegation that the 
three-hundred-acre tract conveyed on February 24, 1708, to Rees Thomas 
and William Lewis does not seem to include the site of the present 
mansion is wholly erroneous. The three-hundred-acre tract was at the 
southeastern end of the plantation (the writer's summer residence stands 
on a part of it), and the northwestern boundary was far to the north- 
west of the mansion-house in question. There is no reasonable doubt 
that Ellis lived in it at that time. The facts connected with this con- 
veyance are as follows: Robert Ellis, one of Rowland Ellis's sons, mar- 
ried Margaret John, daughter of William John, of Gywnedd, on the 3d 
of Ninth month, 1705. He died within a year or two, leaving his wife 
and an only child, a little girl, Jane Ellis. Rowland Ellis had made 
a settlement upon Robert in his lifetime 'of three hundred and eighty 
acres of land and one moiety of the house, orchard, and stock belonz- 
ing to the plantation.' After the latter's death his widow claimea, 
among other things, dower, and a provision for the little crirl, Jane 
Ellis, out of the three hundred and eighty acres. The grandfather was 
not indisposed to grant the provision, but terms could not be agreed 
upon, and the matter was referred to arbitrators, who decided that Row- 

120 Nates and Queries. 

land Ellis should pay to his granddaughter, when she married or came 
of age, one hundred and eighty pounds. If she died in her minority 
unmarried, nothing was to be paid, except that the widow was to re- 
ceive five pounds and her dower was to be released. To secure the 
above payments the three hundred acres were conveyed to Rees Thomas 
and William Lewis in trust, and they executed a defeasance of even 
date with the deed, covenanting to reconvey when the payments pro- 
vided for had been made. This transaction had simply the effect of 
a mortgage, and embraced a method of procedure for securing debts 
which was not uncommon at the time. 

" When Rowland Ellis sold to Harrison, in the autumn of 1719, a title 
was still outstanding in Thomas and Lewis, but a conveyance was made, 
dated October 23, covering the whole tract, containing six hundred and 
ninety-eight acres (seven hundred and eighteen, less twenty reserved), 
but it was not acknowledged until December 22 following, when Thomas 
and Lewis executed the conveyance to Harrison, and both deeds were 
recorded on the same day in the same deed-book, one following the 
other. This vested full title in Harrison. Rowland Ellis's title was de- 
rived from Richard Davies in 1682, but it was only a warrant or allot- 
ment title, and the survey was not made till 16S4 and the patent was not 
issued till August 23, 1703, the year previous to the erection of the 

" Rees Thomas, mentioned above, according to the minutes of Merion 
Meeting, emigrated from Caermarthenshire in 1691. He was a near 
neighbor and probably a personal friend of Rowland Ellis. He lived a 
little north of the north corner of the Roberts road and the Lancaster 
turnpike, in a house said to have been one of the first built of stone 
west of the river Schuylkill. The sashes, which were imported from Eng- 
land, were of lead, and the floor boards were fastened to the joists with 
wooden pegs instead of nails. Straw was used in the plaster for want of 
hair. There was a huge fireplace, on each side of which were benches 
capable of seating several persons. Individuals are still alive who lived 
in this house in their childhood. The writer well remembers this 
ancient dwelling, which only disappeared within twenty-five years. 

" George Vaux." 

Epitaph of Dr. George Balfour, Surgeon in Wayne's West- 
ern Army. — The following inscription was. recently copied from a 
stone in the graveyard of the old church in Hampton, Virginia. The 
church was founded in 1659. This epitaph may be of interest to the 
people of that State, which cherishes the name of Anthony Wayne as 
one of the brightest in her long list of brave men and wise. 

"To the memory of Doctor George Balfour, who was born at Little 
England in this County, on the 26 th Sep. 1771, and died in the Borough 
of Norfolk on the 28 th Aug, 1830. 

"In 1792 he entered the Medical Staff of the U. S. Army, and braved 
the perils of the West under the gallant Wayne; who, at a subsequent 
period, on Pres'que Isle, breathed his last in his arms. In 179S, on the 
organization of the Navy, he was appointed its Senior Surgeon, and per- 
formed the responsible duties of that office until 1S04, when he retired 
to private practice in Norfolk, where he pursued his profession with dis- 
tinguished reputation to himself and eminent usefulness to that com- 
munity, until the time of his decease. 

" He was courteous in his address, of a high sense of personal honor, 
of a generous and noble heart, and a firm believer in the gospel ; the 

Notes and Queries. 121 

precepts of which guided his career through life and lighted his passage 
to the tomb. His remains here mingle with those of his father and 
mother, who were buried ou this spot, and whose memory he ever cher- 
ished with truly filial affection. Two of his children sleep beside him, 
and a third erects this stone to mark the buriel place of his Sires. 
" His epitaph, written by himself. 

" ' Long had my spirit wandered in this vale of tears, 
Fearful, yet anxious still to return home ; 
Till, trusting wholly in God's grace it left its fears, 
Then boldly cried I come, I come 1 

" 'His blood as shed in Christ can wash the sinner white, 
His blood can heal each raging, rankling wound, 
'Tis his to raise the mouldering dead again to light, 
Crowned with glory triumphant from the ground.' " 

J. Brooke. 

Powell. — Copy of entries made by Samuel Powell, the first, of Phila- 
delphia (died Sixth month 27, 1756), in his Bible, printed in the year 
1683, and now in the possession of one of his descendants, Mrs. Charles 
Penrose Keith, of Philadelphia. 

Samuel Powell's wife was Abigail, the daughter of Barnabas Willcox, 
of Philadelphia. 

Sam el Powell & Abigail his wife were married the 19th day of the 12 th 
mon* 1700 in Philadelphia. 

Ann Powell the Daughter of s'd Sam el & Abigail was Born the 10 th 
dav of the 2 nd mon th 1702 about 2 o'clock after noon. 

Sam 61 Powell the Sonn of ve s'd Sam el & Abigail was Born the 26 th 
day of ye 12 th mon* 1704, 1/2 past 11 of o'clock night. 

Deborah Powell the Daughter of s'd Sam el & Abigail Powell was born 
the 24th day of the 8 th month 1706 in the house of my Aunt Ann 

Ann Powell the Second of y* name was born the 24 th day of ye 8 th m° 
1708 near 10 at night. 

Ann Powell the first of yt name departed this Life ye 10 th dav of ye 
10 th m° 1707. 

Ann Parsons departed this Life ye 24 th ye 6 m° 1712 about nine in ye 

Sarah Powell ye Daughter of Samuel & Abigail Powell was born ye 
29 of ye 4 th m° 1713 .about 5 in ye morning. 

My Deare Wife Abigail Powell Departed this Life y* 4 th day of ve 7 th 

Ann Powell ye Second of ye name Departed this Life y e 26 th dav of 
ye 8 th m° 17 U Aged 6 years & 2 days. 

Correct copy. 
P. S. P. Conner. 

Some Owners of Letters of Marque belonging to Philadel- 
phia, 1780. — In a suit in the Admiralty Court, Philadelphia, April 
3, 1780, brought by Silas Talbot, captain of the armed sloop " Argo," 
it appears that he captured the brigantine H Betsey," placed a prize 
crew on her and ordered her to the nearest port in the United States. 
The "Betsey" was overtaken at sea by three brigantines. letters of 
marque, called the " Achilles," the " Hibernia," and the " Patty," who 
recaptured her. From the papers in the case the following merchants 
of Philadelphia were the owners of the letters of marque: John Purvi- 
ance, Benjamin Harbeson, Joseph Dean, Samuel Murdock, Samuel 

122 Notes and Queries. 

Cadwalader Morris, John Donaldson, James Caldwell. Blair McClen- 
nachan, John Lardner, John \Vilc0ck3, Cadwalader Morris, Nicholas 
Lowe, William Lawrence, Isaac Cox, and John Maxwell Nesbitt. 

James Logan to the Monthly Meeting at Philadelphia, 

" To the Fr 4 * of the Monthlv Meeting mett att Philad 8 this 25 th of y e 10 th 
mo: 1702 

" Whereas upon a provocation given by Dan" Cooper of West- Jersey 
injuriously (as was judged) to our proprietaries Right & contrary to au- 
thority invading, in the 5 th mo : last, one of the Reed Islands of Delaware 
over ag* this City I undertook to go over to the s d Island to divert him 
from proceeding in his design, accompanied with the Sheriff of Phila- 
delphia, who hearing of an opposition designed took with him some 
other persons with fire arms for the greater awe of such as should at- 
tempt to oppose. 

"And whereas occasion hath been or may be taken from the s d arms 
being carried in my company to reflect not only on me as concerned for 
the Proprietary but also on the Profession of Gods Truth owned by & 
amongst us I do therefore in a true Sense of y e inconveniencies that have 
naturally ensued from the s d action & its contrariety to y e said Profes- 
sion, heartily regret my complying with or being in any wise concerned 
in that method which ministers such occasion and do in sincerity de- 
clare that could I have foreseen y e ill consequences of it I should by no 
means have engaged in it. Hoping & earnestly desiring that it may 
please God the author of all good counsel & direction so to enlighten 
my understanding by his Spirit that I may avoid not only all such 
occasions but all others that by being contrary to his divine will may 
minister offence for the future. 

"James Logan." 

Grand and Petit Jurymen for the Court of Oyer and Ter- 
miner of Philadelphia, October, 1734. — 

"Grand Jury: William Atwood, foreman; Thomas Hatton, Robert 
Ellis, John Bringhurst, Edward Bradley, Samuel Powel Jr., John Dil- 
lon, William Rawle, Aaron Hassert, William Plumsted, Thomas Glent- 
worth, Joseph Shippen Jr., Richard Nixon, George House, William 
Wallace, Thomas Sharp, Henry Combs, William ^Humphreys, Hugh 
Roberts, William Clymer, Dennis Roachford, Benjamin Hoskins, Ste- 
phen Armitt, John Howell. 

"Petit Jury: William Clear, John Bayley, Samuel Emlen, Jacob 
Usher, Abraham Bickley, George Wilson, Francis Richardson, Thomas 
Stapleford, John Trapnall, Richard Crookshank, Benjamin Paschail, 
Thomas Lay, Michael Poynts, Nathaniel Edgcomb, Daniel Bateman, 
Jacob Shoemaker, John Foredam, John Breintnall, Daniel Hood, John 
Williams, John Wastfield, Caleb Ranstead, Charles Williams, Joseph 
Flower. Sept. Robinson, Sherijf." 

Dancing Assembly of Philadelphia. — Thomas Stewardson, Esq., 
sends us a copy, from the original in his collection, of a certificate of 
subscription towards the erection of a building for the Dancing As- 
sembly : 

"Received, Philadelphia, Dec r 20 th 1792, of Henry Hill, one hundred 
Pounds, being for Five Shares subscribed to the proposals for building 
a Dancing Assembly Room &c. on which sum the said Henry Hill or 

Notes and Queries. 123 

the assigns of the said Henry Hill shall be entitled to receive such an- 
nual dividend as may arise out of the net profits of the institution. 

[Signed] " Henry Hill, 

" Thomas H. Moore, 
" J. M. Nesbitt, 
" Jasper Moylan." 

Letter of Surgeon Stephen Chambers Henry, Detroit, 1813, 
addressed to his mother, the wife of Judge John Joseph Henry. — 

" Detroit October 3* 1813 
" Dear Mother — 

" On Wednesday 29th of September we were relieved from our im- 
prisonment by the arrival of General Harrison and his brave troops. 
The British evacuated the country before his arrival and burnt all the 
buildings at Fort Maiden and Detroit belonging to the King and the 

Eublic. The British General, whose name is Proctor, who no doubt you 
ave heard of long before this time, from his many barbarous acts, or- 
dered the Pottawatomies to burn the whole settlement in and about 
Detroit, which through fear they have not done. When Gen. Proctor 
made his retreat, very few of the Indians retreated with him, not more 
than one hundred and fifty, with Tecumsche at their head. He is sup- 
posed to be their best chief. 

44 Yesterday Gen. Harrison pursued him with about 5000 men — (about 
1500 mounted on horses with muskets and rifles) — up the river Thames. 
It is generally thought that it is the intention of Gen. Proctor to join 
Gen. de Rottenberg near Fort George, but we have accounts today, that 
some part of Gen. Wilkinson's army have intercepted a number of 
wagons, ladened with women and children, and property belonging to 
the army, which he, Proctor, had sent on before him. If this news is 
true, which we all suppose it is, we shall have Gen. Proctor and his 
army brought back as prisoners, for they do not consist of more than 
600 men, including Indians. The largest body was immediately in the 
rear of Detroit. 

"A number of chiefs arrived today in town with a flag of truce — some 
from the Allawas and some from the Pottawatomies — they appear to 
wish much for peace. Gen. McArthur has treated with them on these 
terms — they to bring their squaws and children into Detroit, to remain 
as hostages, and the warriors to pursue Gen. Proctor, their old friend, 
which they have agreed upon. Some of the Indians have begun to 
murder the whites in the neighborhood of the town ; this day a family 
were killed within twelve miles of it, besides a black man belonging to 
an officer of the Army. It appears the officer must certainly have been 
taken prisoner by them. There is no captivity on earth equal to that 
of being prisoner with the Indians; the squaws maltreat them very 
much, even the children will frequently take up the scalping-knife and 
stab at them, which the Indians do not prevent. 

" I would wish much to give you au account of all the proceedings of 
our dastard Gen. Hull, from the time of his arrival here until the shame 
of capitulation, but you have no doubt read it from more able hands 
than mine, in your newspapers. He must have been a traitor or a most 
execrable coward. I was an eye witness to all his movements. I would 
suppose from what I did see, that it was cowardice that caused him to 
surrender and not treachery. Just immediately before he ordered the 
white flag to be hoisted on the rampart of the Fort, a cannon shot killed 
three officers and wounded one. I was ordered to amputate the leg of 
the surviving officer, and while doing it the General came to the place. 

124 Notes and Queries. 

Certainly the sight of three persons torn almost to pieces by the shot, was 
dreadful* indeed, but no reason to surrender our Fort to a handful of 
men. Three days alter the capitulation I was taken ill with a very 
severe remitting fever, which continued for nearly two months, and after 
it I had the rheumatism in one of ray legs, which still remains swollen. 
On the eighth of July I was taken into custody by order of Gen. Proc- 
tor on suspicion. Mr. Dixon, the principal Indian agent on hi? return 
from a tour to gather the Indians, found that they would not join the 
British, according to their wishes, and then supposed it must be from 
the influence of some of the Americans at Detroit. There were four of 
us confined and examined. They liberated myself, and Mr. Desbros3, a 
citizen, having no proof against us. They have since behaved very 
politely to me. . . . 

" Your affectionate Son, 

"Stephen C. Henry." 
Addressed : 
" Mrs. Jane Henry, 

"Lancaster, Pa." 

Anecdotes of Mary H (Penna. Mag., Vol. XIX. p. 407).-— In 

copying the " Anecdotes of Mary H ," who kept the old tavern at 

the drawbridge, Philadelphia, " The Boatswain and Call," I wished to 
find the landlady's name. Watson says Philip Herbert kept the tavern, 
and the sketch says Mary H was the widow of the former proprie- 
tor. She must, we think, have been Mary Herbert. W. K. 

Palatines at Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts, 1731. — An- 
drew McFarland Davis, Esq., sent us a query relating to a Palatine 
colony stranded on Block Island (Penna. Mag., Vol. XI. pp. 243, 244), 
and we are again indebted to him for the following extracts taken from 
the " Journal of the House" of December, 1731, relating to a colony of 
distressed Palatines then at Martha's Vineyard. Early in the last cen- 
tury a number of large landed proprietors in the New England colonies 
flooded the Palatinate with hand-bills, and sent agents thither to en- 
courage immigration. A number of small colonies were organized and 
settled along the seaboard ; but the climate, the sterility of the soil, 
and, in many instances, fraudulent titles given to the colonists led to 
their dispersion and settlement in the middle and southern colonies. 

" December 29, 1731. — A Petition sign'd Philip Bongarden, in the Name 
and behalf of sundry poor distressed Palatines, now at Martha's Vineyard, 
within this Province, setting forth, That they were lately brought into 
said Martha 1 a Vineyard from Rotterdam, in the Ship Loving Unity, Jacob 
Lobb Commander, with whom they entred into a written Agreement at 
Rotterdam aforesaid (a Copy of which said Agreement was therewith 
exhibited, translated into English) That the said Captain had in a most 
barbarous manner dealt witli the Petitioners in their Voyage ; praying, 
that the Court would Order, that the said Capt. Lobb may be obliged to 
answer for the Injuries, Wrongs and Abuses by him done and offered as 
herein mentioned ; as also, that he may be obliged to comply with his 
Contract, for the transporting the Petitioners and their Goods to Phila- 
delphia, and that they may meet with such other Relief as shall be agree- 
able to Justice. (Brought down this Afternoon by Ebenezer Burrel 
E*q ;) Pass'd in Council, viz. In Council. December 29, 1781. Read, and 
Voted, That His Excellency be desired to issue out a Special Warrant for 
citing the before mentioned Jacob Lobb to appear before the Governour 
and Council to answer to the Complaint ; and that in the mean time the 

Notes and Queries. 125 

Goods and Effects of the Palatines, brought on the Ship Loving Unity be 
secured at Martha 's Vineyard, and the paid Ship stopped in one ot' the 
Harbours there, till the Order of the Governour and Council thereupon : 
and that any two of His Majesty's Justices of the Peace in Dukes County, 
be directed to take care that two or three of the principal Persons of the 
Palatines, be sent up to attend the Governour and Council, to support 
this Complaint; and that they likewise examine some of the Seamen on 
Oath, upon this Affair and send up their Examinations to the Secretary. 
— Sent down for concurrence. — Read. 

" Ordered, That the Treasurer of this Province, be and hereby is di- 
rected to supply the Select-Men of Edgartmon with the Sum Two Hun- 
dred Pounds, to be disposed of according to their best Discretion, for 
the Relief and Comfort of the Palatines, lately brought into Martha's 
Vineyard: The Treasurer to account therefor, in his next Accompt of 

'* Sent up for Concurrence. 

" December 30. The Order of Council on the Palatines Petition en- 
tred Yesterday, Read again, and after a Debate, the House pass'd a 
Non-Concurrence thereon, and 

" Ordered, That William Sherley Esq ; be desired to be of Council to 
Mr. Philip Bongarden, and assist him in seeking Relief for the Palatines 
(in whose behalf he appears) in the legal and customary Way in such 

" Sent up for Concurrence. 

"December 31. Thomas Palmer Esq ; brought down from the Hon- 
ourable Board, the Order of the 29th Instant for an Allowance to the 
Palatines, pass'd in Council, viz. In Council Dec 31, 1731. Read and 
Concurred ; with the Amendment. 

" Sent down for Concurrence. Read and Concurred." 

Btjdd's Row. — In Patent Book A, Vol. V., p. 294 et seq., is recorded 
the Proprietary grant to Thomas Budd for his Front Street lot. On a 
memorandum attached to the paper it is set forth that Budd sold to Su- 
sanna Paschall, " afterwards called Susanna Crop," the fourth house of 
Budd's Row. No date is stated. J. F. S. 

The Annesley Family. — At the last annual meeting of the Gen- 
ealogical Society I was an interested listener to some remarks made by 
Mr. Charles P. Keith, a member of the Society, regarding a James An- 
nesley who came to this country about the year 1730, remaining only a 
short time. 

The Annesley family, according to Burke's " Peerage." derives its 
surname from the town of Annesley, County Nottingham, England, 
which was possessed in 1079 by Richard de Annesley, from whom 
lineally descended Sir John de Annesley, Knight of Nottingham- 
shire, who was succeeded by his son Thomas Annesley, Esq., of Annes- 
ley, M.P. from the County of Nottingham, from whom descended Rob- 
ert Annesley, Esq., of Newport, County of Bucks, who was a naval 
officer in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 

The Irish titles were derived from Sir Francis Annesley, who in 1606 
left England to reside in Dublin, and filled for forty years several of the 
highest official positions in Ireland, being Vice-Treasurer and Secretary 
of State. He acquired estates in various parts of Ireland from the 
Crown, and was created a baron of Ireland upon the in>titution of that 
order by King James I. in 1619, in 1621 Viscount Valentia, and in 
1628 was created Baron Mount Norris, of Mount Norris, County Ar- 

126 Notes and Queries. 

magh, by Charles I., who also in 1627 sold him an estate at Newport 
Pagnall," Buckinghamshire, near his birthplace, which he occupied 
when not in Scotland. Arthur, sou of Sir Francis Annesley, by the 
death of his father in 1660 became Viscount Valentia, and in 1661 he 
was made an English peer by title of Lord Annesley, of Newport Pag- 
nall, in Bucks, and Earl of Anglesey. 

Of the James Annesley referred to by Mr. Keith it is recorded that he 
was sent to America when a child in order to preclude him from suc- 
ceeding to the estates of his father, fourth Baron Altham and fifth Earl 
of Anglesey ; that he returned to England and commenced a suit at law 
against his uncle, Richard Annesley, who was in possession, and ob- 
tained a verdict in his favor through the Court of Exchequer in Dublin, 
1743, but he did not assume the titles. He married a daughter of Sir 
Thomas J. Anson, and had children who did not long survive him. He 
died in 1760. 

The Annesley family who came to this country about the close of the 
Revolutionary war and settled in Philadelphia were the children of 
Joseph and Elizabeth Annesley, of Mount Mellick, Queen's County, Ire- 
land, members of the religious Society of Friends. Their sons Robert 
and Thomas and daughters Elizabeth and Mary brought certificates to 
the Philadelphia Meeting, 1789. 

Robert Annesley married Mary Richie December 2, 1795. He was a 
shipping merchant in Philadelphia and purchased April 29, 1797, the 
property northwest corner of Sixth and Walnut Streets, building a 
house thereon, with stable on Swanwick Street, and resided there for 
some years. He died without children. 

Thomas Annesley married Esther , and they had children whose 

descendants are the Newlins, Mortons, and other families of the present 
generation in Pennsylvania. 

Elizabeth Annesley married December 10, 1795, at Philadelphia 
Meeting, William Govett, of Philadelphia, who was my grandfather. 

There is another Annesley family in the State of New York, descend- 
ants of a William Annesley, of Cumberland County, England, whose 
son William, born in England in 1768, came to this country and settled 
in Germantown, Pennsylvania. 

March 23, 1897. Annesley R. Govett. 

Smalley. — January 6, 1897. William Kilpatrick, of Newark, New 
Jersey, says, " I am the son of Aaron Ogden Kilpatrick and Elizabeth 
(Smalley) Kilpatrick. My mother was a daughter of Abraham Smalley 
and Mary Van Nortwick, granddaughter of Abraham Smalley (of Har- 
ris's Lane, Piscataway, Middlesex County, New Jersey), born May 2* 
1748, who married, October 8, 1772, Catherine Emans, born January 
25, 1756, and great-granddaughter of Andrew Smalley, born about 

Andrew Smalley was the son of Jonathan Smalley and Sarah , 

grandson of John Smalley, Jr., and Lydia Martin, and great-grandson 

of John Smalley, Sen., and Ann , who came from Eastham, Cape 

Cod, and settled in Piscataway Township soon after 1666. 

Land for which John Smalley, Sen., and John Smalley, Jr., received 
patents is still owned by descendants bearing the name. 

Emma Finney Welch. 

" Kotjli Khan Tavern."— This old and well-known tavern stood on 
Chestnut Street, below Second, and was also known as the " Turk'* 
Head." The spelling of its name in the " warning" to Mistress Alice 

Notes and Queries. 127 

Stayner indicates unfauiiiiarity with the orthography of the language 
of Nadir Shah : 

" Philadelphia 31* July 1779. 

"I Darbv Savasce Owner of the Beer House in Cbesnut Street at the 

Date for I myself want to come and live in the House So please to take 
this as a full" and proper Warning. 

" Darby Savage. 
"This is a true copy of the Warning gave Alice Stayner 
" Witness : John Dugan 

" James X Welch." 


" July 31* 1778. 

"Alice Stayner took the Beer House in Chestnut Street of Darby 
Savage for one Quarter. 
"Alice Stayner 

D r To Darby Savage 

To one Quarters Eent £200.0.0 

And dammages of breaking 12 pains of Glass in 
the time that she Lived in the House the price 

is 20 Dollars a pain £90.0.0 

Which she refuses paving any Rent or dammages 

at all 
Which remains due to me £290.0.0 

"I gave her a Quarters Warning before Witness in Writing that 
Quarter expired and then I asked her if she intended to go out of the 
House. She told me she Would stay another Quarter and I took two 
Freeholders and told her that if she stayd she must pay £200. for that 
Quarter and she said she would stay and accordingly she stayd that 
Quarter and then movd her Goods out of the House and said shed 
neither pay any Rent or dammages at all and told me I might go seek 
for my Rent & dammages." 

Letters of John Blakey, of Concord, Pennsylvania, to 

Paschall. — 

"Concord, April 18* 1777. 
"My Esteemed Friend &c— 

" I am almost sick of this World, and the plane Coats that are in it, 
(and wish I had a eood Title to a better) some of those stif Rumps pre- 
tend to be in the World, and not off — it, high in profession, whos prac- 
tice gives them the lie, they are some of the keenest fellows we have 
amongst us, and to a diserning Eye, it is evident, that gain is their God, 
if they have any thing to sell, they are sure to ask a Continental price 
for it, and then make many Evasions not to take ye money, notwith- 
standing what I have said, I love and Revere an honest Man, let his 
profession in Religion be what it will. I have taken about a Thousand 
pounds of Continental and Resolve Money, first and last, three Hundred 
of which I have put out since I have been in Concord, I believe I have 
not taken twenty shilling*, in any other Money than Continental and 
Resolve this twelve months or more, Yesterday Jacob Keyser of German- 
town, paid me £200 in Continental Money, he gave the widow Warner 
£380 for the place he Mortgaged to me, and is now about selling it for 

128 Notes and Queries. 

£800. I have a mind to a place myself, but the Money is 90 depreciated 
that one must give as much again as a place is worth, and 'its but few 
that will take it at any rate, they are less afraid of Old Nick. 

"I shall endeavour to make myself as easy under my present surcum- 
stances as I possibley can, I well Remember the time, when I was not 
worth 20/ in the World, if I should live to see that time again, I desire 
to bless God, that I have not been a Beggar all my life time, if the 
Money I have, should die on my hands, I must go to work again, and 
if I can't do much, I must do little. I greatfully remember the many 
kindnesses I received from you and your loving Comfort, during a series 
of years in your servis, may God's choicest blessings be your Reward, 
my best respects to Mrs. Paschall, love to Polly, and the rest of the 
Family, I remain with the utmost Respect, Sir, your very humble 

"John Blakey. 

"N.B. — I should come to Town to discharge two Mortgages in the 
Office, but John works almost every day 4 of his Horses, the o u is lame, 
and like to be so, the 6 th and last is a Coalt of a year old, unfit for the 


44 Concord Nov. 29 th 1778. 

"My dear Sir. 

" We live in an Age, and Revolution of the World, where too many 
of its Inhabitance have neither Faith, Honour, nor Conscience, or the 
feeling of Humanity or common honesty. The other day when my 
Cousin John was at your House, he told me the Widow Jones was there 
inquiring after me, in order I suppose to settle with rae in a Continental 
way, that is, to give me for a Hundred pound what is not worth Twenty, 
the money has been on Interest six years and almost seven months, and 
but one years Interest paid, the Principal of a Hundred pound in Con- 
tinental money at five to one is £500-00 

the Interest for 5 years and 7 months is 167-10 

I am not fond of it at any rate as it is of such a Depreciating Nature, 
if she has aimed to pay me in hard money, it comes to £133-10-. I 
don't intend to take any pay that is not Equivalent to it, please to tell 
her so, the first opportunity, and I shall take it as a great favour. — The 
Conditions in her Husband's Bond says I shall be paid without fraud, 
that is all I desire. Sometime ago when I had the honour and happi- 
ness to live in your Family, Mrs. Jones came to me and acquainted me 
she had Buryed her Husband, and lost a young Negro Wench, was 
left with six Children, and bursted into tears, hop'd I whould not be 
hard with her, and I should be j^^Hoxestly Paid. I told her she 
need not Cry, nor break her heart. I had never Sued any Body, that I 
was not going to begin then, if she could not pay me then, I whould 
indeavour to do without it. If I had less feeling for other People, and 
more for myself, it whould perhaps have been better for me this day. 
Had I gone to Philadelphia last Summer when the English was there, 
and sold her House for hard Money, and paid myself out of it, I doubt 
not but she whould have said, I was a hungry fellow that had us'd her 
badly, but if I know ray own heart I whould rather loose all the money 
than do an ill thing to save it. My dear friend, I wish you the Recovery 
of your just debts, to your satti miction, but least I should tire your 
Patience and my Pen, I shall conclude with subscribing myself your 
and Mrs. Paschalls Unalterable friend, and humble Servant 

"Jorn Blakey. 

Notes and Quetnes. 129 

"N.B. — Love to my little Polly, and all inquiring friends. When a 
Mortgage is paid of, it is Required of the Mortgagee to give a Receit in 
the Margin of the Recorded Deed in the Office, and say Receive'd full 
satisfaction without Fraud, Defalcation, or abatement, how can I do 
this, when I am not paid its Valuation or Sum Total. Yours &c." 

Clifford Notes.— " 1 st 12 mo. 1787. My Son Thomas Clifford, Jr. 
returned to his Native Country from the City of Bristol in Great Brittan 
where he had resided for about ten vears Last past." 

" On the 1 st Day of the 5 mo and th day of the Week 1788 My Grand- 
son, John Clifford, son Thos & Sarah Clifford arrived from the City of 
Bristol where he was born to this City." 

" On the 4 th Day of the Week about the 3 rd hour in the afternoon of 
the 14 th day of the 5 mo. 1788 My Grandson Thomas R. Clifford son of 
John and Anna Clifford was born in Front st, Philadelphia." 

Family Records of Thomas Franklin, Jr. — Thomas Franklin, 
Jr., son of Thomas Franklin, of the city of New York, and Mary, 
daughter of Samuel Rhoads, of Philadelphia, were married 15th of 
Second month, 1764, at Philadelphia. (For certificate of marriage, see 
Book B, p. 90.) 

" Elizabeth Franklin Daughter of Thomas and Mary Franklin jun r 
was born March the fourteenth in the Year of our Lord 1765 at half an 
hour past three in the afternoon. 

"Elizabeth Franklin took the small Pox November the thirteenth 
1765 and had it very favourably. 

" Benjamine Franklin son of Thomas and Mary Franklin Jun r was 
born January the twenty fifth [sic] in the [sic] of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and sixty seven at one °Clock in the morning. 

" Benjamine Franklin inoculated for the small Pox April y' 18 th 1767 
and had it very favourably. 

"Elizabeth Franklin Died July the twenty eighth [sic] in the Year 
of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and sixty seven about 3 "Clock 
in the morning aged two Years and four months. 

"Ann Franklin Daughter of Tho 8 and Mary Franklin jun r was born 
January the Sixth one thousand seven hundred an [sic] sixty nine about 
nine °Clock in the Evening. 

" Ann Franklin inoculated for the Small Pox April the 23, 1769 and 
had it very favourably. 

"Thomas Franklin son of Tho" & Mary Born the 12 th Oct r 1770 at 
two o'clock after noon. 

"Thomas Franklin son of Thomas & Marv Franklin Jun r died July 
the 20 th 1771 at Philadelphia about five °Clo"ck in the morning aged 9 

" Walter Franklin son of Thomas & Mary Franklin jun r Born the 
Seventh day of May 1773 about 8 °Clock in the morning was Inoculated 
for the Small Pox November 1773 and had it favourably. 

"Samuel Franklin Son of Thomas and Mary born August the 6^ one 
thousand seven hundred seventy four at one oclock after noon. 

"Mary Franklin the wife of Thomas Franklin departed this Life on 
first Day morning ab l 15 Minuts [sic] after 6 Oclock the 2 a of y*5 m0 1779 
after ten weeks Linguering [sic] Illness which Shee bore with Christian 

f>atients [sic]. Apprehending her time short amongst us all in a Christian 
ike Cherefullness & expressed a Desire if it was her makers will to live 
a little longer for the sake of her Dear Babes. 

Vol. xxi. — 9 

130 Notes and Quei*ies. 

"Benjamin Franklin Died in Phil* 14 th of y e 6 m0 1781 after 60 hour3 
Illness With the Chollick. 

"Walter & Samuel Franklin had the measels in Philadelphia in the 
5 th m° 1785. 

"Israel & Ann Pleasants first child and son Samuel Born 19 Feb- r 
1789 half after 5 o'clock A.M. 

"Thomas Franklin departed this Life on the night of Fourth Day the 
Eleventh of January in the year of our Lord one Thousand seven hun- 
dred and ninety seven at 20 minutes past 11 o'clock." 

Jacob Taylor's Almanac. — The following interesting letters relate 
to the compilation and publication of Jacob Taylor's Almanac, issued 
between the years 1702 and 1745. Jansen, Andrew and William Brad- 
ford, Keimer, Franklin, and Warner were the publishers. 

" Philadelphia 29* 8** 1739. 

"... As you are the printer of Jacob Taylor's Almanack, you are a 
fit person for me to communicate a thought to that I lately had while I 
was perusing several of Jacob's Almanacks to find out a remark I had 
formerly seen in one of them. That which I first look'd over was for 
the year 1737, wherein are many scraps of Wit and learning. The 
Thought I have to impart is to publish an Enchiridion that shall con- 
tain a collection from his almanacks for some number of years past, of 
Poetry, pieces of History &c, &c. 

"Your Friend 

"J. Breintnall. 

" Perhaps Jacob's consent & assistance should be asked." 

[Letter addressed to Andrew Bradford.] 

"Uncle Jacob. 

"Your Almanacks will not be out before ye fair. Warner has prom- 
ised to send 6 dozen down directly after. 

" I am your Loving cousin 

" Isaac Taylor. 

"Novem' 12th 1743." 

" Philada. Dec 29th 1743 . 

" Friend Jacob. 

"Yours of the 7th past I received, but your Almanack was not then 
finished and your cousin has not been here since. You will herewith 
receive a copy of each of the Almanacks published here besides your 
own (except one which is in High Dutch and only copied from Birkett) 
no less than nine, too many by at least half a dozen ; and among them 
two sorts of Birketts, one printed by me the other by W m Bradford ; 
What difference is between them I know not, not having examined 
them. I printed only two thousand of yours and am very much afraid 
shall not be able to dispose of 'em all having at least seven hundred yet 
by me. I should have wrote to you before but was unwilling till I could 
send you one of each of the Almanacks as above. 

" Your real friend 

11 Isaiah Warner." 

[Letter addressed " For Jacob Taylor living at Saruin Forge."] 

" Mr. Taylor. 

" Mr. Warner being now dead I take this opportunity to request the 
favor of a copy of your Almanack for 1745, and I will allow you as much 

Notes and Queries, 131 

as anybody else. I would by an answer pr Mr. David Harry who will 
agree with you for it in my room. 

" I am sir your fr d & Servant, 

" Wm Bradford. 

"Philada. Octo 12, 1744." 
[Letter addressed " To Mr. Jacob Taylor in Chester County."] 

"I hereby send you one of Ball's Almanacks. I wish I could get one 
of yours in time for I perceive when they come out late people get sup- 
plied with others &c. 

"Your friend 

" W M Bradford." 
[No date.] 


Finney— Simonton — Frew — Ochiltree— Spencer. — Robert and 
Dorothea Finney, with their seven children, settled in New London, 
Chester County * Pennsylvania, 1720. (See Penna. Mag., Vol. IV. p. 

Lazarus Finney, their third child, married Catharine Simonton. He 
died 1740, and his widow married John Frew. Who was he? Did he 
leave issue? 

Robert Finney, first child of Lazarus and Catharine (Simonton) 
Finney, born 1727, died 1822, married Diana Spencer. 

Lazarus Finney, only child of Robert and Diana (Spencer) Finney, 
born 1751, died 1833, married, first, Elizabeth Fulton ; second, his cousin 
Elizabeth Ochiltree, daughter of his father's sister Dorothea, who mar- 
ried - — Ochiltree. 

Lazarus Finney was first lieutenant of Captain John McKee's com- 
pany, Second Battalion Chester County, Pennsylvania, Association, 
Colonel Evan Evans, May 5, 1777-78. In what can I find any account 
of the Chester County Association, giving list of officers and privates? 
They were at Trenton under command of General James Irvine. 

In 1789 Lazarus and his parents removed from New London, Pennsyl- 
vania, to Northumberland County, Pennsylvania (now Union County). 

Wanted, reference to printed records or any information of the Simon- 
ton, Frew, Spencer, and Ochiltree families of which the above mentioned 
were members. 

Would like to correspond with any descendant of above families of 
same name. 

Would also like name and address of any Finney or Phinney, or their 
descendants of other names. 

Samuel Finney, of Fulchaw, Cheshire, England, made his second 
voyage to America in 1701, taking his family with him, accompanying 
his friend William Penn on his second voyage to this country. In 1703 
the latter appointed him one of his Council, and his son John Finney 
high sheriff. 

Samuel Finney had a grant of land about twenty miles from Phila- 
delphia, where he erected a house, which he afterwards called after his 
own name. Here his second son, Charles, died. Samuel Finney appears 
to have died there about 1711. His son John Finnev and his family 
returned to England. 

Can anyone tell me anything of this family or its descendants? I 
find no mention of any other members of the family save John and 

132 Notes and Queries. 

Charles; no doubt there were others. I am convinced from records I 
have that there are descendants of this Samuel Finney in this country, 
but cannot trace back to Samuel. Address, 

Robert Spencer Finney. 
2053 Seventh Avenue, New York. 

Ball. — Hulings. — The "Gwynedd Meeting Book" states, "John 
Ball and Rebecca Hulings declared their intentions of marriage first 
time 27 of 2 mo. 1736 ; were given permission 25 of 3 mo. 1736." Can 
any one tell anything of this couple, their descendants or ancestors? 

Mrs. E. W. Mitchell. 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Boone. — Can any one give anything of the history of Benjamin Boone 
or his descendants ? The inquirer wishes especially to learn the maiden 
name of Susannah, his wife, date of their marriage, church relation, 
and burial-place. Had he a first wife named Ann Farmer? 

Mrs. E. W. Mitchell. 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 

White — Irwin. — Joseph White, Sen., with wife, Mary (Kennedy) 
White and family, came to America from Dublin, Ireland. He settled 
in Shrewsbury, and died in Trenton, New Jersey. His children were: 
Joseph, married Mary Irwin ; George, married May 7, 1808, Jane Irwin, 
died August, 1854; Ann, married Thomas Eastburn; Hesse, married 

; Jonathan, married Jane Jarvis, buried, 1834, at New Brunswick, 

New Jersey. Joseph White, Jr., lived in Philadelphia. Information is 
wanted of the descendants of the latter. 

Mary and Jane Irwin were the daughters of Irwin and Letitia 

(Galbraith) Irwin, of Londonderry, Ireland, who sailed for America 

June 24, 1807; a third sister, Sarah Ann, married Agnew, and 

another Scott; and a brother died April 17, 1828, and was buried 

in St. John's Church-yard, Northern Liberties. What was the Christian 
name of the husband of Letitia (Galbraith) Irwin? E. W. O. 

Tallman.— Mary Tallman married William Fishbourne. She was 

the daughter of Job Tallman and Sarah . Would like to know 

dates of birth, marriage, and death of Job and Mary Tallman ; also of 
Job's wife Sarah, and her maiden name. Would also like to know the 
parentage of Job Tallman. T. W. M. Draper. 

Denver, Colorado. 

Organ for Albany, New York, 1767.— David Tanneberg, of Lan- 
caster County, Pennsylvania, an organ-builder of high repute through- 
out the Colonies, in the autumn of 1767 erected in a church in Albany 
one of his instruments. What was the name of the church, and is 
there any description of the organ extant? A. R. B. 

Colonel John Irwin. — The obituary notice of my great-grandfather 
Colonel John Irwin states that prior to the Revolution he served as a 
commissary in the British army, and during the Revolution as Deputy 
Commissary-General of Issues for the Western Department of the Con- 
tinental army. He married, at Fort Pitt, Elizabeth Cunningham, a 
daughter of a Mr. Cunningham, of the British army. There were two 
John Irwius who were Deputy Commissaries of Issues, and both served 
at Fort Pitt for some time. My ancestor was subsequently appointed 

Notes and Queries. 133 

one of the judges of the Court of Common Pleas for Westmoreland 
County, April 14, 1795, by Governor Thomas Mifflin. Record of service 
of Irwin and Cunningham requested. 


St. Paul, Minnesota. 

Gilli>~gham. — Information is wanted of Yeamans Gillingham, who 
is recorded in Middletown Meeting as a witness to the marriage of Wil- 
liam Smith and Mary Croasdale, Ninth month 20, 1690. The deed for 
his Frankford property dated 8 mo. 31, 1691, and children recorded 
in Abington Records, the first born 5 mo. 9, 1694. Wife said to be Mary 
Taylor. Can any one tell who she was, and where Yeamans Gilling- 
ham was from, and when arrived ? G. E. H. 

Morris. — Who was James Morris, who died May 20, 1839 (from 
Shrewsbury Meeting Records), and who was his wife Abigail, who died 
March 17, 1850, both interred at Squan, New Jersey? They had ten 
children, — William M., Thomas, Catherine, Lewis, Joseph P., James, 
Tilton, Gitty Ann, Robert, and Charles Middleton. H. E. G. 

< Willson— Laixg. — A Martha Willson, born October 11, 1782, mar- 
ried William M. Morris. Who was her father? Her mother's name 
was Jennet Laing, daughter of Isaac Laing and Annabel . In- 
formation desired regarding the Willson ancestry and Laing ancestry. 

H. E. G. 

Mary Lukens, who married Jesse Kirk about 1790. Was she the 

daughter of Rinear Lukens and Mary ? Who were the parents 

of Rinear Lukens and his wife Mary ? G. E. H. 

Kirkmax. — Any information concerning the following-named per- 
sons will be gladly received by the undersigned : Major Thomas Kirk- 
man, late of British army, 1752-1810 ; Spencer Gill; William, Randall, 
and Fletcher Walker ; Jane Harris ; and Miss Jemima Carpenter, of 
whom several resided in Pennsylvania for some time between 1730 and 
1795. " Lieut. G. W. Kirkman, U. S. A. 

Fort Russell, Cheyenne, Wyoming. 

West— Clarkson — Morris. — So little is known of the family of 
Benjamin West that every little counts. He is said to have been one of 
t,en children, but, with the exception of his brothers John, Thomas, and 
William, their names are not even known. 

In the Trumbull correspondence, recently sold in Philadelphia, there 
was a letter from Benjamin West to John Trumbull, dated London, 
October 14, 1790, in which West wrote, "I take advantage of my 
nephew John Clarkson returning to Philadelphia," etc. In a lette'r 
from Benjamin West to his brother William West, in Etting MSS., 
Pennsylvania Historical Society, dated London, February 13, 1793, he 
writes, "John L. Clarkson is in England, but I do not se'e him often." 
Heathen speaks of him in not very complimentary terms as a relative. 
In " Memorials of Matthew and Gerardus Clarkson" mere mention is 
made that "a Joseph West married an Elizabeth Hazard, who [?] died 
in Philadelphia Julv 14, 1758. John Clarkson, of the New York branch, 
married a Rachel We3t." 

In "McFarland and Stern Families" mention is made of "Joseph 

134 Notes and Queries, 

West, a son of Benjamin's brother William," whose daughter's family 
lives near Alexandria, Virginia. What is the name and residence ? 

Mrs. Harriet Morris Livingston, of Los Angeles, California, says her 
great-grandmother was Elizabeth Morris, sister of Benjamin West. 

Cannot some of your readers supply additional data to these sug- 
gestive clues? It is a subject both of interest and importance, connected 
as it is with the Pennsylvanian President of the Royal Academy of Arts 
of Great Britain. Historiographer. 


Lazarus Finney. — First Lieutenant Lazarus Finney was commis- 
sioned May 5, 1777, and attached to the Fourth Company, Second 
Battalion (Colonel Evan Evans) of Chester County Militia. He was also 
commissioned in April of 1778 first lieutenant of the New London 
Company attached to the Second Battalion Chester County Militia, com- 
manded by Colonel Evan Evans. Lieutenant Finney was not attached 
to the Pennsylvania Line. Consult " Pennsylvania Archives," Second 
Series, Vol. XIII., for rosters of Chester County Associators and Militia, 
and " Pennsylvania Archives," Third Series, Vol. VI., for reports of 
County Lieutenants of Chester County. — Ed. Penna. Mag. 

Robert Bogle, " Waiter." — It belongs to local history, at least, to 
say that this individual was one of the notables of Philadelphia, since 
there was neither funeral, wedding, nor party complete in its details 
without the efficient aid of" Major Bogle," and he was a familiar figure 
on our streets laden with portentous notes of life or death. Major Bogle 
was small of stature and neat in person and address. He fell heir to the 
sobriquet of " Major" by a sort of common consent, probably from his 
calling and character as "Major-Domo" on all occasions of important 
gatherings. He died on Saturday, March 4, 1837, in the sixty-third 
year of his age. 

Bowman (Penna. Mag., Vol. XX. p. 573).— The Revolutionary ser- 
vices of Joseph Bowman, of New Braintree, Massachusetts, will be found 
in " Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War," Vol. 
II. p. 353. Additional data may be found in Paije's "" History of 

Thomas. A. Dickinson. 

Genealogy and History of a Part of the Newbury Adams Fam- 
ily, formerly of Devonshire, England. By Smith Adams, 
Calais, Maine, 1895. 61 pp. 

Mr. Adams, in his neat little work, gives the results of his genealogi- 
cal researches relating to the descendants of Robert Adams and his wife 
Eleanor, the first American ancestors of the Newbury Adams family, 
who came first to Ipswich, Massachusetts, in 1635, and then settled in 
Newbury in 1640. Robert Adams was born in Devonshire, England, in 
1601, and died here in 1682, and his wife Eleanor in 1677. They had 
five sons and four daughters, who, with the exception of one son, left 

Notes and Queries. 135 

The Palatine or German Immigration to New York and 
Pennsylvania. By Rev. Sanford H. Cobb. Wilkes-Barre. 1597. 
This is a paper read before the Wyoming Historical and Geological 
Society, and is a brief statement of the more important facts contained 
in a much larger manuscript, entitled " The Story of the Palatiues: An 
Episode in Colonial History/' which the author hopes to publish in book 
form with maps and numerous quotations from original documents and 

Early Settlers of Nantucket: their Associates and De- 
scendants. Compiled bv Lvdia S. Hinchman. Philadelphia, 
1896. 158 pp. 8vo, cloth.* Price, $2.00. 
This recent contribution to American genealogies gives sketches of 
the following worthies: Thomas Macy, Edward Starbuck, Tristram 
Coffin and his children, Christopher Hussey, Stephen Greenleaf, Peter 
Folger, Thomas Prence, William Collier, Thomas Gardiner, Richard 
and John Gardner, Samuel Shattuck, Peter Hobart, Thomas Mayhew, 
Sen., and Thomas Mayhew, Jr., together with some genealogical details 
of the following families: Mitchell, Russell, Barker, Swain, family of 
Lucretia Mott, of Thomas Earle and John Milton Earle, Swift, Rotch. 
Bunker, Coggeshall, Hathaway, BufTum, and Stanton. There is also 
some account of Friends on Nantucket. For sale by J. B. Lippin- 
cott Co. 

Americana Germanica. We extend a hearty welcome to this new 
quarterly, the purpose of which is to furnish a distinct medium for the 
publication of results obtained from the comparative study of the 
literary, linguistic, and other cultural relations of Germany and America, 
to unite the efforts already made in this domain to stimulate new 
researches on both sides of the Atlantic and to build up, in the course 
of years, a series of studies setting forth the history of German culture 
in America. In the furtherance of these objects, the editor, Professor 
Marion D. Learned, of the University of Pennsylvania, is aided by the 
following corps of contributing editors : Professors Brandt, of Hamilton ; 
Collitz, of Bryn-Mawr ; Dodge, of Illinois ; Faust, of Wesleyan ; Francke, 
of Harvard ; Gerber, of Earlham ; Goebel, of Leland Stanford, Jr. ; 
Hohlfeld, of Vanderbilt; Watenberg, of Chicago; Schoenfeld, of 
Columbian; Thomas, of Columbia; White, of Cornell; and Wood, of 
Johns Hopkins Universities. 

In size the periodical is a quarto of 112 pages; well printed on good 
paper, with broad margins, and in general appearance attractive. The 
price of subscription is 82 for four numbers, to be paid to the Mac- 
millan Company, 66 Fifth Avenue, New York City. 

Annetje Jans's Farm. By Ruth Putnam. 38 pp. 

This daintily printed monograph is the third monthly number of the 
"Half-Moon Series" of papers on historic New York, issued by the 
City History Club, under the editorship of Maud Wilder Goodwin, Alice 
Carrington Rovce, and Ruth Putnam. Among the subjects of the papers 
for this year will be: "The Stadt Huvs of New York," bv Alice Morse 
Earle; "The Fourteen Miles Round," bv Alfred B. and Marv M. Mason ; 
"Wall Street," bv Oswald G. Villard; "The Bowerv," bv' Edward R. 
and Mary A. Hewitt; " King's College," by John B. Pine; " Old Wells 
and Water-Courses," by George E. Waring, Jr. ; " Governor's Island." 
by Blanche Wilder Bellamv ; "Defences of New York," bv Frederick 
D. Grant; "Old Greenwich," by Elizabeth Bisland; and "Tammanv 

136 Notes and Queries. 

Hall," by Talcott Williams. Price of monthly parts, five cents ; yearly 
subscription, fifty cents. On sale at Putnam's Sons and Brentano's, 
New York. 

The Genealogist. Volume XIIL, Part 3. New Series, 1897. 

The January number of this excellent English quarterly, edited by 
H. W. Forsyth Harwood, Esq., has been received. Among the contribu- 
tions that will interest our own genealogists are : " The Family of Roper, 
of Kent;" "The Samborne Ancestry;''' " The Family of Somerville ;" 
" Dugdale's Visitation of Yorkshire ;" " Pedigrees from the Plea Rolls ;" 
"Additional Wiltshire Pedigrees;" "Grants and Certificates of Arms;" 
"Inquisitiones Post Mortem, temp. Henry VIII. to Charles I.;" and 
"The Parish Registers of Street, County Somerset," liberally annotated. 
The Genealogist is issued in July, October, January, and April, at the 
annual subscription price of ten shillings, post free, through Messrs. W. 
Pollard & Co., 39 and 40 North Street, Exeter, England. 

The Panis. An Historical Outline of Canadian Indian 

Slavery in the Eighteenth Century. By James Cleland 

Hamilton. Toronto, 1897. 

We have been kindly favored by the author with a copy of his paper 

on Indian slavery read before the Canadian Institute in December of 

last year. It has been prepared after much research, and is a valuable 

contribution to the subject of which it treats. 





Vol. XXI. 1897. No. 2. 




(Continued from page 19.) 

Of the children of "William Peun by his marriage to 
Gulielma Maria Springett, only two, as we have already seen, 
married, and one of these, Letitia Aubrey, had no children. 
The other was "William Penn, Jr., and from him is derived 
one of the two existing lines of the Penn iamily. 

William Penn, Jr., was born at Worminghurst, his 
mother's estate, March 14, 1680/1, ten days after the grant 
of Pennsylvania to his father. Little is known of his child- 
hood and youth. His father's letter to him, before sailing 
in the " Welcome," has been given. He was married early. 
The Bristol Friends' records show the marriage of William 
Penn, Jr., and Mary Jones, daughter of Charles, Jr., and 
Martha, at Bristol, on the 12th of Eleventh month (January), 
1698/9. He was then not quite eighteen years old. His 
wife was four years older. She was born on the 11th of 
Eleventh month (January), 1676/7, and was, therefore, just 
a day more than twenty-two on her wedding-day. 

Vol. xxi.— 10 (137) 

138 The Family of William Penn. 

" The memoriall or Copy of the Certificate of Willm Penn 
Junr. & Mary Jones's Marriage. The Certificate itselfe 
being made on double Stampt pchment according to the 
late Statute." 

The marriage certificate is as follows : 

TXXbCVC&S it doth appeare by the memorialls of the men's meet- 
ing of the people called Quakers within the Citty of Bristol! that 
William Penn, son of Willm. Penn Esq and Mary Jones daughter of 
Charles Jones Junr. of the same Citty, merchant, did on the four & 
twentieth day of the eighth month last past manifest their intentions 
of marriage. AND WHEREAS such their intentions was on the 
eighteenth day of the ninth month last published in the publique 
meeting house of the said people in the presence of many people there 
congregated AND FORASMUCH as there appeares no just cause 
wherefore a marriage between the said William Penn Junr. & Mary 
Jones should not be consumated we therefore whose names are here- 
unto subscribed are witnesses that on the day of the date hereof the 
said Willm. Penn Junr. taking the said Mary Jones by the hand did 
declare that he did take the said Mary to be his wife, And that the 
said Mary holding the said Willm. Penn Junr. by the hand did declare 
that she did take the said Willm. to be her husband, And that also 
the said Willm. Penn Junr. & Mary holding each other by the hand 
did mutually promise each to other to live together husband and wife 
in love and faithfulnes according to God's Holy ordinances as in Holy 
scriptures declared untill by death they shall be separated AND ALSO 
the' said Willm. and Mary as a further testimony of such their taking 
each other and of such their promises each to other have hereunto 
with us sett their hands the Twleveth day of the eleaventh month in 
the year one thousand six hundred ninety eight. 

Will. Penn Ju*. 

Mary Penn. 

The names of the Witnesses that subscribed with them to the same 
Certificate are — 

Charles Jones Martha Jones 

Anne Jones Eliz : Jones 

Margt. Lowther Anthony Lowther 

Letitia Penn Sarah Roath 

Hannah Penn Eliz : Harford 

Ch : Jones Jun Jane Watkins 

The Family of William Penn, 


Walter Duffield 
Thomas Penn 
J. Hampton 
Isaac Jenings 
Tho. Callowhill 
Charles Harford 
Richd. Snead 
Wm. Stafford 
Robt. Bound 
Paul Moore 
Benj : Coole 

Edw : Hacicett 

J. Dooer 

Lidia Hacket Junr. 

Margret Lowther Junr. 

Eliz : Corshey 

Richard Rooth 

Marget. Rooth 

Jane Trahear 

Danll. Pill 

Ffra : Roath 

Peter Young 

William Penn 
Nathll. Wade 
Ffra : Whitchurch 
Wm. Cluterbuclc Snr. 
Richard Codrington 
Wm. Coplin 
Henh. Swymmer 
Richd. Taylour. Junr. 
John Corshey 
Edw : Jones 
Katherne Bound 

[Certified to be an Extract from the Register or Record numbered 
Society of Friends 116, and entitled a Register of Marriages formerly- 
kept by the Society of Friends at the Monthly Meeting of Bristol. — 
From the General Register Office, Somerset House, London]. 

Charles Jones, Jr., father of Mary Penn, was the son of 
Charles and Ann Jones, of Kedcliffe Street, Bristol, who 
were among the early Friends in that city. The name of 
Charles Jones appears in Besse's record of the " Sufferings" 
of Bristol Friends in 1663 and later. The son, Charles, 
Jr., was probably born prior to 1654; the Friends' records 
show seven other children born to his parents between that 
year and 1664. Charles, Jr., married, 1674, Martha 
Wathers, and she dying First month (March) 8, 1687/8, he 
married again, 1695, Sarah Corsley, widow. He died, it 
seems, from William Penn's letters cited below, about Jan- 
uary, 1701/2. By his first wife he had several children, in- 
cluding Mary (Penn), who appears to have been the second 
child. 1 

When William Penn sailed for Pennsylvania, in 1699, he 
left his son behind. " William [Junior] . . . and ... his 
young wife chose to remain in England," Maria Webb 
says. Their first child, Gulielma Maria, and their second, 
Springett, were born during the two years of William 
Penn's absence. In the latter's correspondence with Logan, 

1 John Jones, of Bristol, linen-draper, whose will is dated December 
13, 1699, and was proved 1702, appears to have been a son of Charles 
Jones the elder, above, and a brother of Charles Jones, the father-in-law 
of William Penn, Jr. He leaves to his "cousin [niece] Mary, married 
to William Penn, £100."— Cy. will, Penna. Mao., Vol. XVII. p. 74. 

14:0 The Family of William Penn. 

after his return to England, there are numerous allusions to 
William, Jr., and his family. Thus : l 

[Kensington, 4th of Eleventh month (January), 1701, 2 :] " My son 
and family well ; a sweet girl and a Saracen of a boy ; his wife — a good 
and pretty woman — at Bristol on her father's account, who is dead and 

[Kensington, 3d of Twelfth month (February), 1701/2:] "Son and 
wife at Bristol upon C. Jones's death. I send a packet to thee that was 
from him. . . . The three daughters I think, or son and wife, administer. 
All amicable among the relatives." 

In a letter to Logan, from "Worminghurst, August 18, 
1702, "William Penn, Jr., thanks him for informing him of 
some " base and scandalous reports" which had come to 
Logan's ears concerning him, and adds, — 

"I hope you will be assured I am far different. ... I love my friends, 
keep company that is not inferior to myself, and never am anything to 
excess. My dress is all they can complain of, and that but decently 
genteel, without extravagancy ; and as for the poking-iron I never had 
courage enough to wear one by my side. You will oblige me if you 
give this character of me till I make my personal appearance among 
you, which shall not be long, God willing. . . ." 

[Postscript :] 

"My children are, I thank God, both well, and remember to thee. 
The boy is a jolly fellow, able to make two of his uncle already." 

"William Penn's letters to Logan contain these passages : 

[London, 6th of Fourth month, 1703 :] " My son has another boy, mine 
and his name." 

[Another letter, about the same time as above :] " My son (having 
life) resolves to be with you per first opportunity. His wife this day 
week was delivered of a fine boy, as I found when I came home in the 
evening, and which he has called William, so we are now major, minor, 
and minimus ... my grandson Springett a mere Saracen, his sister a 

"William Penn, Jr., came to Pennsylvania in company 
with Lieutenant-Governor John Evans in February, 1703 4. 

1 The letters to and from James Logan, from which numerous citations 
follow, are to be found in the "Penn-Logan Correspondence," two 
volumes, issued by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It seems un- 
necessary to cite volume and page with each extract. 

The Family of William Penn. 141 

It had been a cherished plan of his father's to send him to 
the new country, to get him out of undesirable company at 
home, and to let him acquire the knowledge of a simpler 
and more moderate way of living. The young man's letter 
to Logan in August, 1702, already cited, shows that he was 
expecting to come soon, and the visit had evidently been re- 
solved upon considerably earlier. February 4, 1701/2, Penn, 
Sen., had written to Logan, from Kensington, suggesting 
how he should manage the young man when he came : 

"My son shall hasten ; possess him, go with him to Pennsbury, advise 
him, contract, and recommend his acquaintance. No rambling to New 
York, nor mongrel correspondence. He has promised fair ; I know he 
will regard thee. ... Be discreet ; he has wit, kept the top company, 
and must be handled with much love and wisdom ; and urging the weak- 
ness or folly of some behaviors, and the necessity of another conduct 
from interest and reputation, will go far . . . he is conquered that way, 
pretends much to honor, and is but over-generous by half, and yet 
sharp enough to get to spend. He cannot well be put on. All this keep 
to thyself." 

In a letter February 24, 1702/3, Penn spoke of his 3on's 
departure having been delayed by reports of sickness at 
Philadelphia, as well as his — the son's — wife's approaching 
confinement (expected in six weeks). And in another letter 
whose date is missing, but presumed to be about the same 
time, Penn writes to Logan, — 

" Immediately take him away to Pennsbury, and there give him the 
true state of things, and weigh down his levities, as well as temper his 
resentments and inform his understandings, since all depends upon it, 
as well for his future happiness, as in measure your poor country's. 1 I 
propose Governor Hamilton, S. Carpenter, I. Norris, young Shippen, 
and your easiest and most sensible and civilized for his conversation ; 
and I hope Col. Markham, and Cousin Ashton, and the Fairmans may 
come in for a share ; but the first chiefly. Watch him, outwit him, and 
honestly overreach him for his good ; fishing, little journeys (as to see 
the Indians), &c., will divert him ; and pray Friends to bear all they can, 
and melt toward him, at least civilly if not religiously. He will confide 
in thee. If S. Carpenter, R. Hill, and Is. Norris could gain his confi- 

1 The underlying thought here, no doubt, was that the young man 
would succeed his father as Proprietor and Governor. 

142 The Family of William Penn. 

dence, and honest and tender G. Owen not the least likely, (for he feels 
and sees), I should rejoice. Pennsylvania has cost me dearer in my 
poor child than all other considerations." f 

Governor Evans and young Penn left England, probably 
in the early autumn of 1703, and had a long voyage. A 
letter, dated at London, December 4, 1703, from Penn to 
Logan, asks him to " tell my poor boy that all his were well 
the last post . . . per next packet boat to Barbadoes, a 
month hence, he will hear from his wife." Three days 
later, " 7th lObr," probably also from London, Penn again 
wrote to Logan, — 

"My son's going did not cost me so little as £800, and the land he 
left destitute of stock at Worminghurst, with the taxes becoming due at 
his going off, with carpenter's [bills] etc., makes 200 more, and thou 
mayst imagine how hard it is for me to get it, Ireland so miserably 
drained and reduced as it is, an account of which I had to-night, at 
my lodgings from Sir Francis Brewster's own mouth. . . . Let my dear 
child have my endeared love. The Lord direct his ways for his honor, 
his father's comfort, and his own peace." 

"William, Jr., had been living, it is evident from this letter 
as well as other evidence, at Worminghurst. It is probable 
that he had removed there at his marriasre. Durins: his 
absence in Pennsylvania his father apparently went there, 
and may have made the place his home. He says, in a 
letter, 31st December, a short time after that last cited, " A 
Scotch plot [and other circumstances] allow me a few days 
at Worminghurst for my better health and refreshment." 

Evans and young Penn reached Philadelphia February 2, 
1703/4. A letter from Isaac Norris to Samuel Chew, dated 
" 12th of 12th month" (February), says, " The Governor and 
W. Penn, junior, caught us napping; they arrived late at 
night, unheard to all the town, and at a time when we were 
big with the expectation of a Queen's governor." A letter 
from Logan to Penn, Sen., dated at Philadelphia, Twelfth 

1 The allusion here is not very plain, unless it means that by his 
absorption in Pennsylvania's affairs, and perhaps his absence from 
England, 1699-1701, Penn had neglected a due parental oversight of 
his son. 

The Family of William Penn. 143 

month (February) 15, contains evidence that the voyage had 
been unusually long. He says, — 

" I leave the account of the tedious voyage. ... By thy son ... I 
received thine of the 27th 6th mo. [August] . . . Thy son's voyage I 
hope will prove to the satisfaction of all, and to his, and therefore thy 
happiness. It is his stock of excellent good nature that in a measure 
has led him out into his youthful sallies when too easily prevailed 
upon. ... He is very well received . . . 'tis his good fortune here to 
be withdrawn from those temptations that have been too successful over 
his natural sweetness and yielding temper." 

Penn writes to Logan from London, on the 10th of First 
month (March), 1703/4,— 

" Tell my son I met my wife and his at young S. Tilley's marriage, 
near Guilford, and then they were well ; and by two letters since their 
return. Guly and Springett are well from their agues, and little Billy 
so too and the spark of them all ; and my poor little ones also well, and 
great love among the children." 

Hannah Penn writes to Logan from Bristol, 5th of Eighth 
month (October), 1704,— 

"I am very glad our son likes the country [Pennsylvania] so well 
and has his health so well there. 'Tis in vain to wish, or it should be, 
that he had seen that country sooner (or his father not so soon). . . . 
With this comes a letter from his wife, so that I need say the less of her, 
only that herself and the three pretty children are well for aught I 

Pern writes to Logan from Bristol, on the 2d of Novem- 
ber, 1704,— 

"If my son prove very expensive I cannot bear it, but must place to 
his account what he spends above moderation, while I lie loaded with 
debt at interest here, else I shall pay dear for the advantage his going 
thither might entitle me to, since the subscribers are [or?] bondsmen 
cannot make ready pay, according to what he has received, and on 
his land there. So excite his return, or to send for his family to him ; 
for if he brings not wherewith to pay his debts here, his creditors will 
fall foul upon him most certainly." 

The young man's stay in Philadelphia lasted only a few 
months; the reproaches, just or unjust, which attended it 
are familiar in our local history of the time. Upon his 
arrival, he and James Logan boarded a while at Isaac Nor- 

144 The Family of William Penn. 

ris's, and then, in June, took William Clark's " great house," 
newly built, on Chestnut Street at the southwest corner of 
Third, where they kept " bachelors' hall" and where later 
Governor Evans joined them. Young Penn would not 
adjust his expenditure to the allowance — apparently very 
moderate — which Logan was authorized to pay him. His 
outlay was, the latter reported to Penn, " much above the 
limits set me. The directions given me can by no means 
satisfy him, nor answer what is thought suitable the pre- 
sumptive heir of the Province." Logan was a clean and 
temperate liver ; he had, no doubt, little satisfaction in the 
direction which young Penn and the Governor were inclined 
to take, 1 but his performance of his duty in the premises 
was not remitted. Like many men of his race, he was a 
faithful and exact administrator. 

Young Penn was made, immediately upon his arrival, a 
member of the Provincial Council. The minutes show 2 that 
at the meeting February 8, 1703/4, " William Penn, Junr., y e 
Propr's Son, was called to y e Board & took the affirmation 
of a member of Council." He was thereafter occasionally 
present at the meetings, and in the list of those attending 
his name was placed at the top, next following that of the 
Lieutenant-Governor. His last attendance appears to have 
been September 15, 1704. He was promptly taken also, as 
his father had suggested, to Pennsbury, and a meeting with 
the Indians was held. Logan says, in a letter dated 14th of 
First month (March), that the preceding week, Penn, Jr., 
himself, and Judge Mompesson " went to Pennsbury to 
meet one hundred Indians, of which nine were kings. Op- 
pewounumhook, the chief, with . his neighbors who came 
thither to congratulate thy son's arrival, presented nine belts 
of wampum for a ratification of peace, &c, and had returns 
[of presents] accordingly. He [W. P., Jr.] stayed there 

1 Logan writes to Penn, July 14, 1704, "The Governor is at present 
very ill with the cholica pictorium, in no wise owing, I believe, to what is 
commonly accounted the cause of it, intemperance." The allusion 
shows the reputation which Evans had already established. 
. a "Colonial Records," Vol. II. p. 117. 

The Family of William Penn. 145 

with the judge, waiting Clement Plumstead's wedding with 
Sarah Righton, formerly Biddle." l But the social life of 
Philadelphia was undoubtedly dull, seen from the stand- 
point of a young man who had tasted and enjoyed dissipa- 
tion in England. The hopeful experiment of reformation 
through exile was doomed to failure. In July, Isaac Xorris 
wrote to Jonathan Dickinson, " Our young proprietor 
seems to like the country, and talks of fetching his family ; 
but by endeavoring to sell off all of his lands, he must give 
me leave to think otherwise. He goes to no other worship 
[than the Friends'] and sometimes comes to meeting. He 
is good-natured, and loves company, but that of Friends is 
too dull." Morris was in a position to know of the young 
man's desire to sell his lands, for the purchase of the manor 
of Williamstadt — seven thousand four hundred and eighty 
acres, on the Schuylkill — had been pressed upon him by the 
young man. He and William Trent finally bought the 
manor, and remembrance of Isaac Morris is preserved in 
the name of the borough, iSTorristown, now a city in size 
and population, built upon it, and also in the name, Xorriton, 
of the township adjoining. 2 

Two months later, Isaac Xorris, writing again to Jonathan 
Dickinson, reported the occurrence which put a climax upon 
the young man's stay in the little Quaker town. A sharp 
conflict between Governor Evans and the Friends was already 
established, and Morris says "their attempt to discourage 
vice, looseness, and immorality, — which increase, — are baf- 
fled by proclamations [from the Governor] making void 
their presentations" (from the mayor's court). Then he 
adds, — 

1 This marriage took place March 1, 1703/4. The bride was the widow 
of William Righton and the daughter of William Biddle, of New Jersey, 
ancestor of the Philadelphia family of that name. 

2 A letter of Logan's, cited in Watson, Vol. I. p. 34, says, " Last night 
William Penn jun'r sold his manor on Schuylkill to William Trent and 
Isaac Norris, for £850. They were unwilling to touch it, for without a 
great- prospect none will now meddle with land, but in his case he was 
resolved to sell and leave the country." 

146 The Family of William Penn. 

"William Penn, junior, quite gone off from Friends. He, being in 
company with some extravagants that beat the watch at Enoch Story's, 
was presented with them : which unmannerly and disrespectful act, as 
he takes it, gives him great disgust, and seems a waited occasion. He 
talks of going home in the Jersey man-of-war, next month. I wish 
things had been better, or he had never come." 

" Enoch Story's" was a tavern, a drinking-place, with the 
sign of the Pewter-Platter, in Coombe's Alley, 1 the resort, it 
would appear, of the " men about town." The story of the 
occurrence to which Isaac Norris alludes is variously told, 2 
but the main facts were that a party were drinking at Story's 
one evening, and that a dispute arose, and a fracas followed, 
in which young Penn and others were involved. The watch- 
men (who were citizens serving on this duty, a night at a 
time) came in, and in their effort to restore order were beaten 
themselves, and gave some severe blows in return. 3 The 
affair was "taken notice of" in the mayor's court (then 
comparatively young, established under the city charter of 
1701), but action was suppressed before the grand jury, ac- 
cording to the statement of Logan in a letter to Penn, Sen., 
on the 28th of September, Governor Evans exerting himself 

1 Afterwards Pewter-Platter Alley, opposite Christ Church, running 
from Second Street to Front. 

1 Watson's "Annals," foot-notes to the " Penn-Logan Correspond- 
ence," etc. 

8 Watson says, " Penn called for pistols to pistol them, but the lights 
being put out, one fell upon young Penn and gave him a severe beating." 
Deborah Logan (foot-note to " Penn-Logan Correspondence") cites a dif- 
ferent tradition that Joseph Wilcox, an alderman — soon after mayor — 
seized the Governor, Evans, " who was one of the gentlemen's party, and 
the lights being out, gave him a severe drubbing, redoubling his blows 
upon him as a slanderer when he disclosed his quality." It is evident 
that two occurrences have been confused. One was late in August or 
very early in September, in which young Penn and "the watch" were 
concerned, and another on the evening of November 1, involving " the 
watch and some gentlemen," and also "the Mayor, [Griffith Jones] Re- 
corder, and one Alderman." By an examination of the dates and de- 
tails given in Logan's letter and the minutes in the " Colonial Records" 
(especially September 15 and November 2), the two affairs will be dis- 
tinguished. The minutes call that of November " a great fray." 

The Family of William Penn. 147 

to prevent any further publicity or prosecution. 1 But, as 
Isaac Morris said in the letter to Jonathan Dickinson, young 
Penn was mortally affronted. He had regarded himself evi- 
dently as the future ruler of the Colony, the prince imperial, 
the heir-apparent, and as entitled to indulge his humor in a 
performance like that at Story's, if he wished. The idea 
that he was to be treated as other persons was too humili- 
ating to be endured. He accordingly broke with the 
Quakers at once, ceased to attend their meetings, and 
attached himself to the company of Lord Cornbury, Gov- 
ernor of Xew York and New Jersey, who about this time 
was visiting the Delaware. Logan says in the letter already 
cited, — 

"He is just now returned from Pennsbury, where he entertained the 
Lord and Lady Cornbury, and what we could not believe before, though 
for a few days past he has discoursed of it, assures us that he is resolved 
to go home from York in Jersey man-of-war, and within a week at 
furthest designs to set off from this place." 

The young man did so return. He sailed in the " Jersey" 
(some time in November, probably), and was never again 
seen at Philadelphia. It had been an unfortunate visit. He 
had injured not only himself, but his father, and added 
strength to the partly democratic and just, partly factional 
and unfair, opposition to the Proprietary interest. Logan 
wrote regretfully and pathetically in a letter to Penn, from 
New Castle, on the 8th of December,— 

" Tis a pity his wife came not with him ; there is scarce any thing has 
a worse effect upon his mind than the belief thou hast a greater regard 
to thy second children than thy first, and an emulation between his own 
and thy younger seems too much to him in it, which, were it obviated 
by the best methods, might be of service, for he is and must be thy son, 
and thou either happy or unhappy in him. The tie is indissoluble." 

The voyage in the " Jersey" was rough, as was natural for 
a crossing of the Atlantic in a sailing-ship of 1704, in mid- 

1 At a meeting of the Council, September 15, young Penn was men- 
tioned as having been proceeded against in the mayor's court. (" Colo- 
nial Records," Vol. II. p. 160. Of. foot-note iu " Penn-Logan Corre- 
spondence," Vol. I. p. 321.) 

148 The Family of William Penn. 

winter. In a long, sad, almost sobbing letter from Penn to 
Logan, dated at London, on the 16th of January, these 
passages occur : 

"... as for Guy no news yet ; but my son, who has come safe, though 
near foundering in the Jersey, says he believes she [Guy's brig] is lost, 
for after the storm they saw her no more. . . . nor didst thou send me 
word what my son sold his manor for ; but after all he drew a bill for 
£10 at his arrival, to ride 200 miles home, and which he performed in 
two days and a night. I met him by appointment between this and 
"Worminghurst ; stayed but three hours together." 

[Earlier passage in the letter:] "The Lord uphold me under these 
sharp and heavy burdens. ... I should have been glad of an account 
of his [W. P., Jr.'s] expenses, and more of a rent-roll, that I may know 
what I have to stand upon, and help myself with. He is my greatest 
affliction for my soul's and my posterity's or family's sake." 

Upon his return to England, young Penn endeavored to 
begin a new career. His father, in a letter from London 
(dated at Hyde Park), on the 30th of April, 1705, speaks of 
his own troubles, and adds, " with my poor son's going into 
the army or navy, as well as getting into Parliament," etc. 
A little later, May 10, he says, — 

" My son has lost his election, as also the Lord-Keeper's son-in-law, 
but both hope to recover it by proving bribery upon the two that have 
it, Lord Windsor and Squire Arsgell. I wish it might turn his face to 
privacy, and good husbandry, if not nearer to us." 

Apparently the n earing of relation did not occur. The 
young man found his wings too weak for the flights he pro- 
posed, and was soon in straits for money, which his father 
in his own financial stress could not supply. Penn, Jr., 
wrote to Logan after his return, asking for help : 

"You must believe I cannot live here about a court without expenses 
which my attendance occasions, and I must own to you I was never so 
pinched in my life, wherefore must beg you to endeavor all you can to 
send over my effects with all speed you possibly can. ... I hear the 
prosecution against me still continues, and that they have outlawed me 
upon it: l I have complained to my father, who tells me he has and will 
now write about it, and that I shall have right done me in it, which I do 

1 This was probably not the case. 

The Family of ]Villiam Penn. 149 

expect at your hands, I mean at the Quakers', who are the people that 
have given me this affront. ... as my honor has been injured, I am 
resolved to have justice done me, or run all hazards, without considera- 
tion to relation, friend, or interest in the country. 

"I desire you, if possible, to sell the remainder of my land there, 
before you send over, and make what returns you can. . . . 

"P.S. — Pray put Isaac Norris and William Trent in mind of their 
promise to send me over a pipe of old Madeira, which I shall take 
kindly. My father has promised me to write you about my charges 
there. If there be any extravagant ones, I am to bear them ; but as to 
that of books, pocket money, and clothes, with the charges of going and 
returning, he will allow." 

The young man apparently resumed his residence at 
Worminghurst upon returning to England. In a letter to 
Logan from London, 8th of Fifth month (July), 1707, at the 
time his own affairs were approaching their worst, Penn, 
Sen., wrote, — 

"... Depend upon it, if God favors me and my son with life, one, if 
not both will come as soon as possible. Worminghurst he has at last 
resigned for sale ; so that having conquered himself and his wife too, 
who has cost me more money than she brought by her unreasonable, and 
for that reason imprudent obstinacy for dwelling there, to which she 
could have no pretence, either by family or portion, but by being my 
son's impetuous inclination ; and I wish she had brought more wisdom, 
since she brought so little money, to help the family. Worminghurst, 
with some land to be sold in Ireland, about £45 per annum, will lighten 
his load as well as mine; for his marriage, and my daughter's [Letitia's] 
too, have not helped me, — his to be sure, more especially. We are 
entering, or it seems likely we should, into nearer friendship than 
before, he knowing the world and duty to a father better ; for he has 
been of no use, but much grief and expense to me many ways and years 
too, losing him before I found him, being not of that service and benefit 
to me that some sons are, and 'tis well known I was to my father before 
I married. But oh, if yet he will recommend himself, and show himself 
a good child and a true Friend, I shall be pleased, and leave the world 
with less concern for him and the rest also." 

Isaac Morris, then in England, aiding in the settlement of 
Penn's affairs and judiciously explaining to people there 
the nature of the controversies in Pennsylvania, in a letter 
to " his relations," on November 4 (1707), said, " Worming- 
hurst, that has been these many years a charge, and little 

150 The Family of William Perm. 

profit, is sold well, and many debts are paid off by bills on 
Pennsylvania. 1 Some Friends have been industrious in 
this, that if that of Ford's should go against him, his and 
his friends' reputations may stand the clearer, having nothing 
but that unreasonable debt against him." 

And four days later, writing to Logan, Xorris adds, — 

" Worminghurst is sold well, and thou wilt see bills to a considerable 
value. I have been persuaded to negotiate one, I think the largest, viz. ; 
William Buckfield's for £608. I have sent it to brother [Samuel] 
Preston for acceptance. I understand he [Buckfield] has been an old 
servant and friend of the Governor, and the debt has been ready money 
lent, and to do it [lend to Penn] has dipt into a little estate of his own 
. . . several of the Governor's friends, tho' they would have all done 
honorably, yet seem to be more particularly in care for him than others 
[creditors]. I request thee, therefore, to put good bonds into hand." 

After his father's apoplectic seizure, in 1712, William 
Penn, Jr., seems to have left his family very much — but 
probably not altogether — to the care of Hannah Penn. The 
cash-book kept at Ruscombe, as has been mentioned, con- 
tains three pages of items of money advanced on their ac- 
count by Hannah Penn between September, 1712, and 
October, 1717, the whole amount being about three hundred 
pounds. In Twelfth month, 1712, ten pounds was "paid 
Thos. Overton for their house-rent." In 1713 there are 
payments " for fitting the children," " expence at the Chil- 
dren's going to school," eight pounds " paid Alice Hays for 
Daughter's and Guli's board," cash " paid Gill. Thomson for 
Springett and Bille's board," cash paid for " Daughter's and 
Guly's board to December," etc., and cash to "William Penn, 
Jr., to pay " his note due to Cousin Rooth," twenty-five 
pounds. Payments for board for " Daughter" and for the 

1 Hepworth Dixon, in his Life of Penn, says (p. 321), " He sold the 
Worminghurst estate to a 'Squire Butler for £6050, just £1550 more 
than he gave for it, after having cut down £2000 worth of timber. This 
money satisfied some of his creditors, but not all ; and one of them, a 
man named Churchill, was so importunate as to try to stop Butler's 
payment of the purchase-money." 

The Family of William Penn. 151 

children continue each year down to 1717. The last entry 
of the account is cash paid " S. Arnold for Guly's last half 
year's board k necessaries at Richard Wildman's." 

The will which William Penn the Founder made in 1701, 
at New Castle, Delaware, as he was about sailing on his 
return to England, and which was left behind in the care of 
James Logan, bestowed the Proprietorship and Governorship 
on William Penn, Jr., 1 after some bequests to Letitia 
Aubrey, John Penn, and the expected child, Thomas. 
The provisions of this will were, of course, in the father's 
mind during the period of the son's visit to Pennsylvania, 
and later, and until the will of 1712 was definitely made, — 
the sale of the Province to the Crown not being completed, 
— the young man stood in succession as Proprietary and 
Governor. When the father died, no doubt William, Jr., 
was disappointed and chagrined, if not altogether sur- 
prised, to find that he was left simply the estates which had 
been inherited by or settled on him from his mother and 
his grandfather, the Admiral. This was the provision made 
for him in the will of 1712. This will has been several 
times printed, 2 but is worth giving here as part of the 
authentic record on which the present narrative chiefly rests. 

It is as follows : 

"I WILLIAM PENN Esqr so called Cheife proprietor & Governour 
of the Province of Pensilvania and the Territoryes thereunto belonging, 
being of sound mind and understanding, for which I bless God, doe 
make and declare this my last Will and Testament. 

" my Eldest Son being well provided for by a Settlement of his Mothers 
and my ffathers EstSte I give and devise the Rest of my Estate in manner 

44 The Government of my Province of Pennsilvania and Territories 
thereunto belonging and all powers relateing thereunto I give and devise 
to the most Hono'ble the Earle of Oxford and Earl Mortimer, and to 
William Earle Powlett, so called, and their Heires, upon Trust to dis- 

1 See the will in full in " Memoirs of the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania," Vol. I. p. 222. 

1 44 Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," Vol. I. p. 219 ; 
Penna. Mao., Vol. XIV. p. 174, etc. 

152 The Family of William Penn. 

pose thereof to the Queen or any other person to the best advantage 
they can to be applyed in such a manner as I shall herein after direct. 

" I give and devise to rny dear Wife Hannah Penn and her tfather 
Thomas Callowhill and to my good ffriends Margarett Lowther my dear 
Sister, and to Gilbert Heathcote Physitian, Samuel Waldenfield, John 
ffield, Henry Gouldney, all liveing in England, and to my friends Samuel 
Carpenter, Richard Hill, Isaac Norris, Samuel Preston, and James 
Logan, liveing in or near Pensilvania and their heires All my lands 
Tenements and Hereditamts whatsoever rents and other profitts scituate 
lyeing and being in Pensilvania and the Territores thereunto belonging, 
or else where in America, upon Trust that they shall sell and dispose of 
so much thereof as shall be sufficient to pay all my just debts, and from 
and after paymt thereof shall convey unto each of the three Children of 
my son Willm Penn,Gulielma-Maria, Springett, and William re3pectiuely 
and to their respective heires 10,000 acres of land in some proper and 
beneficiall places to be sett out by my Trustees aforesaid. All the rest 
of my lands and Hereditamts whatsoever, scituate lyeing and being in 
America, I will that my said Trustees shall convey to and amongst Chil- 
dren which I have by my present Wife, in such proporcon and for such 
estates as my said Wife shall think fit, but before such Conveyance shall 
be made to my Children I will that my said Trustees shall convey to my 
daughter Aubrey whom I omitted to name before 10,000 acres of my 
said Lands in such places as my said Trustees shall think fitt. 

"All my p'sonall estate in Pennsilvania and elsewhere and arreares of 
rent due there I give to my said dear Wife, whom I make my sole Ex- 
ecutrix for the equall benefitt of her and her Children. 

"In Testimony whereof I have sett my hand and seal to thi3 my Will, 
which I declare to be my last Will, revoking all others formerly made 
by me. 

"Signed Sealed and Published by the Testator William Penn in the 
presence of us who sett our names as Witnesses thereof in the p'sence of 
the said Testator after the Interlineacon of the Words above Vizt whom 
I make my sole Executrix. 

[Signed] " William Pexx. 


"Sarah West 
" Robert West 
"Susanna Reading 
"Thomas Pyle 
"Robert Lorn ax 

"This Will I made when ill of a feavour at London with a Clear un- 
derstanding of what I did then, but because of some unworthy Expres- 
sions belying Gods goodness to me as if I knew not what I did, doe now 
that I am recovered through Gods goodness hereby declare that it is my 

The Family of William Pain. 153 

last Will and Testament at Ruscomb, in Berkshire, this 27th of the 3d 
Month, called May, 1712. 

14 Wm Pent? 
" Witnesses p'sent 

"ElizPenn Mary Chandler 

"Tho:Pyle Josiah Dee 

"Tho:Penn Mary Dee 

"Eliz: Anderson 
" Postscript in my own hand 

"As a further Testimony of my love to my dear Wife I of my own 
mind give unto her out of the rents of America vizt Pensilvania £300 
a year for her naturall life and for her care and charge over my Chil- 
dren in their Education of which she knows my mind as also that I de- 
sire they may settle at least in good part in America where I leave them 
so good an Interest to be for their Inheritance from Generacon to 
Generacon which the Lord p'serve and prosper. Amen." 

The will, when a copy was sent to Pennsylvania, did not 
altogether please James Logan. He wrote to Hannah Penn, 1 
en the 4th of November, 1718 : 

"The sloop Dolphin arrived from London, bringing us divers letters, 
and among y e rest one from Jn° Page to me with a copy of our late Pro- 
prietor's will w oh gives me some uneasiness as being Drawn in hast I 
believe by himself only, when such a settlement required a hand better 
acquainted with affairs of that Nature. 

" The Estate in these parts is vested in so many without impowering 
any P'ticular or a suitable number to grant and Convey, that I fear we 
shall be puzzled. I hope you will take advice there what methods must 
be pursued in y e Case. In the meantime all the Province & Lower 
County's are in the Trustees, till y 8 Mortgage is Cleared, toward w'ch if 
our remittance by this ship come safe I hope another Large tally will be 
struck by them." 

To this the extended letter of Simon Clement, of Bristol, 
the uncle of Hannah Penn, dated at London, March 6, 
1718/19, addressed to Logan, replies. 2 Among other things, 
Clement says, — 

" The Proprietor's will may indeed be said to have been made in haste, 
as you guess: but it was dictated by his friend Mr. West, though the 
blunders committed therein could not have been expected from a man 

1 MS. letter in Historical Society of Pennsylvania collections. 

1 "Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," Vol. I. p. 233. 

Vol. xxi. — 11 

154 The Family of William Penn. 

of his accuracy. The truth is that he himself had labored under a para- 
letick affection, from which he never recovered the use of his limbs one 
side, nor I believe at that time the strength of his capacity, though it 
was afterwards perfectly restored, and continued to the time of his 
death, about six months since." l 

Clement says further in this letter that he has no fear that 
Penn's choice of trustees will prejudice the standing of his 
affairs with those now in power, — Harley, Earl of Oxford, 
not being in 1718 the popular man he was in 1712. 2 " You 
know," he says, "at that time they were the fittest that 
could be thought on ; and though they are since grown a 
little out of fashion, the using their names on this occasion 
can give no offence to those now in play. Great men lay 
no stress on such little things. I prepared a draught of a 
commission for those lords to confirm your Governor, [Keith] 
by the authority devolved upon them, which I left several 
weeks since with Lord Oxford, to peruse and communicate 
with Lord Powlet, but I can't yet get him to dispatch it. 
And you know we cannot be as pressing on men of their 
degree as we might on men of our own rank, but I shall 
continue my solicitation in it as I find opportunity. ,, 

William Penn, Jr., at first signified his disposition to 
acquiesce in the will's provisions, and to join his step-mother 
in carrying them out. Later he changed his mind. The 
will was admitted to probate in the Prerogative Court of 
Canterbury, " in common form," on the 4th of November, 

1 The meaning here is not very plain. Clement could hardly have 
imagined that Logan did not know fully about the physical condition 
of Penn between 1712 and 1718, and he surely did not mean to say that 
his mental " capacity" was ever " perfectly restored" after the stroke of 
August, 1712. 

1 Robert Harley, minister under Queen Anne, was " at the height of 
his power" in 1711, when he was appointed Lord High Treasurer, and 
created Earl of Oxford and Earl of Mortimer. He was dismissed from 
office in 1714, impeached 1715, and sent to the Tower, and in 1717, after 
being brought to trial (at his own demand), discharged. This summary 
indicates the ground of Logan's concern, to which Clement was replying. 
It maybe added that some writers on Penn's will have been confused by 
Harley's title, supposing that " Earl of Oxford and Earl Mortimer" 
must mean two persons, and that there w r ere thus three trustees. 

The Family of William Penn. 155 

1718, after some delay by William Penn, Jr. 1 He had several 
meetings with Hannah Penn, in London, and Clement says 
in the letter already cited, they " mutually declared them- 
selves desirous to cultivate the former friendship in the 
family, and to submit all their differences to be decided by a 
decree in the Court of Chancery, to be obtained with as 
little expense and contest as possible, and I believe they will 
take that way at last, though the young gentleman seems 
fickle and inconstant, and has been ready to fly out once or 
twice since, and is gone again to France without putting in 
his answer to the bill for proving the will, which must there- 
fore be at a stand until his return, which he pretends shall 
be in this or the next month. His agents talk as if he be- 
lieves the will has not sufficiently conveyed the power of 
government from him, and that he will send over a governor. 
But I should think he has more discretion than to offer it in 
earnest, or that he would not find anybody fool enough to 
go on such an errand ; at least I am confident that your 
governor will never yield up his authentick authority to any 
person who should come up with a sham one." 

Clement was evidently unaware, as he wrote this, that 
William Penn, Jr., had already made a definite claim upon 
the Governorship and Proprietorship of Pennsylvania, and 
had sent out, several weeks before, a new commission in his 
own name to Lieutenant-Governor Keith, accompanied by 
a letter of " instructions." The letter was dated January 14, 
1718/19, and directed Keith " immediately to call together 
the Council, and with them, in the most public manner, 
make known my accession to the government of the said 
Province and Counties [upon Delaware] and assure the 
country of my great affection for them," etc. At the meet- 

1 Letter from Simon Clement to Logan, London, December 30, 1718. 
" I am very glad . . . that the country can receive no prejudice for 
want of renewing the present Governor's [Keith's] commission, which 
has been delayed principally by reason of Mr. Penn's first obstructing 
the proving his father's will in the Prerogative Court, which, however, 
he has since consented to, and 'tis done." (" Memoirs of the Histori- 
cal Society of Pennsylvania," Vol. I. p. 231.) 

156 The Family of William Penn. 

ing of the Provincial Council, April 28, 1719, Keith laid the 
documents before the Council, and proposed that the As- 
sembly be immediately (May 6) called together, " in order 
to join with me and this Board in recognizing Mr. Penn's 
right and title to the Government," — to which the Council 
assented, " every member present" agreeing that the As- 
sembly should be summoned. 

The Assembly, however, on the 9th of May, declined to 
approve the claim of Penn, Jr., to succeed his father. They 
pointed out the provisions of the will on the subject of the 
Proprietary rights. They called Keith's attention to a law 
passed by them, and confirmed by Queen Anne, providing 
that the Governor in office at the death of the Proprietary 
should continue until further order from the Crown, or from 
the heirs of the Proprietor. And they further particularized 
the facts that the will devised the Proprietorship to the two 
earls, and that the new commission had not the royal 
approval. Under these circumstances they advised the 
Lieutenant-Governor not to publish the new commission or 
the accompanying instructions. 1 

The Council met two days later, on the 11th, and after 
discussion, decided by "a majority above two to one" that 
the Assembly's advice was good. Later, advices were 
received from London that the Board of Trade and Planta- 
tions recognized the validity of Keith's first commission, 
and regarded that from Penn, Jr., as invalid. It resulted, 
therefore, that the claim of the Proprietorship and Governor- 
ship by the son came to nothing, and apparently was not 
pressed beyond the one point of sending out the commission 
and letter to Keith.* 

1 The Council's minutes say that " by means of other letters or 
accounts since received by Capt. Annis, the Assembly have fallen into 
sentiments different from what had been expected. '• 

* In the Council, upon the question of concurring in the judgment of 
the Assembly, there were present Richard Hill, Jasper Yeates, William 
Trent, Isaac Norris, Jonathan Dickinson, Samuel Preston, Anthony 
Palmer, Robert Assheton, John French, and James Logan. A " majority 
above two to one," ten members voting, would reasonably be seven to three. 
Of the latter three, as it appeared by proceedings at a subsequent meeting 

The Family of William Penn. 157 

William Penn, Jr., died about two years after his 
father. The time and place of his death are variously 
given. John Jay Smith, in his address before the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania, 1 says he " died in France:" Janney 
says he " died in France of a consumption ;* ' Maria Webb 
says he " died in the north of France, in 1720, of consump- 
tion." Upon the authority of a genealogical sketch in 
Lipscombe's " History of Buckinghamshire," cited for me 
by Rev. W. H. Summers, 2 it may be said that he died at 
Liege, Belgium, June 23, 1720. His wife, Mary Penn, died 
early in December, 1733. Rebekah Butterfield's journal, 
kept at Jordans, 3 contains the following entry : 

"5th of 10th month, [December] 1733, Robert Jordan and John 
Gopsill was at y e burial of Mary Pen, widow, mother of y" aforesaid 
William Pen [3d] ; they came and went with y e relations." 

Three children of William Penn, Jr., and Mary Penn are 
known. These were Gulielma Maria, Springett, and Wil- 
liam, 3d. The dates of their births are given in the Friends' 
records (at London) for Surrey and Sussex. Information 
concerning them may be concisely stated as follows : 

of the Council, Assheton was one. (He was the son of William Assheton, 
of Lancashire, whose wife was a relative in some degree of William Penn 
the Founder. Robert Assheton is commonly spoken of in Penn's letters 
as "Cousin Assheton.") At the Council meeting, November 7, 1719> 
Lieutenant-Governor Keith charged Assheton, in writing, with divulging 
the proceedings of the Board, and with writing " the "atter end of August 
or beginning of September last," to William Penn, Jr., assuring him of his 
friendship, and attacking him (Keith) for not publishing the new com- 
mission, etc. Keith professed to give the substance of the letter from 
Assheton to Penn, inter alia that he (Assheton) "was Mr. Penn's stiff 
friend, and had stickl'd for him, tho' to no effect hitherto, because he 
had only one member of the Council to join him; that though the 
bearer [of the letter] was a stranger to Mr. Penn, yet being heartily 
recommended to his favor by these letters he might freely take an 
opportunity over a bottle to assure Mr. Penn that these things were 
unquestionably true." It resulted that Assheton. upon Keith's demand, 
left the Council, though later, 1722, he again became a member. 
1 "Penn-Logan Correspondence," Vol. 1. p. xv. 

* MS. letter, March 25, 1897. 

* Cited in Mr. Summers's "Memories of Jordans and the Chalfonts," 
p. 242. 


158 The Family of William Perm. 


1. Guluima Maria Penn, born Xinth month (November) 10, 
1699, at "Worminghurst ; the " beauty" and " sweet girl" of 
her grandfather's letters. She married, " early in life," 
Aubrey Thomas. He was the son of Rees and Martha 
Thomas, who came from "Wales to Pennsylvania and settled 
in Merion in 1691. Martha, his mother, was an Awbrey, 
the sister of William Awbrey (or Aubrey), who married 
Letitia Penn. 1 Awbrey Thomas was born Eleventh month 
(January) 30, 1694. He "visited England," and there 
married Gulielma Maria Penn (as above). " He did not 
long survive his marriage, and died without issue, proba- 
bly in England." His widow married, second, Charles 
Fell, who w r as the son of Charles, son of George, son of 
Judge Thomas Fell, of Swarthmore Hall. 2 By her mar- 
riage with Charles Fell, Gulielma Maria (Penn) Thomas 
had a son, Robert Edward Fell, " who in the year 1756 
was promoted to a captaincy of marines. Afterwards he 
became a lieutenant-colonel in the army, under which title 
he lodged a pedigree in the Herald's Office, and procured 
a confirmation of arms in the year 1770 ; he was then de- 
scribed as Robert Edward Fell of St. Martin's in the Fields, 
Middlesex. His will . . . was proved the 28th of February, 
1787, by Thomas Brookholding, his sole executor and the 
husband of his niece Philadelphia. There is no evidence 
of his having been a married man ; but in his will he leaves 
his sword and pistols to his nephew, William Hawkins Xew- 
combe." 3 

Coleman, in his pedigree chart, gives two other children 
of Charles Fell and his wife,— "M. M. Fell," married to 
" John Barrow," and " Guilima," married to " Xew- 

1 She was his second wife. Of. article by George Vaux, Penn a. 
Mag., Vol. XIII. p. 294. 

1 Watson, "Annals," Vol. I. p. 121, quotes from the London Gazette, 
year 1724, a paragraph that " Mrs. Gulielma Maria Fell, granddaughter 
of the famous Quaker, Sir William Penn, was publicly baptized in the 
parish church of St. Paul, Convent Garden, in October last." 

8 Maria Webb, " The Fells of Swarthmore Hall," p. 350. 

The Family of William Penn. 159 

come." These names appear more correctly to be Mary 
Margaretta and (her husband) John Barron, and Gulielma 
Maria Frances and (her husband) John jSTewcomb. 1 It 
seems to be commonly assumed that this line of ^Villiam 
Penn the Founder, through his granddaughter, Gulielma 
Maria Penn, and Charles Fell, is now extinct. 

2. Springett Penn, born Twelfth month (February) 10, 
1700/1, at Worminghurst. He was the " Saracen" of his 
grandfather's letters. He did not marry. It is probable that 
he spent much of his time in Ireland. . There are a few letters 
from or relating to him in the collections of the Pennsyl- 
vania Historical Society. One from John Penn to him, 
dated London, August 3, 1727, on a business topic, is 
freezingly severe in tone. Springett, however, was evi- 
dently not one to permit lectures from his half-uncle — a 
man of very nearly his own age — to disturb his equanimity. 
There is a letter from him to John some time later ; it is 
dated "Stoke, March 13, 1728-9," and begins "Dear 
Jack ;" it ends thus : 

" Perhaps Alderman Tom knows more of y e matter than either of us, 
for it seems he was pleased to receive y e Gentleman's Request very 
favorably, turned his Quidd w th great Gravity, & gave an assenting 
nodd. Now if you have fed y a poor Gentleman with hopes and at y 8 
same time cautioned me, y e Devil take you & his Worship y° Ald'n ; 
if otherwise, be free in communicating yo r thoughts to my Bro Will, & 
he'll save you y e trouble of writing them to 

" Yo'r aff Nephew & hum. Servt : 

" Springett Pexn." 

Springett Penn joined with Hannah Penn (his step- 
grandmother), in 1725, in appointing Patrick Gordon Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of Pennsylvania. The chancery suit over 
the Founder's will was not then settled. At the meeting of 
the Council, at Philadelphia, June 22, 1726, the commission 
of Major Gordon " from Springett Penn, Esquire, with the 
assent of Mrs. Hannah Penn, and his Majesty's royal appro- 
bation thereof," was produced and read, and " was forth- 

1 Cf. Westcott's " Historic Mansions," pp. 32, 33, already cited, will 
of Letitia Aubrey. 

160 The Family of William Penn. 

with published at the court-house." Springett Penn died 
in Dublin, Ireland, Stli February, 1731. 1 

3. William Penn, 3d. He was born, as appears by the 
Friends' records, at "Worminghurst, First month (March) 21, 
1703, and made then the u minimus" of the three Williams. 
He was twice married, and through his first wife descends 
the Penn-Gaskell branch of the Founder's family. This line 
will be more fully spoken of in a later chapter. 

1 This date is given by Mr. Keith, in his article on the Penn Family 
in Appleton's " American Biography." In the Breviate in the Boundary 
Case (p. 444) it is stated as occurring December 30, 1730. 

(To be continued.) 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Conor ess. 161 



In the year 1826, after having made an examination of the 
documentary material bearing on the Colonial and Revolu- 
tionary history of the old Thirteen States such as has not 
since, and probably will never again be made, Jared Sparks 
wrote : " The more we look into the history of the Colonies, 
the more clearly we shall see that the Revolution was not 
the work of a few years only, but began with the first settle- 
ment of the country : the seeds of liberty when first planted 
here were the seeds of the Revolution ; they sprang forth by 
degrees; they came to maturity gradually; and when the 
great crisis took place, the whole nation were prepared to 
govern themselves, because they always had in reality gov- 
erned themselves." 1 It need occasion small wonder, then, 
that a revolution the result of such deep-seated causes and 
having such far-reaching effects should have had its story 
related by a multitude of authors, each in his own particu- 
lar way; nor that the men to whom it gave prominence, 
and the events that mark its progress, are as household 
words in the mouths of all Americans. 

For there is no portion of our history that has had so 
much attention paid to it, and respecting which so many 
documents have been published, as the period of the Revo- 
lution. The end, fortunately, is not yet, for at no time has 
the true value of authentic records been more highly ap- 
preciated than at present, nor have such extensive exertions 
ever been put forth to obtain and to preserve them. Our 
country is therefore peculiarly fortunate in possessing those 
of an official nature covering the Revolution in an almost 

1 Sparks's " Life and Writings," Vol. I. p. 494. 

162 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

unbroken series. For the most part they are the documents 
officially known as the records and papers of the Continen- 
tal Congress, which are placed in the care of the Depart- 
ment of State at Washington, where are also the priceless 
papers of Washington and Jefferson and Franklin and 
Madison and Monroe. And yet the treatment accorded 
these records has been far from in keeping with the value 
placed upon them. To say that they have never been pub- 
lished means much. It means that, until they are, no real 
and adequate history of the Revolution can be written, for 
their present arrangement is so confusing as to have made 
it possible for documents to escape the vigilant eye even of 
a Bancroft. It means, too, that they are still in manuscript 
as they were written by the men w T e love to call patriots ; it 
means that the tooth of time has had so little respect for 
them as to have often gnawed them to their lasting deface- 
ment; and it means that they have been and are liable to 
irreparable injury from frequent removal and occasional 
handling, or even to total destruction by some unforeseen 

A detailed description of the contents of these records 
would engross .many pages. Exclusive of transcripts or 
copies, they fill some two hundred folio volumes, averaging 
about three hundred pages each, and all of them containing 
matters of exceeding great importance. Here are the Jour- 
nals from the beginning to the very end (1774-89), almost 
entirely in the hand of Charles Thomson, the indefatigable 
secretary. Here are letter-books of the Presidents of Con- 
gress, recording their official communications ; as well as 
hundreds of reports of committees made during the years 
1775-89, upon the army and the War Department, upon 
foreign relations, upon increasing the powers of Congress, 
upon financial questions, upon Indian affairs, and upon a 
countless variety of other subjects. Here are some two 
thousand and more motions, of the nature of resolutions 
offered in Congress, to many of which no trace exists else- 
where; and papers dealing with land controversies be- 
tween the States, and petitions and memorials addressed to 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 163 

Congress, asking for their overburdened attention often to 
the petty wants and still ot'tener to the serious complaints 
and important desires and rights of individuals. To be 
found here also are documents detailing the contest waged 
over a location for the capital of the nation. The Articles of 
Confederation, and suggestions for their improvement, from 
which we can learn the steps taken towards their adoption 
and amendment, all of which led directly up to the per- 
fected Constitution* under which we live, form another part 
of the collection. Letters from ministers sent to negotiate 
with foreign powers, and those of envoys sent by foreign 
powers to this country, with an almost complete record of 
our foreign relations ; and the letters written by Wash- 
ington and his generals to Congress, detailing the move- 
ments of the army and making suggestions for the manage- 
ment of national affairs, to mention no others, give an 
indication of the character of the correspondence here 
gathered. And so on through the list ; for one can, as has 
been proved by experience, spend months in examining 
these records without mastering more than a small portion 
of their contents. 

It is to the Journals, however, mentioned but briefly 
above, that we particularly desire to devote our attention. 
For however valuable are the other documents in themselves, 
however great would be the loss to American history were 
they destroyed, the loss would be intensified an hundred- 
fold were the Journals, too, lost to us, for they are the only 
record we have of the proceedings of that great body of 
men w T ho, amid contention and disagreement and sore 
trials, so conducted the affairs of the country that the battle 
was waged and won, and a perfected union in the end re- 
sulted. More than this, the Journal is a sort of index to 
the whole mass of documents. From it, and often from it 
alone, we can learn what letters were received and what 
correspondence was carried on ; the committees that were 
appointed, and what and when they reported, and the 
effect these letters and reports had in shaping the course of 
legislation. But this is not all. Many of the really im- 

164 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

portant state papers of the period exist upon the pages of 
the Journal and nowhere else. Many, it is true, were re- 
peatedly printed by order of Congress, but these reprints 
are scarcer even than the printed Journal; nor was this 
always done, and much that was comparatively unimportant 
at the time, and is now only found within these pages, is 
of the greatest value to us. 

But it may be asked, has this invaluable Journal never 
been printed ? The answer is yes and no, with stem em- 
phasis upon the latter reply. 

To understand what is in print and what is not, we must 
examine the manuscripts carefully. In the first place, there 
exists what is generally known as the Original or Rough 
Journal, which appears to be the Journal made up by Secre- 
tary Thomson from notes taken during the daily proceed- 
ings; for writing long-hand, as he did, it is almost beyond 
a possibility that he wrote this at his desk in Congress 
during the sessions. 1 This Rough Journal fills thirty-nine 
folio volumes of varying thickness, and covers the proceed- 
ings from September 5, 1774, to March 2, 1789, although a 
volume containing the record from March 19 to May 2, 
1778, is and has been missing for a great number of years. 
They are all bound in the original covers, are for the most 
part in the fine round hand of Charles Thomson, and are in 
an excellent state of preservation. It may be proper to add 
that the record, never at any time full, is often exasper- 
atingly brief, and omits mention of many events that it was 
deemed unnecessary to note at the time, but which to us 
are of the greatest importance. 

Next in order is the series known as the Transcript of 
the Journal, which is a copy, with differences, of the above. 
This fills ten volumes similar in size to the Rough Journal, 
beginning with the proceedings of September 5, 1775, and 
ending abruptly with an unfinished sentence in those of 
January 20, 1779. All of this, with the exception of the 

1 This opinion is fortified by the fact that there are a few scraps of 
paper among the archives which can be no other than such rough notes. 
See also Thomson's controversy with Laurens, noted later. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 165 

record of the period from the end of December, 1776, to 
the end of January, 1777, is in Thomson's hand. While 
it is possible that a volume belonging to this set and cov- 
ering the Congress of 1774 and the first Congress of 1775 
may have existed, it is unlikely, in that the numbering on 
the back of the volumes starts with No. 1 ; so it is probable 
that Thomson began his copying for this series with the 
proceedings of September 5, 1775. There are, it is true, 
among the archives, several copies in different hands of the 
proceedings from May to August, 1775, but they appear 
never to have formed a part of the Transcript series. 

On the fly-leaf of the first volume of this series of Tran- 
scripts Thomson has written and signed the following: 

"O. — The passages and resolutions, which in this and 
the following books are crossed, were all passed by Congress, 
but a Com* 5 having been appointed to revise the journals for 
publication, such parts as the house determine, on the report 
of the comm e should not be published, were ordered to be 
crossed or marked so as not to be transcribed for publica- 
tion. As the crossing defaced the minutes another mark 
was introduced which was by dots in the margin." 

From this, statement has arisen the prevailing opinion 
that the Transcripts were the volumes sent to the printers, 
and from which the printed Journal as we have it was set 
up in type. This is true, perhaps, so far as it goes ; but 
there are no Transcripts for 1774 and part of 1775,. nor were 
there ever any portions of the Journal of 1774 withheld 
from publication, except such as are mentioned below. 
The marking of which Thomson speaks is found upon the 
Transcript down to and including the proceedings of 
December 29, 1779. Although Thomson has not men- 
tioned it, I have found that the Rough Journal for that part 
of 1775 not covered by the Transcripts is also marked in a 
similar manner. 

While the Transcripts are not exact copies of the Rough 
Journal, the differences are only slight, being mainly verbal ; 
such, for example, as the substitution of " Commander-in- 
Chief" for the word " General." And other changes of a 

166 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

like nature bear evidence that Thomson polished his record 
a trifle before submitting it to the printer. 1 

Next we have the single folio volume containing what is 
known as the Secret Domestic Journal, from May 10, 1775, 
to July 2, 1787. This contains such proceedings relating 
to domestic affairs, as distinct from those connected with 
foreign relations, that it was thought advisable to withhold 
from publication. From this volume of proceedings was 
printed the first part of the first volume of the Secret 
Journals of Congress, published in 1821. 

Nine other volumes of these manuscripts contain the 
remainder of the proceedings of a secret nature. They 
concern foreign affairs, for the most part, and it would 
appear from the manner in which they are made up that 
Thomson at first made entries in sundry volumes by way 
of experiment; then, having hit upon a satisfactory system, 
he conformed to it to the end. 

This conclusion is reached from a perusal of the volumes 
known as Nos. 4 and 6 of the series. No. 4, in one volume, 
contains copies of matters entered in both the foreign and 
domestic Secret Journals, having to do with letters of in- 
struction, commissions, letters of credence, plans of treaties, 
ratification of contracts, and the like, beginning with Oc- 
tober 18, 1780, and ending with March 29, 1786; and No. 
6, in three volumes, is known as the " Imperfect" Secret 
Journal, and commences with an extract from the pro- 
ceedings of September 17, 1776, and terminates with one 
from those of September 18, 1788. But these volumes (Nos. 
4 and 6) contain nothing that is not to be found in either 
the Secret Domestic Journal (No. 3) mentioned above, or in 
the complete Journal of Foreign Affairs (No. 5). The latter 
is in three large volumes, beginning with the proceedings 
of November 29, 1775, and ending with those of September 
16, 1788. They contain many valuable entries upon foreign 
matters that are not recorded elsewhere, aud from them 
were printed the last three volumes of the Secret Journal of 
Congress of the edition of 1821. 

1 See letter of Thomson's, July 27, 17S4. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 167 

Another volume — " Secret Journal A," 2u>. 8 — contains 
various entries from 1776 to 1783, but nothing that is not 
elsewhere recorded. Its contents are mere minutes of pro- 
ceedings that were afterwards entered in the public Journal. 

Lastly there is the small quarto volume labelled " The 
More Secret Journal/' l Its contents, beginning with June 
6, 1781, and ending with August 8, 1782, bear, for the most 
part, upon the history of the negotiations looking towards 
a settlement of the dispute with England. Some of the dis- 
cussions and resolutions relative to the peace negotiations, 
of a minor importance, are here noted, and as they are not 
found elsewhere, have never been printed. 

Thomson's method of composing the Secret Journals can- 
not be ascertained without considerable difficulty. We 
frequently, but not always, find resolutions dealing with 
domestic and foreign affairs entered in the Rough (manu- 
script) Journal, with the usual dotted lines in the margin to 
indicate that this was matter of a secret nature. Again, 
w« occasionally find, in addition to the original lines, a brief 
note indicating that the resolutions within the lines were to 
be entered upon the Secret Journal of Domestic Affairs. 2 
Affairs so marked we invariably found recorded in one or 
^otber of the separate Secret Journals. Again, we not in- 
frequently find brief statements in the Hough Journal, 
with more lengthy acconnts upon the pages of the Journal 
of Foreign Affairs, or there may be no reference to foreign 
affairs at all upon the pages of the Rough Journal, while 
under the same date a detailed entry will be found in the 
Journal of Foreign Affairs. Still .again, where we find 
entries covering the same subject in both the Rough 
•Journal and the Journal of Foreign Affairs, they sometimes 
differ in details. 3 We can therefore safely state that the 
Hough Journal contains matter upon foreign affairs not 
Tecorded in the Foreign Journal, that the reverse is also the 

1 This volume of the papers of the Continental Congress is No. 7 
of the collection, and is a transcript of a small unbound manuscript 
entirely in the hand of Thomson. 

* April 16 and -22, 1784. » May 17, 1786. 

168 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress, 

case, and besides, that the printed Journal of Foreign Affairs 
which was set up from these three volumes of manuscripts 
is not an exact copy from the stand-point of modern 

This leads to the conclusion, and the Rough Journal 
bears us out, that in the early days — that is, until the treaty 
with France was signed in 1778, up to which time foreign 
affairs received little of the attention of the Congress — Thom- 
son recorded everything upon the pages of the Rough 
Journal, marking those matters which were considered 
secret, in order that they might not be printed. Then, from 
1778 on, when foreign affairs came to engross so much 
attention, he changed this order, made brief entries in the 
Rough Journal, or none at all, and recorded the transac- 
tions bearins: on foreign affairs at length in the Foreign 
Journal whenever their nature was such as to preclude the 
desirability of having them published. Not so with the 
Secret Journal of Domestic Affairs, however. Secret mat- 
ters of this nature were of less frequent occurrence, for 
in print they till but little more than half of an octave 
volume of under five hundred pages. These proceedings 
were nearly always entered on the Rough Journal and the 
Transcripts, were marked with dotted lines, and were with- 
held from publication. But a desire arose to have such 
kept together in a separate volume for reference. Then 
(probably in 1784, although the resolution to this effect 
has not been found) Thomson was ordered to make up 
such a volume or volumes. He tells of this work in a let- 
ter written from Philadelphia, June 20, 1784, to Samuel 
Hardy, the chairman of the Committee of the States, then 
in session at Annapolis during the adjournment of Con- 
gress. He whites, " I shall next proceed to revise and 
arrange the Secret Journal agreeably to the order of Con- 
gress and hope to have this work completed, or at least 
a considerable progress made, before the next meeting of 

Besides doing this, he tried to bring the Foreign Affairs 
Journal up to date, and in a letter written a little later he 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 109 

asks that the original manuscript be sent him, in order that 
he might complete his task. 1 


Having thus briefly reviewed the material contained in 
these manuscripts, let us now turn to what was done by the 
men who participated in the events of the day, to place 
some authentic accounts of their transactions before the 
public. 2 At the beginning of the Continental Congress 
the interest of the people in their proceedings was at fever 
heat, all the more fanned by the secrecy enjoined upon the 
members. The public was, therefore, unwilling to wait until 
the first Congress had completed their labors before receiving 
an account of what had been done. Yielding to the popular 
will, and appreciating that the appetite for revolution would 
grow from what it fed on, the Congress ordered the various 
great state documents printed and distributed as they were 
agreed to. First of these was the Declaration of Rights, 
but among the earliest were the Articles of Association. 
The engrossed copy of the latter was signed on the 20th of 
October, 1774, and on the same day was ordered committed 
to the press that a hundred and twenty copies might be 
struck off. 3 

The Congress was by that time approaching the end, 

1 Both of the letters here referred to are to be found only in manu- 
script, and are in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania. The latter is dated July 27, 1784, and is written to Bankson, the 
clerk in the secretary's office who was performing the duties of secretary 
to the committee while Thomson was absent on leave; in this letter he 
asks that the original manuscript journals be sent to him, in order that 
he might be enabled "to complete the secret foreign affairs Journal as 

2 Id the preparation of the bibliographical notes to this part of my 
paper I have drawn freely upon Mr. Hildeburu's "Issues of the Penn- 
sylvania Press," and Mr. Paul L. Ford's "Material for a Bibliography 
of the Continental Congress." From both of these valuable works I 
have received great assistance, and more detailed references will be found 
in the succeeding notes. The titles have, however, been separately veri- 
fied in each instance. 

8 MS. Journal of 1774, October 20. 
Vol. xx r. — 12 

170 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congreas. 

and on the next day (October 21) the address to the peo- 
ple of Great Britain and the memorial to the inhabitants 
of the British Colonies were agreed to and ordered to be 
committed to the printer immediately, with the injunction 
that no more than one hundred and twenty copies be printed 
without further order of Congress. At the same time a 
committee consisting of Galloway, McKean, J. Adams, and 
Hooper, on revising the minutes of the Congress, with a 
view to their publication, was appointed, 1 and from a com- 
parison of the manuscript Journal with the printed copies, 
distinct traces of their revision are discernible. 

Neither they nor the Congress desired to lose any time 
in getting down to work; so in order that the Journal 
might be got ready for the printer, as soon as the above com- 
mittee had finished its task of revision, on October 22, it 
was ordered to be sent to the press and to be printed under 
the direction of Biddle, Dickinson, and Secretary Thomson. 
Scarcely had they been appointed, when the first of a long 
series of prints of what were known as extracts from the 
votes and proceedings of the Congress saw the light. The 
first of these appeared on October 24, 2 and contained a 
part of the Articles of Association, and nothing more. 
Three days later, however, a volume appeared from the 

1 MS. Journal of 1774, October 21. 

* Extracts | From the | Votes and Proceedings | of the American Con- 
tinental | Congress, | Held at Philadelphia on the j 5 th of September, 
1774, j Containing | The Association, an Address to the People J of Great 
Britain, and a Memorial | to the Inhabitants of the British | American 
Colonies. | Published by order of the Congress, j Philadelphia: | Printed 
by William and Thomas Bradford. | October 24 th M,DCC,LXXIV. | 

On the back of the title-page is printed : " As the Congress is not yet 
dis- | solved and their whole Proceedings | cannot be published for some 
time ; it was | thought advisable forthwith to communicate | as much 
thereof to the Public, as concerned | the Restrictions on Commerce, 
and the reasons for such Restrictions. | 

This admission attests, as it were, the falsity of the title-page. The 
pamphlet does not even contain what it purports to in this additional 
note. It is 8vo, pp. 8, and ends abruptly in the midst of a sentence in 
Art. 14: "An Act for ... . securing .... ammunition, and stores, by 
which," I . 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 171 

press of the same printers, the Bradfords, containing the Bill 
of Bights, the list of grievances, occasional resolves, the as- 
sociation, the address to the people of Great Britain, and a 
memorial to the inhabitants of British North America. 
The public interest in these documents may to some extent 
be measured by the fact that .before the end of the year 
reprints of this collection came out to the number of twenty- 
odd l in the cities of Boston, Hartford, New York, New 
London, Newport, Norwich, Providence, Williamsburg, 
and Loudon, England. Within a few days after the ad- 
journment, or rather dissolution, of Congress 2 (for it is 
worthy of note that there is no record on the pages of the 
Journal of any formal vote on this question), the complete 
Journal was brought out, printed by the Bradfords, of Phila- 
delphia. 8 Like the extracts, this, too, was issued in several 

1 (Half title) : Extracts | from the J Votes and Proceedings | of the | 
American Continental | Congress. | (Title) : Extracts | From the J Vote3 
and Proceedings | Of the American Continental | Congress, | Held at 
Philadelphia on the | 5 th of September, 1774. | Containing | The Bill of 
Bights, A List of Griev- j ances, Occasional Resolves, the | Association, 
an Address to the People | of Great Britain, and a Memorial | to the 
Inhabitants of the British | American Colonies. | Published by order of 
the Congress. | Philadelphia : j Printed by William and Thomas Brad- 
ford, | October 27 th , M,DCC,LXXIV. 1 Svo, pp. (4) 12, 11, 36. See 
Ford's Nos. 16-38 for the numerous reprints. 

* October 26, 1774. 

3 (Half title): Journal | of the Proceedings of the J Congress. | (Title) : 
Journal j of the | Proceedings | of the | Congress, | Held at Philadelphia, 
| September 5, 1774. | [cut] | Philadelphia : | Printed by William and 
Thomas Bradford, | at the London Coffee-House. | M,DCC,LXXIV. j 
The page is embellished with an interesting cut representing twelve 
arms supporting a column, surmounted by a liberty cap, and resting 
upon a parchment roll entitled " Magna Charta." Svo, pp. (1), (1), 132, 
133-144. The tail piece of p. 132 represents a dove bearing an olive- 
branch in its beak ; pp. 133-144 contain the letter of Geueral Gage and 
the petition to the King. 

An edition was immediately printed by Hugh Gaine, of New York : 
Journal | of the | Proceedings | of the | Congress, | Held at Philadel- 
phia, j September 5, 1774. | New York: | Printed by Hugh Gaine, Book- 
seller and | Stationer, in Hanover Square, | M,DCC,LXXIV. | Svo, pp. 
(1), 104. This lacks the letter of General Gage and the petition to the 

172 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress, 

editions, and was frequently reprinted in New York and 

The Congress, as is well known, reconvened in May, 1775, 
and in the following July, Samuel Adams, R. H. Lee, and 
John Rutledge were appointed a committee to revise the 
Journal and prepare it for the press. The interest in the 
proceedings in Congress had not waned, and it was probably 
under the committee's direction that another series of ex- 
tracts from the Journal saw the light before the completed 
Journal prepared by them, and submitted to the criticism 
of Congress, was made ready for the printer. 1 That the 
committee performed their task is evidenced by the report 
made to the Congress at the next meeting in September, 
1775. On the 26th of that month they " reported a copy, 
which was in part read." 2 The remaiuder being read on 
the next day, the secretary was directed to have the whole, as 
then corrected, published, and to superintend and correct 
the press. 3 The Bradfords, of Philadelphia, were again the 
publishers,* and reprints of it appeared both in this country 
and in England early in the following year. 

Although the Transcripts of the Journal which we 
mentioned above do not begin until September 5, 1775, 
there are several copies of the Journal for the session of 
May 10 to August 1, 1775, among the archives, which do 
not form a part of the series. They are all alike, and were 

King. A few copies lacking these additions were also printed by the 
Bradfords. See Ford's No. 39. For the reprints, eee his Nos. 40-42. 

1 For the titles of the extracts, see Ford's Nos. 70-73. 

2 Journal of Congress, September 26, 1775. See "Diary of Richard 
Smith" in American Historical Review, Vol. I., No. 2, p. 292. 

8 See also " Diary of Richard Smith," ubi supra. 

* (Half title): Journal | of the | Proceedings | of the | Congress. | 
(Title) : Journal | of the | Proceedings | of the | Congress, | Held at | 
Philadelphia, | May 10, 1775. | [cut] | Philadelphia: | Printed and Sold, 
by William and Thomas | Bradford, at the London CofTee-House. | 
M.DCC.LXXV. | Svo, pp. (2), (2), iv., 239. The cut represents three 
military figures supporting a monument entitled " Libert. Patr." In 
the Pennsylvania Journal for December 6, 1775, the Bradfords announce 
this as ready by December 8. See Ford's No. 74. For the reprints, 
see his Nos. 75-77. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 173 

probably made for the use of the printer. The origin of 
the Transcripts as well as of a Secret Journal probably lies 
here; for at the end of the proceedings of August 1, 1775, 
is the statement, signed by Hancock and Thomson, that the 
above is a copy of the Journal of Congress from their 
meeting on the 10th of May, " except that some Resolutions, 
relative to Military Operations, carrying on are omitted.'' 1 

In November, 1775, it was thought advisable to make 
public the transactions since the September preceding, and 
the committee previously appointed, with Wythe in the 
place of Rutledge, were instructed to revise the Journal for 
publication; they were further authorized "to examine 
whether it will yet be proper to publish any of those parts 
omitted in the Journal of last session." 2 They made an 
arrangement with the Bradfords to continue the publication, 
and in 1776 they published what was termed on the title- 
page a " Continued" Journal of Congress containing the 
proceedings from September 5 to December 30, 1775. 3 

With this ends the Bradfords' activity in the publication 
of the Journals. Their work had latterly not proved satis- 
factory, and when a committee to superintend the printing 
of the Journals was elected in March, 1776, they were em- 

1 These omissions are duly found in the Secret Journal (Vol. I.) printed 
in 1821. 

1 Journal of Congress, November 30, 1775. 

* Smith, in his Diary (loc. ciL, p. 292), writes on September 26, 1776, 
"The Journal was read in Order for Publication and some parts of it 
ordered not to be printed as improper for Public Inspection particu- 
larly all that was there about fortifying the Passes on Hudson's River 
and the Directions to the New Yorkers to arm themselves &c." On 
the next day he has the entry, " The Journal continued to be read and 
various Parts ordered not to be published. . . ." At various times 
from that date he makes note of the reading of the Journal at the 
beginning of each day's proceedings, and of the marking of various 
passages that were not to be published. 

(Half title) : Journal | of the | Congress. | (Title) : Journal | of the 
Congress | of the | United States | of America: j Continued J Philadel- 
phia: | Printed and Sold, by William and Thomas j Bradford, at the 
Coffee-House. | M,DCC,LXXVI. | 8vo, pp. (2), (2), 21S. See Hilde- 
burn, Vol. II. p. 255. Ford's No. 78. 

174 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

powered to employ another printer if the one then doing 
the work could not execute it " with sufficient expedition." l 
Robert Aitken now makes his first appearance upon the 
scene as a printer of Congressional proceedings. Beginning 
the work where the Bradfords left off, and without express 
order of Congress other than such sanction as he mav have 
received from their printing committee, he published the 
Journals in monthly subdivisions from January to May, 
1776, inclusive. 2 Aitken having learned of the dissatisfac- 
tion of Congress with the Bradfords' delays, issued this 
edition in October, 1776. 3 Thinking the time opportune for 
getting a part of the printing business of Congress, he ob- 
tained access to the Journal, and produced this as a sample of 
what he could do. 4 But few copies were ever sold, for, as 

1 Journal of Congress, March 21, 1776. 

* The | Journals | of the | Proceedings | of j Congress. | Held at Phila- 
delphia, | From January to May, 1776. | Philadelphia : | Printed by R. 
Aitken, Bookseller, opposite the | London Coffee-house, Front-Street. | 
M.DCC.LXXVI. | (Bastard title) : Journals | of | Congress. | 8vo, pp. 
(2). pp. 93. The February Journal has the following title : The | Journals 
| of j Congress. | For February, 1776. | R. A. | Philadelphia: | Printed 
and Sold by R. Aitken, Front Street. | M.DCC,LXXVI. | pp. (2), 70. 
The Journal for March, pp. 73-146, and the Journal for April, pp. 147- 
237, has each a heading. Hildeburn, Vol. II. p. 255. Ford's No. 124. 
Aitken records of this, in his " Waste Book :" " I was ordered to print 
no more in this large type, and to begin a new edition beginning with 
the session of Congress, which rendered the sale of the above abortive, 
meantime, I sold 80 copies. I also sold 14 reams of this edition to Ben- 
jamin Flower, for the use of the army for cartridges at 30s. per ream." 
• * See Pennsylvania Packet, October 3, 15, and 26, 1776. 

4 While no evidence of an authorization of this edition of the Journal 
by Congress has been found, the fact that he obtained access to the 
Journal is of itself a kind of authorization. Besides, in his " Waste 
Book" or Journal, the manuscript of which is in possession of the 
Library Company of Philadelphia, he records, under date of January 2, 
1779: "To printing Journal of Congress from Feb. 1, 1776 to April 29— 
inclusive on a pica type containing 15 sheets 8vo. at £4 10" p sheet — 

To 30 Rms Demy for do. at 40 60 

♦ £127—10 

This would indicate that some one in authority ordered the printing, 
or he would never have sent in his bill. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 175 

we shall presently see, their sale was rendered " abortive," 
as Aitken puts it, by the new and complete edition soon 
authorized. Meantime (July, 1776) occurred the appoint- 
ment of a new committee on publication, consisting of Jeffer- 
son, Lynch, and Hopkinson, and the Congress appreciating 
the usefulness of an index, ordered one to be prepared. 1 But 
the greater duties of the day that devolved upon Congress 
quite overshadowed the lesser one of perpetuating the record 
of their transactions, and the above committee paid little or 
no attention to their work. A month later, 2 sundry of the 
members being absent, Messrs. Heywood, Hooper, Williams, 
and Walton were added to the committee, any two of whom, 
it was ordered, were to be sufficient to make up a quorum. 

Aitken had now found favor in the eyes of Congress, and 
on September 26, 1776, 3 the committee appointed to superin- 
tend the publication of the Journals were instructed to em- 
ploy him to reprint the Journals from the beginning, with 
all possible expedition, and to continue to print the same. 
The Congress agreed to purchase of him five hundred copies, 
when printed, and Aitken was further directed to purchase 
from the Bradfords, on reasonable terms and at the expense 
of Congress, such parts of the Journal as they had printed 
but had not yet published. 

In pursuance of this order, and under the supervision of 
the printing committee, Aitken, in the spring of 1777, issued 
what he termed a " New Edition" of the Journal of Congress, 
in two volumes; the first containing the proceedings for 
1774 and 1775 and the second those of 1776. This became 
the authoritative edition for those years, and has always been 
followed whenever reprinted. 4 

1 Journal of Congress, July 17 and 24, 1776. 

a August 27, 1776. 3 Journal of Congress. 

* Aitken had the first volume of this edition ready earlier than May, 
1777, for he records in his " Waste Book," under date of May 13, 1777 : 
" Congress Dr. To 100 Journals of Congr : vol : 1st in blue boards at 15/ 
ea : — £75," and again, under May 20, " Congress Dr. For 600 Journals 
of Congress Vo. 1st in blue boards at 15/ — £450." 

Journals | of | Congress. | Containing the | Proceedings | From Sept. 
5, 1774, to Jan. 1, 1776. | Published by Order of Congress. | Volume I. 

176 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

While Aitken was proceeding on this work, another 
chancre was made in the printing committee by the addition, 
in February, 1777, of "Witherspoon and Lovell, 1 and they, 
acting under direction of Congress, agreed to take two hun- 
dred more than the original number provided for in the 
resolution of September, 1776 ; 2 this was probably done 
because of a determination to supply each State delegation, 
in addition to the individual copies for each member, with 
twenty copies for the use of their respective States. 3 

It now fell to Aitken's lot to have a disagreement with 
Congress, as had the Bradfords before him, and he printed 
no Journal after the two volumes mentioned above; for in 
May, 1778, 4 the committee appointed to superintend the pub- 
lication of the Journals (whose numbers had been increased 
by the addition of J. B. Smith on January 16, 1778) were 

[ Philadelphia: | Printed and Sold by R. Aitken, Bookseller, Front- 
Street. | M.DCC.LXXVII | 8vo. Title and authorization, pp. (2), 310; 
index, pp. (12). Hildeburn, Vol. II. p. 285. Ford's No. 79. 

Journals | of | Congress | Containing the | Proceedings | In the Year, 
1776. | Published by order of Congress. | Volume II. | Philadelphia : \ 
Printed and Sold by R. Aitken, Bookseller, Front Street. | M.DCC.- 
LXXVII. | 8vo. Title and authorization, pp. (2), 513 ; index, pp. (22). 
Hildeburn, Vol. II. p. 285. 

1 Journal of Congress, February 7, 1777. 

* Ibid., June 2, 1777. 

■ Ibid., June 2, 1777. The number of copies issued cannot be 
exactly determined. The first resolution of Congress authorized five 
hundred. By June 2, 1777, Congress agreed to take seven hundred. 
Aitken, in his "Waste Book" (pp. 356-57), records, " I printed 800 vol. 2d 
of Journals of Congress I allow 5 fewer of above no. said books were carried 
to Lancaster and committed to care of Mr. Dunlap. I find of 750 copies 
only 532 delivered wanting in all 218 — I allow at 22/6 as they have been 
lost or embezzled — 654 Dollrs. 218 vol. 1st on hand acco't of the 2nd 
vols, missing. I desire to be heard on this affair." This is recorded on 
December 14, 1778, and January 2, 1779. But it hardly tallies with the 
vote of Congress of June 27, 1777, ordering Aitken to be paid 14S.76 
dollars " for 768 Journals of Congress, a copper plate printing press. &&," 
which he notes in his journal as received on June 28. On May 26, 1781, 
upon motion of Witherspoon, seconded by Sewell, the secretary was 
ordered to "treat with" Robert Aitken for two hundred copies of the 
first and second volumes of the Journals of Congress. 

4 Ibid., May 2, 1778. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 177 

" empowered and instructed to employ Mr. John Dunlap 
to continue printing the said journals instead of Robert 
Aitken." He began his work at once, and with the second 
volume of the Journal, for which there seems to have been 
a demand due to the loss of a number of the copies printed 
by Aitken, 1 and Francis Hopkinson, who had been selected 
to prepare the index to Aitken's two volumes, now com- 
pleted his task; and for the making of as poor and un- 
satisfactory an index as ever saw the lisrht of dav he received, 
on September 17, 1778, the munificent sum of two hundred 
dollars. 2 As it was printed separately, twenty copies were 
ordered to be given to the delegates from each State, to 
go with the copies of the Journal authorized to be dis- 
tributed as mentioned above. On that same day 3 Samuel 
Holteu was added to the committee on publication of the 

Dunlap also printed the Journal for 1777, but as this was 
not got through the press until 1779, although the title-page 
bears no date, and was mentioned as " now publishing'' as 
late as March 27 of that year, he too fell under the ban of 
Congress, no doubt because of his tardiness, and the dis- 
satisfaction then engendered led to a radical change in the 
method of printing the record of Congressional proceed- 
ings. 4 

1 Journals | of | Congress. | Containing | the | Proceedings | From 
January 1, 1776, to January 1, 1777. | Published by Order of Congress. | 
Volume II. | Yorktown: | [Pennsylvania] | Printed by John Dunlap, | 
M.DCC.LXXVIII. | 8vo, pp. (2), 520; index, pp. xxvii. See Ford's 
No. 125. 

* See Journal of Congress, June 15, September 17, and November 10, 
1778. On December 1, 1779, he was ordered to be paid 266-23 dollars 
as balance in full for his account against the Journal committee. 

* Ibid., November, 10, 1778. 

* Journals \ of | Congress | Containing | the } Proceedings | From 
January 1st, 1777, to January 1st, 1778. | Published by Order of Con- 
gress. | Volume III. | Philadelphia : j Printed by John Dunlap. | [n. d.J 
8vo, pp. 603; index to Vol. III., pp. xxii. ; index to Vol. I., pp. (12). 
See Hildeburn, Vol. II. p. 311. Ford's No. 164. 

Also: Journals | of | Congress. | Containing | the Proceedings | from 
January 1, 1777, to January 1, 1778, | Published by Order of Congress. 

178 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

Although Congress, on February 12, 1779, passed a 
resolution directing the committee on printing the Journals 
to employ Aitken to print that of the year 1779, and author- 
izing them " to engage to take of him, as well as of Mr. 
John Dunlap 1 so many of each future volume printed by 
them respectively, as shall equal the number of the first and 
second already received," the committee appears to have 
taken no action in keeping with the powers given them. 
However, the matter of printing the Journals of Congress 
came up quite frequently in one way or another during the 
early months of 1779. 

As noted above, the Journal for 1777 had not by that 
time appeared ; that for 1778 had not even been put in the 
hands of the printer. Much inconvenience was occasioned 
by this delay, which was in striking contrast with the earlier 
method of publishing almost at once. It is not to be won- 
dered at, then, that the dissatisfaction took definite shape at 

| Volume III. | New York : \ Printed by John Patterson. | [n. d.] 8vo, 
pp. 603 ; index, pp. xxii. 

Hildeburn and Ford both hold that this Journal of 1777 was printed 
in 1778. My reasons for differing from them are based (1) on the reso- 
lution of February 12, 1779, noted below in the text, wherein, had there 
been a third volume of the Journal in existence, it would surely have been 
mentioned; (2) the resolution of March 27, 1779, directing that the yeas 
and nays be printed in the Journal then printing, which, as the Journal 
of 1778 was not ordered printed till later, must have referred to the 
Journal of 1777; (3) the fact that Dunlap was not paid for printing 
this third volume until July, 1779 (see below) ; (4) Dunlap had some 
difficulty in having his account with Congress settled. For on March 9, 
1779 (at the same time that Aitken, whose appeal had been heard, was 
voted 3483.45/90 dollars " for printing journals of Congress and sundry 
other contingencies"), a report was made "respecting J. Dunlap . . . 
with his account," but it was laid on the table without consideration. 
At the end of the month (March 30) it was referred to the Board of 
Treasury, and on the 27th of April he was voted eight thousand two 
hundred and twenty-two dollars for printing done for Congress. This 
probably did not include the work done on the Journals, for on July 17 
he was ordered to be paid five thousand seven hundred and fifty-six 
dollars for "printing the 3d volume of the journals of Congress, paper, 
etc." See MS. Journal of Congress. 
1 MS. Journal of Congress. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 179 

the end of March 1779, when, " on motion of Mr. Drayton, 
seconded by Mr. M. Smith, Congress came to the following 
resolution : Whereas it is essential to the interest and 
security of every free state, that the conduct of the public 
servants should be known to their constituents; Resolved, 
That from the first of January last, the journals of this 
house, except such parts as have been or shall be ordered to 
be kept secret, be printed immediately; and that, for the 
future, the journal except as above, be printed weekly and 
sent to the executive powers of the several states, to be by 
them laid before their respective legislatures; and that a 
printer be engaged to print for Congress; and also a printer 
or printers be employed to bring up the journals from the 
time of their present publication to the said first of January." ! 
This was followed on the same day by the addition of 
Hill, Floyd, and Muhlenberg to the committee appointed 
to superintend the publication of the Journal. 

With the effectiveness of the new broom, they had by the 
9th of April swept away Dunlap, and in his place had had 
David C. Claypoole appointed to print for Congress. 2 He 
immediately began the publication of the most interesting, 
the most serviceable, and the costliest of all the Jo«rnals, 
and to the present-day investigators the rarest and most 
valuable; for but two or three complete sets are known to 
have come down to us. One of these is in the possession 
of Mr. Paul Leicester Ford, and the other, with the auto- 
graph of John Dickinson upon each part of it, is in the 
library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

1 Journal of Congress, March 31, 1779. But this was not the first 
occasion that a proposition to print the Journal with greater frequency 
came before Congress. So far back as June, 1777, the Board of War 
complained that they labored under great difficulty in not having the 
daily resolves of Congress before them, and they therefore recommended 
that a printer be appointed to print the proceedings of Congress daily. 
The members of the Board of War present when this request was ordered 
made were John Adams, Sherman, Samuel Adams, R. H. Lee, Carroll, and 
Clymer. (See MS. Journal of Congress, June 17, 1777.) Letter from 
Board of War, June 13, 1777. It will be remembered also that Aitken's 
first attempts for 1776 were in monthly parte. 

2 Ibid., April 9, 1779. 

180 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

The first publication under authorization of Congress that 
issued from Claypoqle's press was a folio bearing the follow- 
ing title: "Journals of Congress, From Friday January 
1st to Monday Februaiy 1st 1779. Philadelphia, Printed 
by David C. Claypoole, Printer to the Congress of the 
United States of America MDCCLXXX," with contents 
quite in keeping with its title. Next appeared a Journal 
reduced in size to the more wieldy octavo, containing the 
proceedings for February; then one with those of March; 
and then the last from March 31 to April 10, before the 
beginning of the weekly issues, 1 which continued from 
Monday the 12th day of April until the last day of December, 
1779. 2 As we shall have occasion below to notice the dif- 

1 Journals | of | Congress, | From | Friday January 1st, | To | Mon- 
day February 1st, 1779. | Philadelphia: | Printed by David C. Claypoole, 
Printer to | The Congress of the United States of America. | MDCC- 
LXXIX. | folio, pp. 12. Text printed in two columns. Hildeburn, Vol. 
II. p. 338. Ford's No. 233. 

2 Journals J Of | Congress | From | Monday, February 1st, | To | 
Monday, March 1st, 1779. | Philadelphia: | Printed by David C. Clay- 
poole, | Printer to the Honorable the Congress of | the United States of 
America, j 8vo, pp. 50. Ford's No. 234. 

Journals | Of | Congress | From | Monday, March 1st, | To | Tuesday, 
March 30th, 1779, | Inclusive. | Philadelphia: | Printed by David C. 
Claypoole, | Printer to the Honorable the Congress of | the United 
States of America. | 8vo. pp. 56. Ford's No. 235. [Ibid.] From Wed- 
nesday, March thirty-first, | To | Saturday, April tenth, 1779, | Inclu- 
sive. |***.| 8vo, pp. 24. Ford's No. 236. 

All the titles to the succeeding sheets are similar to the March issue, 
except that the word Honorable is abbreviated to Hon. in the issue 
March 31-April 10 and in all the weekly sheets to that of the week of 
May 21-29, when Honorable reappears and is continued to the end, with 
the necessary changes of date as noted below. They are also all Svos. 
See Ford's Nos. 237-273, with corrections. 

** | Monday, April 12th, | To | Saturday, April 17th, 1779, | Inclu- 
sive, j pp. 19. 

* * | Monday, April 19th, | To | Saturday, April 24th, 1779 | Inclu- 
sive. | pp. 24. 

** | Saturday, April 24th, | To | Monday, May 3d, 1779 | pp.16. (This 
title contains an error, for the proceedings begin with Monday, April 
26, and end with May 1.) 

* * | Saturday, May 1st, | To | Monday, May 10th, 1779. | pp. 15. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 181 

ferences existing between these monthly sheets and the entire 
Journal of 1779 as we ordinarily know it, it is but necessary 

(This contains the proceedings from Monday, May 3, to Saturday, May 
8, inclusive.) 

* * | Monday, May 10th, J To | Saturday, May 15th, 1779, | Inclusive. 

I PP. 14. 

* * | Monday, May 17th, | To | Saturday, May 22d, 1779, | Inclusive. 

I PP- 24. 

* * | Monday, May 24th, j To | Saturday, May 29th, 1779, | Inclusive. 
| pp. 20. 

* * | Monday, May 31st, | To | Saturday, June 5th, 1779, | Inclusive. 
| pp. 15. 

* * J Monday, June 7th, | To | Saturday, June 12th, 1779, | Inclusive. 
| pp. 19. 

** | Monday, June 14th, | To | Saturday, June 19th, 1779, | Inclusive. 
| pp. 10. 

* * | Monday, June 21st, | To | Saturday, June 26th, 1779, | Inclusive. 
| pp. 13. 

* * | Monday, June 28th, | To | Saturday, July 3d, 1779, | Inclusive. | 
pp. 15. 

* * | Monday, July 5th, | To | Saturday, July 12th, 1779, | Inclusive. 
| pp. 9. (This title contains two errors. The Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was celebrated by Congress on July 5, so there was no 
session; and the Saturday of this week was the 10th and not the 

* * | Monday, July 12th, j To | Saturday, July 17th, 1779, | Inclusive. 
| pp. 10. 

* * | Monday, July 19th, | To | Saturday, July 24th, 1779, | Inclusive. 

I PP. 14. 

* * | Monday, July 26th, | To | Saturday, July 31st, 1779, | Inclu- 
sive. | pp. 16. ("With this issue the imprint was changed to 'Phila- 
delphia: j Printed by David C. Claypoole, | Printer to the Honorable 
the Congress,' | and continued to the end of the series." Ford's No. 

* * | Monday, August 2d, J To | Saturday, August 7th, 1779, | Inclu- 
sive, j pp. 11. 

* * | Monday, August 9th , | To | Saturday, August 14th, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 10. 

* * | Monday, August 16th, J To | Saturday, August 21st, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 13. 

* * | Monday, August 23d, | To | Saturday, August 28th, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 14. 

* * | Monday, August 30th, | To | Saturday, September 4th, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 12. 

182 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

to remark here that they contain much matter of great im- 
portance that is found in no other publication. It was over 

* * | Monday, September 6th, | To | Saturday, September 11th, 1779, 
| Inclusive. | pp. 10. 

* * | Monday, September 13th, | To | Saturday, September 18th, 1779, 
| Inclusive. | pp. 22. 

* * | Monday, September 20th, | To | Saturday, September 25th, 1779, 
| Inclusive. | pp. 9. 

* * | Sunday, September 26th, j To | Saturday, October 2d, 1779, | In- 
clusive, j pp. 11. 

** | Monday, October 4th, j To | Saturday, October 9ht [sic], 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 11. 

* * | Monday, October 11th, | To | Saturday, October 16th, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 8. 

* * | Monday, October 18th, | To | Saturday, October 23d, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 12. 

* * J Monday, October 25th, | To | Saturday, October 30th, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 13. 

* * j Monday, November 1st, | To | Saturday, November 6th, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 7. 

** | Monday, November 8th | To | Saturday, November 12th, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 11. (This contains a mistake in the date of Saturday, 
which was the 13th and not the 12th.) 

* * | Monday, November 15th, | To | Saturday, November 20th, 1779, 
| Inclusive. | pp. 19. 

* * | Monday, November 22d, | To | Saturday, November 27th, 1779, 
| Inclusive. | pp. 15. 

* * | Monday, November 29th, | To | Saturday, December 4th, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 12. 

* * | Monday, December 6th, J To | Saturday, December 11th, 1779, 
| Inclusive. | pp. 10. 

* * | Monday, December 13th, | To | Saturday December 18th, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 12. 

* * | Monday, December 20th, | To | Friday, December 31st, 1779, | 
Inclusive. | pp. 16. 

Also: Journals | of | Congress. | Containing j The | Proceedings | 
From January 1, 1779, To January 1, 1780. | Published by Order of 
Congress, | Volume V. | Philadelphia : | Printed by David C. Claypoole, 
| M,DCC,LXXXIII. | 8vo, pp. 464, (15), lxxiv. Ford says of this 
(No. 274), " In the first issue of this volume pages 25 and 2S, and 29 
and 32, backed each other and were duplicated. There were no pages 
26, 27, 30, and 31. These errors were corrected in most copies." The 
Appendix, pp. 15, contains a tabulated schedule of ■ Expenditures for 
the Year 1779." 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 183 

the distribution of some sheets of these Journals that Thom- 
son the secretary and Heury Laurens nearly came to blows 
on the floor of the House. Laurens so far forgot himself a3 
to threaten to kick Thomson from the President's platform 
upon which they both happened to be standing. This 
episode led Laurens to prefer charges against Thomson for 
misconduct in office, and he wrote a long letter to the inves- 
tigating committee appointed by Congress. Thomson 
defended himself in a similar manner and at great length, 
and nothing — not even a censure — came of the dispute. 1 In 
the course of his letter Thomson wrote the following which 
is of interest to us : "I had frequently heard Mr. Lovell 
who has had a principal direction and management in print- 
ing the weekly journals and ordering the distribution, for as 
to myself I never before took any concern in the matter as 
I did not consider it any part of my business, I say I had 
frequently heard him mention that there was only one for 
each member printed upon a fine paper and brought into 
Congress—that if any wanted to send copies to their state 
they might be supplied with others printed on a common 
paper." It may here be remarked that Dickinson's set, 
which we mentioned above, is one of those printed on " fine 
paper;" not only this, the octavo sheets have never been cut 
or bound, but are kept in a case with the original steel-blue 
covers still about them. The folio, more difficult to pre- 
serve, has been arranged in sumptuous attire, although like- 
wise uncut and with its first outer cover still intact. Xor 
would it be less than vandalism to destroy the enclosing 
sheets, for each in the strong and well-known handwriting 
of the " Farmer" proclaims that it was John Dickinson's 

Acting under the authorization of the resolutions of March 
31, 1779, Claypoole was also engaged to print the, till now, 
neglected Journal for 1778, Volume IY. of the set. It bears 
no date on the title-page, but its similarity, typographically, 

1 Potter's American Monthly, Vols. VI. and VII. pp. 269 et seq. The 
letter is dated September 6, 1779. 

184 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

to the other Journals published in 1779 and its dissimilarity 
from the volume published by him in 1783 (see below) give 
some ground for holding that he printed it in 1779. 1 

1 Journals | of | Congress, | Containing | The | Proceedings | From 
January 1st, 1778, to January 1st, 1779, | Published by Order of Con- 
gress. | Volume IV. j Philadelphia: j Printed by David C. Claypoole, | 
Printer to the Honorable Congress. | 8vo, pp. (2), 748 ; index, pp. lxxxix ; 
appendix, (4). 

(To be continued.) 

Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 185 



(Continued from page 50.) 



At Philadelphia : Visits the Globe Mills, situate at what 
is now the intersection of Germantown Avenue and Girard 
Avenue. 1 

11 1797. — One of the earliest manufactories in the United States, of any 
extent, for spinning and weaving flax, hemp, and tow, by water power, was 
that of James Davenport, put in operation with patent machinery within 
the last twelve months, at the Globe Mills, at the north end of Second 
Street, Philadelphia. It was visited at the beginning of the year [1797] 
by "Washington and several members of Congress, who were highly pleased 
with the ingenuity and novelty of the machinery. The President in par- 
ticular expressed a high opinion of the merits of the patentee, Mr. Daven- 
port ; 2 and an earnest wish that a work so honorable to the infant manu- 
factories of the Union, might be extended to different parts of the country. 
The labor was chiefly performed by boys." — Bishop's History of American 
Manufactures from 1608 to I860, Yol. I. p. 71. 


At Philadelphia : " The first thing I shall do, after I am 
settled at Mount Vernon, will be to adjust all my accounts 
of a private nature ; the doing of which, as they ought, has 
been prevented by public avocations." — Washington to David 


At Philadelphia : " January 13. — Yesterday the Senate of 
this Commonwealth [Pennsylvania] waited on the President 

1 An interesting paper by Samuel H. Needles, entitled " The Governor's 
Mill and the Globe Mills, Philadelphia," will be found in Vol. VIII. pp. 
279-377 of the Pennsylvania Magazine. 

2 James Davenport received (February 14, 1794) the first patent for any 
kind of textile machine issued in the United States. 

Vol. xxi. — 13 

186 Washington after the Revolution, 1797, 

of the United States and presented him with an Address." 
— Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser. 


At Philadelphia : " February 9. — I saw the President and 
Mrs. Washington on Tuesday [February 7], and am to dine 
there to-day. They are both extremely well." — James Iredell 
to Mrs. Iredell. 

11 In private, as well as in public, his [Washington's] punctuality was 
observable. He had a well regulated clock in his entry, by which the move- 
ments of his whole family, as well as his own were regulated. At his dinner 
parties he allowed five minutes for the variation of time pieces, and after 
they were expired he would wait for no one. Some lagging members of 
Congress came in when not only dinner was begun, but, considerably ad- 
vanced. His only apology was, ' Sir or Gentlemen, we are too punctual for 
you;' or in pleasantry, 'Gentlemen, I have a cook, who never asks whether 
the company has come, but whether the hour has come.' "Washington sat 
as a guest at his dinner table, about half way from its head to its foot. The 
place of the chaplain was directly opposite to the President. The company 
stood while the blessing was asked, and on a certain occasion, the President's 
mind was probably occupied with some interesting concern, and on going to 
the table he began to ask a blessing himself. He uttered but a word or two, 
when bowing to me, he requested me to proceed, which I accordingly did. 
I mention this because it shows that President Washington always asked a 
blessing himself, when a chaplain was not present." — Reminiscences of Ashbel 


At Philadelphia : " February 20.— On Friday last [Feb- 
ruary 17] the House of Representatives of this Common- 
wealth [Pennsylvania] waited on the President of the 
United States with an Address." — Clay-poolers American 
Daily Advertiser. 


At Philadelphia : " February 18. — At four o'clock I went 
with the following members of the [Pennsylvania] House 
[of Representatives] and dined with that great and good 
man, George Washington, President of the United States, 
who will retire from office on March 4th next, at which 
time John Adams, the present Vice-President, will take his 
place : Speaker [George] Latimer, [Joseph] Ball, [Francis] 

Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 187 

Gurney, [Robert] Wain, and [Lawrence] Seckel, of Phila- 
delphia; [Richard] Keys, [Thomas] Boude, [Abraham] 
Carpenter, and [Jeremiah] Brown, of Lancaster; [John] 
Hulme, [Theophilus] Foulke, [Ralph] Stover, and [Isaac] 
Yan Horn, of Bucks; [Robert] Frazer, [Thomas] Bull, and 
[James] Hannum, of Chester ; [William] McPhersou, [Alex- 
ander] Turner, [William] Miller, and [John] Stewart, of 
York; and [Samuel] Marshall, of Huntingdon. Our 
Speaker sat between the President and his lady, and I on 
the left of the President." — Diary of Jacob Hiltzheimer. 


At Philadelphia: "February 23. — Yesterday being the 
anniversary of the birthday of the President of the United 
States, in which he entered the 65th [66th] year of his age, 
it was observed here as a day of Festival and Rejoicing. 
It was ushered in by ringing of bells and firing of cannon. 
Most of the members of Congress and the Governor and 
the Legislature of this State in a body congratulated him 
on the occasion. The Officers of the Militia met at Eleven 
o'clock at the State-House, and marched from thence to the 
house of the President to whom they presented an address, 
and received his answer thereto. They then returned to 
the State House, and accompanied the Society of the Cin- 
cinnati in their visit to the President, who also presented to 
him an address and received his answer. At twelve o'clock 
a federal salute was fired. The procession was attended by 
the uniform military corps, who performed a variety of 
evolutions on the occasion. • 

" This day has always been observed in this city by marks 
of joy and festivity ; but this being the last birth day which 
will return to George Washington, as Chief Magistrate of 
the Union, it was not only honoured by outward marks of 
joy, but by sensations of a peculiar kind, which are better 

1 u February 24. — On Wednesday evening [February 22] arrived in town, 
on a visit to the President of the United States the famous Mohawk Chief 
Colonel Joseph Brjls-t, and the Seneka Chief Cornplanter." — ClaypooU's 
American Daily Advertiser. 

188 Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 

felt than expressed — they were those of Gratitude and 
Esteem for Eminent Services. 

" In the Evening there was a Ball on the occasion at 
Rickett's Amphitheatre, 1 which for Splendor, Taste and 
Elegance, was, perhaps, never excelled by any similar Enter- 
tainment in the United States." — Claypoole's American Daily 

11 February 24. — The President's birthday (the 22d) was celebrated here 
with every possible mark of attachment, affection and respect, rendered 
affecting beyond all expression, by its being in some degree a parting scene. 
Mrs. Washington was moved even to tears, with the mingled emotions of 
gratitude for such strong proofs of public regard, and the new prospect of 
the uninterrupted enjoyment of domestic life : she expressed herself some- 
thing to this effect. I never saw the President look better, or in finer 
spirits, but his emotions were too powerful to be concealed. He could some- 
times scarcely speak. Three rooms of his house were almost entirely fall 
from 12 to 3, and such a crowd at the door it was difficult to get in. At the 
Amphitheatre at night it is supposed there was at least 1200 persons. The 
show was a very brilliant one, but such scrambling to go to supper that 
there was some danger of being squeezed to death. The Vice President 
handed in Mrs. "Washington, and the President immediately followed. The 
applause with which they were received is indescribable. The same was 
shown on their return from supper. The music added greatly to the interest 
of the scene. The President staid till between 12 and 1." — James Iredell 
to Mrs. Iredell. , 

" It was the usage, while Washington was President of the United States, 
for the clergy of the city to go in a body to congratulate him on his birth- 
day ; and on these occasions he always appeared unusually cheerful. The 
last time we made such a call, which was about ten days before his retire- 
ment from office, he said with singular vivacity, 4 Gentlemen I feel the 
weight of years ; I take a pair of sixes on my shoulders this day.' This 
great man was not in his proper element when he attempted a pleasant con- 
ceit. I never witnessed his making the attempt but on this occasion ; and 
if his allusion, as I suppose must have been the case, was to the fifty-sixes 
used in weighing heavy articles, it was surely far-fetched and not very ob- 
vious. He entered his Sixty-sixth year at this time." — Reminiscences of 
Ashbel Green. 


At Philadelphia : " March 1. — An Address of the Legisla- 
ture of the State of Massachusetts, was on Friday last 
[February 24] presented to the President of the United 

1 Southwest corner of Sixth and Chestnut Streets. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 189 

States by the Senators representing that State in Congress, 
accompanied by most of the Members of the House of 
Representatives, from that State." — Claypoole's American 
Daily Advertiser. 


At Philadelphia : " February 28. — Yesterday at twelve 
o'clock the Common Council of this city waited on the 
President of the United States with an address. And at 
half past twelve the Select Council waited on the President, 
and presented their address." — Clayjwole's American Daily 

" February 27. — We are informed that the President of the United States 
will be at the representation of the new comedy, The Way to get Married, 
this evening, at the New Theatre." 1 — Idem. 


At Philadelphia : " February 28. — The President and his 
family honor the Ladies Concert with their presence this 
evening." — Clay-poolers American Daily Advertiser. 

George Gibbs, in his " Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington 
and John Adams," published in 1846, makes the following beautiful refer- 
ence to the last levee of Washington as President, which was doubtless held 
on this day, February 28 : " Just before his final retirement, Washington 
held his last formal levee. An occasion more respectable in simplicity, 
more imposing in dignity, more affecting in the sensations which it 
awakened, the ceremonials of rulers never exhibited. There were the great 
chiefs of the republic of all parties and opinions ; veterans of the war of in- 
dependence, weather stained and scarred; white haired statesmen, who, in 
retirement, were enjoying the fruits of former toil ; there were his executive 
counsellors and private friends ; ministers of foreign governments, whose 
veneration approached that of his countrymen ; citizens, who came to offer 
the tribute of a respect, sincere and disinterested. Little was there of the 
pageantry of courts, little of the glitter which attends the receptions of 
royalty; yet in the grave assemblage that stood in that unadorned chamber, 
there was a majesty which these knew not. The dignitaries of a nation had 
come together to bid farewell to one, who at their own free call, by their 

1 " NEW THEATRE. THIS EVENING, February 27. By particular 
desire, will be presented, the last new Comedy. The way to get Married; 
after the comedy the comic ballet Dermot <j* Kathleen, or Animal Magnet- 
ism." — Claypoole'8 American Daily Advertiser. 

190 Washington after the Revolution, 1707. 

own willing trust — not as an honor to be coveted, "but as a duty to be dis- 
charged — had in turn led their armies and executed their laws ; one who 
now, his last task worthily fulfilled, was to take his place again among them, 
readier to relinquish than he had been to undertake power ; a soldier, with- 
out stain upon his arms ; a ruler, without personal ambition ; a wise and 
upright statesman : a citizen of self-sacrificing patriotism ; a man pure, 
unblemished and true in every relation he had filled ; one to whom all ages 
should point as the testimony that virtue and greatness had been and could 
be united." 


At Philadelphia : " March 3. — Yesterday the Hector, 
Church Wardens and Vestrymen of the United Episcopal 
Churches of Christ Church and St. Peter's waited on the 
President of the United States with an Address." — Clay- 
poole's American Daily Advertiser. 

On the following day, March 3, a number of the clergy of the city and 
vicinity of Philadelphia also presented the President with an address. The 
Reverend Ashbel Green, referring to this in his Reminiscences, says, " On 
the 4th [?] of March, when he carried into effect his purpose of retirement, 
which he had previously announced, the city clergy waited on him with an 
address; which, with his answer, was published in the newspapers of the 
day. Mr. Jefferson in a letter published after his death, speaks of the design 
of this address, and of the character of its answer, as indicating that "Wash- 
ington was suspected of infidelity, and broadly intimates that such a sus- 
picion was just. As to the design of the address, I may be allowed to say, 
that Mr. Jefferson's remarks are incorrect, since by the appointment of my 
clerical brethren, it was penned by myself, and I have not a doubt that the 
•whole imputation was groundless." 


At Philadelphia : u March 2.— To-morrow [March 3] at 
dinner I shall, as a servant of the public, take my leave of 
the President elect, of the foreign characters, the heads of 
departments, &c, and the day following, with pleasure, I 
shall witness the inauguration of my successor to the chair 
of government." — Washington to General Knox. 

Of this dinner, Bishop White, one of the guests, writes, M On the day 
before his leaving the Presidential chair a large company dined with him. 

1 " March 3. — This evening is Mrs. Washington's last drawing-room, and 
a very crowded one it will be, though extremely exciting to a person of any 
sensibility." — James Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 191 

Among them -were the foreign ministers and their ladies, Mr. and Mrs. 
Adams, 1 Mr. Jefferson, with other conspicuous persons of both sexes. 
During the dinner much hilarity prevailed ; but on the removal of the cloth 
it was put an end to by the President, certainly without design. Having 
filled his glass, he addressed the company, with a smile on his countenance, 
as nearly as can be recollected in the following terms : ' Ladies and gentle- 
men, this is the last time I shall drink your health as a public man. I do it 
with sincerity, and wishing you all possible happiness!' There was an end 
of all pleasantry. He who gives this relation accidentally directed his eye 
to the lady of the British minister (Mrs. Liston) and tears were running 
down her cheeks." 8 


At Philadelphia: "March 6.— On Saturday [March 4], at 
twelve o'clock, agreeably to the notification which he gave 
to both Houses of Congress soon after his election, John 
Adams, as President of the United States, attended in the 
Chamber of the House of Representatives, to take his Oath 
of Office, according to the directions of the Constitution. 
On his entrance, as well as on the entrance of the late Pres- 
ident, and of Thomas Jefferson, the Vice President, loud 
and reiterated applause involuntarily burst from the audi- 
ence. The President having taken his seat on the elevated 
Chair of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, 8 the 
Vice-President, the late President, and the Secretary of the 
Senate 4 on his right, the Speaker and Clerk 5 of the House 
of Representatives on his left, and the Chief Justice of the 
United States 6 and the Associate Judges 7 at a table in the 
centre, all the foreign Ministers and Ambassadors, the Heads 
of Departments, General [James] Wilkinson, the Com- 

1 This is incorrect. Mrs. Adams at this time was at home at Quincy, 
Massachusetts, and not in Philadelphia. 

2 « Memoir of the Life of Bishop White," by Bird Wilson, D.D. Phila- 
delphia, 1839, p. 191. 

8 Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey. 

* Samuel Allyne Otis, of Massachusetts. 
5 John Beckley, of Virginia. 

• Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut. 

'William Cushing, of Massachusetts; James Wilson, of Pennsylvania; 
and James Iredell, of North Carolina. The Judges not present were Wil- 
liam Patterson, of New Jersey, and Samuel Chase, of Maryland. 

192 Washington after the Revolution, 1797, 

mander-in-Chief, and a very crowded auditory of the prin- 
cipal inhabitants of this city being present, the President 
proceeded to deliver his Speech. . . . 

" After concluding his speech, the President descended 
from his seat to receive his oath of office from the Chief 
Justice, who pronounced the following constitutional oath 
with great solemnity, which was repeated by the President 
in an equally audible and solemn manner. ' I do solemnly 
swear, that I will faithfully execute the office of President 
of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, 
preserve, protect and defend the constitution of the United 

" Having taken his oath, the President again resumed 
his seat, and, after sitting a moment, rose, bowed to the 
audience, and retired. After him, followed the Vice Presi- 
dent (though not without a contest betwixt the late President 
and him with respect to Precedence, the former insisting 
upon the Vice President taking it, and he with great re- 
luctance receiving it). Afterwards followed the members 
of the Senate, Foreign Ministers, Heads of Departments, 
Eepresentatives, &c." l — Claypoole's American Daily Ad- 

11 On Saturday [March 4] the Merchants of Philadelphia gave a Public 
Dinner, at Kickett's Circus, 2 to GEORGE WASHINGTON, in testimony 

1 " March 5. — Your dearest friend never had a more trying day than 
yesterday. A solemn scene it was indeed, and it was made affecting to me 
by the presence of the General, whose countenance was as serene and un- 
clouded as the day. He seemed to me to enjoy a triumph over me. Me- 
thought I heard him say, 'Ay! I am fairly out and you fairly in ! See 
which of us will be happiest!' When the ceremony was over, he came and 
made me a visit, and cordially congratulated me, and wished my adminis- 
tration might be happy, successful, and honourable. ... In the chamber of 
the House of Representatives was a multitude as great as the space could 
contain, and I believe scarcely a dry eye but Washington's." — John Adams 
to Mrs. Adams. 

3 Rickett's Circus was first opened (April 12, 1793) at the southwest 
corner of Twelfth and Market Streets. In the fall of 1795 it was removed 
to a large circular building erected for the purpose at the southwest corner 
of Sixth and Chestnut Streets. This was known as Rickett's Amphi- 

Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 1 93 

of their approbation of his conduct as President of the United States. — The 
Company, among whom were all the Foreign Ministers, many of the Mem- 
bers of both houses of Congress, the Governor of the state, and all the 
principal merchants of the city, met at Oeller's hotel 1 and marched in pro- 
cession from thence to the place of entertainment. On their entering the 
Circus, Washington's march resounded through the place, and a curtain drew 
up which presented to view a transparent full length painting of the late 
President, whom Fame is crowning with a Wreath of Laurel, taking leave 
after delivering to her his valedictory address, of the Genius of America, 
who is represented by a Female Figure holding the Cap of Liberty in her 
hand, with an Altar before her, inscribed Puulic Gratitude. In the 
painting are introduced several emblematic devices of the honours he had 
acquired by his public services, and a distant view of Mount Vernon, the 
seat of retirement. 2 Not less than two hundred and forty persons were 
present, and a most sumptuous entertainment was provided by Mr. Eichardet, 3 
which consisted of four hundred dishes of the most choice viands which 
money could purchase or art prepare, dressed and served up in a manner 
which did him the highest credit. Mr. "Willing and Mr. Fitzimmon3 pre- 
sided, and the whole was conducted with the greatest order." — Claypoole's 
American Daily Advertiser. 


Leaves Philadelphia : " 3Iarch 10. — Yesterday morning 
at 7 o'clock General Washington and family left this City 
for Mount Vernon." — Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser. 

11 March 9. — The President and Mrs. Washington go off this morning 
for Mount Vernon. Yesterday afternoon he came to make me his farewell 
visit, and requested me, in his own name and Mrs. W 3 , to present ' their 
respects' to Mrs. Adams." — John Adams to Mrs. Adams. 


At Baltimore : " March 13. — Last evening arrived in this 
city, on his way to Mount Vernon, the illustrious ohject of 
veneration and gratitude, George Washington. His Ex- 
cellency was accompanied by his lady and Miss Custis, and 
by the son of the Unfortunate Lafayette arid his preceptor. 

1 South side of Chestnut, west of Sixth Street, adjoining Eickett's Am- 

* This painting was the work of Charles Willson Peale. An engraving 
of it, executed by Alexander Lawson, was published in the Philadelphia 
Monthly Magazine for January, 1799. 

8 Samuel Eichardet, " master of the City Tavern and Merchant's Coffee 
House, 86 south second St.?' — Philadelphia Directory, 1797. 

194 Washington after the Revolution, 1797, 

At a distance from the city, he was met by a crowd of citi- 
zens, on horse and foot, who thronged the road to greet 
him, and by a detachment from Captain Hollingsworth's 
troop, who escorted him in through as great a concourse 
of people as Baltimore ever witnessed. On alighting at the 
Fountain Inn, the General was saluted with reiterated and 
thundering huzzas from the spectators. His Excellency, 
with the companions of his journey, leaves town we under- 
stand this morning." — Baltimore paper. 


At Mount Yernon : " March 19. — We arrived here on 
Wednesday [March 15], without any accident, after a te- 
dious and fatiguing journey of seven days. . . . Grandpapa is 
very well & much pleased with being once more Farmer 
Washington." — Nelly Custis to 3Irs. Wolcott. 


At Alexandria : Dines by invitation (at Abert's Tavern) 
with the Ancient York Masons of Alexandria Lodge, Xo. 
22. Returns to Mount Yernon under an escort of mounted 
troops of the town. 


At Mount Yernon : " I find myself in the situation nearly 
of a new beginner; for, although I have not houses to build 
(except one, which I must erect for the accommodation and 
security of my military, civil, and private papers, which are 
voluminous and may be interesting), yet I have scarcely 
any thing else about me, that does not require considerable 
repairs. In a word, I am already surrounded by joiners, 
masons, and painters ; and such is my anxiety to get out of 
their hands, that I have scarcely a room to put a friend into, 
or to sit in myself, without the music of hammers, or the 
odoriferous scent of paint." — Washington to James McHenry. 


At Mount Yernon : " To make and sell a little flour an- 
nually, to repair houses (going fast to ruin), to build one 
for the security of my papers of a public nature, and to 

Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 195 

amuse myself in agricultural and rural pursuits, will con- 
stitute employment for the few years I have to remain on 
this terrestrial globe. If, also, I could now and then meet 
the friends I esteem, it would fill the measure and add zest 
to my enjoyments; but, if ever this happens, it must be 
under my own vine and fig-tree, as I do not think it prob- 
able that I shall go beyond twenty miles from them." — 
Washington to Oliver Wolcott. 


At Mount Vernon : " I begin my diurnal course with the 
sun ; if my hirelings are not in their places at that time I 
send them messages of sorrow for their indisposition ; having 
put these wheels in motion, I examine the state of things 
further; the more they are probed, the deeper I find the 
wounds, which my buildings have sustained by an absence 
and neglect of eight years ; by the time I have accomplished 
these matters, breakfast (a little after seven o'clock) is 
ready ; this being over, I mount my horse and ride round 
my farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for 
dinner, at which I rarely miss seeing strange faces, come as 
they say out of respect for me. Pray, would not the word 
curiosity answer as well? And how different this from 
having a few social friends at a cheerful board ! The usual 
time of sitting at table, a walk, and tea, bring me within 
the dawn of candlelight ; previous to which, if not prevented 
by company, I resolve, that, as soon as the glimmering taper 
supplies the place of the great luminary, I will retire to my 
writing-table and acknowledge the letters I have received ; 
but when the lights are brought, I feel tired and disinclined 
to engage in this work conceiving that the next night will 
do as well. The next night comes, and with it the same 
causes for postponement, and so on. . . . Having given you 
the history of a day, it will serve for a year." — Washington 
to James McHenry. 


At Mount Vernon : " I am very glad to hear, that ray old 
friend and acquaintance General Rochambeau is alive, and 

196 Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 

in the enjoyment of tolerably good health. It is some years 
since I had the honor to receive a letter from him ; but, if 
it should fall in your way at any time to recall me to his 
remembrance by the presentation of my best regards to him, 
which I pray you to accept also yourself it would oblige 
me." — Washington to General 3Iathieu Dumas. 

The following extracts from the privately printed diary of Amariah Frost, 
of Milford, Massachusetts, who visited Mount Vernon in June, 1797, are 
transcribed from an article by Moncure D. Conway, entitled " Footprints in 
Washingtonland," in Harper's New Monthly Magazine for April, 1889: 

"We arrived at the President's seat about 10 o'clock. The General was 
out on horseback viewing his labourers at harvest ; we were desired to tarry 
until he should return. . . . We had rum punch brought us by a servant. 
"We viewed the gardens and walks, which are very elegant, abounding with 
many curiosities. Fig-trees, raisins, limes, oranges, etc., large English 
mulberries, artichokes, etc. The President returned ; he received us very 
politely. . . . His lady also came in and conversed with us very familiarly 
respecting Boston, Cambridge, the officers of the army, etc. The son of 
the Marquis De La Fayette also came into the room where we sat, which 
was a large entry, and conversed some. . . . The President came and de- 
sired us to walk in to dinner. We then walked into a room where were 
Mrs. Law, Mrs. Peters, and a young lady, all grand-daughters of Mrs. 
Washington. The President directed us where to sit (no grace was said). 
Mrs. Washington sat at the head, the President next to her at her right. . . . 
The dinner was very good — a small roasted pigg, boiled leg of lamb, beef, 
peas, lettice, cucumbers, artichokes, etc., puddings, tarts, etc. We were 
desired to call for what drink we chose. He took a glass of wine with Mrs. 
Law first, which example was followed by Dr. Croker and Mrs. Washington, 
myself and Mrs. Peters, Mr. Fayette and the young lady, whose name is 
Custis. When the cloth was taken away the President gave ' All our 
Friends.' He spoke of the improvements made in the United States. . . . 
Much more was said, but nothing respecting our present politicks." 


At Mount Yernon : " On the 6th of July I set off, having 
a letter to the president from his nephew, my particular 
friend, Bushrod Washington, Esquire. Having alighted at 
Mount Yernon, I sent in my letter of introduction, and 
walked into the portico, west of the river. In ahout ten 
minutes the president came to me. lie wore a plain blue 
coat; his hair dressed and powdered. There was a reserve, 
but no hauteur in his manner. He shook me by the hand, 

Washington after the Revolution, 17 'J7. 197 

said he was glad to see a friend of his nephew's, drew a 
chair, and desired me to sit down." — Benjamin H. Latrobe 
(Dunlap's Arts of Design, Vol. II. p. 475). 

"The conversation lasted above an hour, and as he had at first told me, 
that he was endeavouring to finish some letters to go by post, upon a variety 
of business, ' which, notwithstanding his distance from government, still 
pressed upon him in his retirement,' I got up to take my leave, but he 
desired me, in a manner very much like Dr. Johnson's, to ' keep my chair ;' 
and then continued to talk to me about the great works going on in Eng- 
land, and my own objects in this country. I found him well acquainted 
with my mother's family in Pennsylvania. After much conversation upon 
the coal mines, on James' River, I told him of the silver mine at Rochester. 
He laughed most heartily at the very mention of the thing. I explained to 
him the nature of the expectations formed of its productiveness, and satis- 
fied him of the probability that one might exist there. He made several 
minute inquiries concerning it, and then said, 'it would give him real un- 
easiness, should any silver or gold mine be discovered that would tempt 
considerable capitals into the prosecution of that object, and that he heartily 
wished for his country, that it might contain no mines but such as the 
plough could reach, excepting only coal and iron.' 

"After conversing with me for more than two hours, he got up and said 
that, ' we should meet again at dinner.' I then strolled about the lawn, and 
took a few sketches of the house, &c. Upon my return I found Mrs. "Wash- 
ington and her grand-daughter, Miss Cu3tis, in the hall. I introduced my- 
self to Mrs. "Washington, as the friend of her nephew, and she immediately 
entered into conversation t upon the prospect from the lawn, and presently 
gave me an account of her family, in a good-humoured free manner, that was 
extremely pleasing and flattering. She retains strong remains of consider- 
able beauty, and seems to enjoy good health and as good humour. She has 
no affectation of superiority, but acts completely in the character of the mis- 
tress of the house of a respectable and opulent country gentleman. His 
grand-daughter, Miss Eleanor Custis, has more perfection of form, of ex- 
pression, of colour, of softness, and of firmness of mind, than I have ever 
seen before. Young La Fayette, with his tutor, came down some time be- 
fore dinner. He is a young man of seventeen years of age, of a mild, 
pleasant countenance, making a favourable impression at first sight. Din- 
ner was served up about half-past three. . . . 

"Washington has something uncommonly majestic and commanding in 
his walk, his address, his figure, and his countenance. His face is however 
characterized more by intense and powerful thought, than by quick and 
powerful conception. There is a mildness about its expression, and an air of 
reserve in his manner which lowers its tone still more. He is sixty-four, 
but appears some years younger, and has sufficient vigour to last many 
years yet. He was frequently entirely silent for many minutes, during 
which time an awkward silence seemed to prevail in the circle. His answers 

198 Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 

■were often short, and sometimes approaching to moroseness. He did not at 
any time speak with remarkable fluency ; perhaps the extreme correctness 
of his language, which almost seemed studied, prevented that etfect. He 
appeared to enjoy a humorous observation, and made several himself. He 
laughed heartily several times, and in a very good humoured manner." — 
Benjamin H. Latrobe. 


At Mount Vernon : " Your * View of the Causes and 
Consequences of the present War with France/ which you 
were pleased to send to me through the medium of Mr. Bond 
of Philadelphia, 1 has been duly received, and I pray you to 
accept my best acknowledgments for this mark of your 
polite attention, particularly for the exalted compliment 
which accompanied it." — Washington to Thomas Erskine. 

The exalted compliment referred to by Washington consisted of the follow- 
ing sentiment written by Mr. Erskine, afterward the celebrated Lord Ers- 
kine, on a blank page of his pamphlet : M I have taken the liberty to intro- 
duce your august and immortal name in a short sentence which is to be 
found in the book I send to you. I have a large acquaintance among the 
most valuable and exalted classes of men ; but you are the only human 
being for whom I ever felt an awful reverence. I sincerely pray God to 
grant a long and serene evening to a life so gloriously devoted to the uni- 
versal happiness of the world." 


At Mount Vernon : " Our crop of Wheat this year, from 
the best information I have been able to obtain, will be 
found very short, owing to three causes; an uncommon 
drought last autumn, a severe winter with but little snow to 
protect it, and which is still more to be regretted, to what 
with us is denominated the Hessian fly, which has spread 
devastation, more or less, in all quarters ; nor has the later 
wheat escaped the rust." — Washington to Sir John Sinclair. 


At Mount Vernon : " Your mamma went from here (with 
your sister Nelly) to Hope Park, on Wednesday, and is as 

1 Phineas Bond, Consul-General from Great Britain for the Middle and 
Southern States. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 199 

well as usual. Your sister Law and child, were well on that 
day; and Mr., Mrs;, and Eleanor Peter are all well at this 
place now, and many others in the house, among whom are 
Mr. Yolney and Mr. William Morris." — Washington to 
George Washington Parke Custis. 

" General Washington, who hated free-thinkers, was of course not very 
disposed to caress Volney, and indeed, as President, had declined to notice 
the French emigrants. Volney, however, paid him a visit at Blount Ver- 
non, where he was received bon gre, mal gre, and entertained with the usual 
kindness shown to strangers. When about to depart he asked the general 
for a circular letter that might procure him aid and attention on the long 
tour he was about commencing. Washington wrote a few lines, which 
Volney considered, it was said, either equivocal praise or much too feeble for 
his exalted merit, hence the degrading manner in which he speaks of that 
superlatively great man. As well as I remember, the note was in substance 
thus : 4 Monsieur Volney, who has become so celebrated by his works, need 
only be named in order to be known in whatever part of the United States 
he may travel.'" 1 — Recollections of Samuel Breck (1771-1862). Philadel- 
phia, 1877. 


At Mount Yernon : " Your grandmamma (who is pre- 
vented writing to you by General Spotswood and family's 
being here) has been a good deal indisposed by swelling on 
one side of her face, but it is now much better. The rest of 
the family within doors are all well." — Washington to George 
Washington Parke Custis. 


At Mount Yernon : " October 8. — Gave G. W. La Fayette 
a check on the Bank of Alexandria for the purpose of defray- 
ing his expenses to France, §300." 2 — Washington's Cash- 

M October 8. — This letter I hope and expect will be presented to you by 
your son, who is highly deserving of such parents as you and your amiable 
lady. . . . Hi3 conduct, since he first set his feet on American ground, has 
been exemplary in every point of view, such as has gained him the esteem, 

1 " C. Volney needs no recommendation from Geo. "Washington" were the 
words used. 

a George Washington Lafayette and his tutor M. Frestel sailed from New 
York for France on the 26th of October. 

200 Washington after the Revolution, 1797, 

affection, and confidence of all who have had the pleasure of his acquaint- 
ance. His filial affection and duty, and his ardent desire to embrace his 
parents una sisters in the first moments of their release, would not allow 
him to wait the authentic account of this much desired event ; but, at the 
same time that I suggested the propriety of this, I could not withhold my 
assent to the gratification of his wishes to fly to the arms of those whom he 
holds most dear, persuaded as he is from the information he has received, 
that he shall find you all in Paris. 

" M. Frestel has been a true Mentor to George. No parent could have 
been more attentive to a favorite son ; and he richly merits all that can be 
said of his virtues, of his good sense, and of his prudence. Both your son 
and he carry with them the vows and regrets of this family, and all who 
know them. And you may be assured, that yourself never stood higher in 
the affections of the people of this country, than at the present moment." — 
Washington to the Marquis de Lafayette. 


At Mount Vernon : " I suffered every attack, that was 
made upon my executive conduct, to pass unnoticed while I 
remained in public office, well knowing, that, if the general 
tenor of it would not stand the test of investigation, a news- 
paper vindication would be of little avail ; but, as immense 
pains have been taken to disseminate these counterfeit letters, 
I conceived it a justice due to my own character and to 
posterity to disavow them in explicit terms ; and this I did 
in a letter directed to the Secretary of State, to be filed in 
his office, the day on which I closed my administration. 
This letter has since been published in the gazettes by the 
head cf that department." — Washington to William Gordon. 

In allusion to the republication in 1796 of a series of letters originally 
published at London in June, 1777, under the title of u Letters from Gen- 
eral Washington to several of his Friends in the year 1776, in which are set 
forth a fairer and fuller view of American Politics, than ever yet transpired 
or the Public could be made acquainted with through any other channel," 
none of which, however, were written by Washington. 

These spurious letters, purporting to have been written in the months 
of June and July, 1776, were seven in number, five addressed to Lund 
Washington, manager of the Mount Vernon estate, one to Mrs. Washing- 
ton, and one to John Parke Custis, her son ; u the first draughts, or foul 
copies," of which were said to have been found in a small portmanteau 
taken from a servant of the general, at Fort Lee, in November, 1776. 

These letters were reprinted at New York in 1778, at Philadelphia in 
1795. and at London and New York, with other letters, in 1796, with the 

Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 201 

title : " Epistles, domestic, confidential, and official from General Wash- 
ington, etc." The appearance of the latter publication called out a letter 
from Washington (March 3. 1797) to Timothy Pickering, Secretary of State, 
in which he declared them to be base forgeries, and that he had never seen 
or heard of them until they appeared in print. 


At Mount Vernon : " An eight years absence from home 
(except occasional short visits to it), has thrown my building, 
and other matters of private concern, into so much disorder, 
that at no period of my life have I ever been more engaged, 
than in the last six or eight months, to repair & bring them 
into tune again. This has prevented me from looking into 
the Agricultural Surveys of the Counties of England & 
Scotland with the attention I propose to do the ensuing 
"Winter. I shall certainly be very desirous of having a corn- 
pleat sett of them, and if any are missing will apply accord- 
ingly, as it is my intention to have them classed, and bound 
neatly." — Washington to Sir John Sinclair. 

Sir John Sinclair, a Scottish nobleman distinguished for his statistical 
publications and philanthropy, was a frequent correspondent of Washington 
on agricultural matters, in which he took great interest of a practical 
nature. He was the founder of the Board of Agriculture in Scotland (1793) 
and its first president. Sinclair published at London in 1800, in fac-simile, 
the letters addressed to him by Washington on " agriculture and other in- 
teresting topics," to which was appended a brief sketch of the character of 
the writer. From this we make the following extract: 

"Is there, on the whole, any individual, either in ancient or modern 
history, who has prouder claims to distinction and pre-eminence, than the 
great character whose letters this volume contains? His military talents 
were early celebrated; first in the service of Great Britain, and afterwards 
in that of America. Hi3 powers as a statesman, and as the founder of a 
constitution, which with British prejudices, I may consider as inferior to 
our own, but which promises to secure the happiness of the great nation it 
was formed to govern, cannot possibly be questioned. His public virtue, 
as the uncorrupted magistrate of a free people, who reluctantly received 
supreme authority, when it was judged necessary for the public good for 
him to assume it, and who anxiously wished to resign it into their hands 
when it could be done with public safety, can hardly be equalled in history. 
His literary endowments were unquestionably of a superior order ; his 
letters in this collection, his addresses to the American Congress, and his 
farewell oration, when he quitted, for the last time, the Presidency of the 
United States, are models of each species of composition. His closing a 

Vol. xx i. — 14 

202 Washington after the Revolution, 1797. 

well-spent life, after a short illness, without having his strength or faculties 
impaired by any previous disorder or any untoward circumstance having 
occurred, that would materially afiect his feelings, or could possibly tarnish 
his fame, is an uncommon instance of good fortune. The scene in which he 
acted also, and the object which he achieved, are the most memorable which 
history furnishes. For it was such a man alone, who by combining the 
force, and commanding the confidence, of thirteen separate states, could 
have dissolved those ties which subjected America to Europe, and to whom 
the political separation of two worlds is to be attributed. But, above all, 
what distinguished this celebrated warrior and statesman is, that to all those 
military and public talents, and to those literary endowments, which are so 
rarely united in the same person, he added the practice of every virtue that 
could adorn the private individual. It were in vain for me to attempt 
adequately to express the ideas I entertain of a character in every respect 
so peculiarly splendid. The pen of the immortal Shakspeare is alone com- 
petent to the task, and on the tombstone of the illustrious Washington let 
it be engraved, — 

" * His life was gentle, and the elements 
So mixed in him, that Nature might stand up 
And say to all the world,— This was a man, 

take him for all in all, 

We shall not look upon his like again.' " 


At Mount Vernon : " The running off of my cook has 
been a most inconvenient thing to this family, and what 
rendered it more disagreeable, is that I had resolved never 
to become the Master of another slave by purchase, but this 
resolution I fear I must break. I have endeavored to hire, 
black or white, but am not yet supplied." — Washington to 
George Lewis. 


At Mount Yernon : " To have steered my bark amid the 
intricacies of variegated public employment to a haven of 
rest with an approving conscience, and, while receiving the 
approbation of my own .country for the part I have acted, 
to meet similar proofs of it from many of the moderate and 
virtuous of other countries, consummates my greatest wish 
and all my ambition, and in my eye is more precious than 
any thing that power or riches could have bestowed." — 
Washington to John Luzac, Professor in the University at 

Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 203 

From the beginning of the American Revolution, Professor Luzac had 
acted a zealous part in favor of the friends of liberty ; and, as editor of the 
Leyden Gazette for many years, had ably promulgated the principles of free- 
dom, and defended the cause and conduct of those who were struggling to 
establish them. To no pen in Europe were the United States so much in- 
debted for a just representation of their affairs and defence of their rights 
as to that of Professor Luzac. 


At Mount Yernon : " A very severe winter has com- 
menced, since the first of November we have hardly ex- 
perienced a moderate day; heavy rains following severe 
frosts have done more damage to the winter grain now 
growing than I recollect ever to have seen — at this moment 
and for several days past all the Creeks and small Waters 
are hard bound with ice — and if the navigation of the 
River is not entirely stoped is yet very much impeded by 
it." — Washington to John Marshall, at Paris. 1 



At Alexandria: "January 3. — M" Washington, myself 
&c a went to Alexandria & dined with M r Fitzhugh." — Wash- 
ington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon : " Januaiy 8. — A M r Marshall Music 
Master came here — Tuned !N*elly Custis's Harpsicord & 
returned after dinner." — Washington's Diary. 

" Nelly Custis's Harpsicord," which was presented to her by Washington, 
is now at Mount Vernon. Lossing, in his Mount Vernon and its Associates, 
says, " The best teachers were employed to instruct Nelly in the use of the 
harpsichord, and her grandmother made her practise upon it four or five 
hours everyday. « The poor girl,' says her brother, the late Mr. Custis, 
{ would play and cry, and cry and play, for long hours, under the imme- 
diate eye of her grandmother, a rigid disciplinarian in all things.' " 

1 As one of the envoys from the United States, in conjunction with 
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and Elbridge Gerry. 

204 Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 


At Alexandria : a January 15. — I went to Alexandria to a 
meeting of the Stockholders of that Bank to an Election 
of Directors." — Washington's Diary. 


At George Town : " February 7. — Went to a meet 8 of the 
Potomak C° in George Town — Dined at Col Fitzgeralds & 
lodged at M r T. Peters. February 8.— Visited the Public 
build 88 in the Morn g met the Comp 7 at the Union Tavern & 
dined there — lodged as before Weather very cold. February 
9. — Returned home to Dinner." — Washington 9 s Diary. 


At Alexandria : " February 12. — Went with the family to 
a Ball in Alex* given by the Citizens of it & its vicinity in 
commemoration of the anniversary of my birth day." — 
Washington's Diary. 

The Gregorian, or " New Style" of computing the length of the year, 
although promulgated in 1582, was not adopted by Great Britain until 1751, 
nineteen years after the birth of "Washington. It was then enacted that 
eleven nominal days should be omitted ; "Wednesday the second of September, 
1752, being made the last day of " Old Style," and the next day (Thursday) 
counted the fourteenth instead of the third. After that date Washington's 
birthday would be February twenty-second instead of February eleventh. 
In some localities the " Old Style" remained in use for a long time, espe- 
cially in the case of birthdays. The anniversary ball at Alexandria, it will 
be noticed, was held on the twelfth, in consequence of the eleventh of Feb- 
ruary, 1798, falling on Sunday. 


At Mount Vernon : " February 14. — M r Alex r Spotswood 
& Wife & M r Field 8 Lewis 1 & M r Lear came to dinner the 
latter returned afterwards. February 15. — M r Field 8 Lewis 

1 Washington's sister Betty, who married in 1760 Colonel Fielding Lewis, 
of Fredericksburg, Virginia, had six children: Fielding (above mentioned), 
Betty, who married Charles Carter, George Fielding, Robert, Howell, and 
Lawrence. There were other children, who died young. Colonel Lewis 
died December, 1781, and Betty Washington, who was his second wife, died 
March 31, 1797. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 205 

went away after dinner. February 16. — M r & M" Spotswood 
left us after breakfast." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon: "March 4. — Doct r Stuart came to 
dinner. March 5. — Doct r Stuart left this, to accompany 
Washington Custis to S e Johns College at Annapolis." — 
Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon : " March .18.— M r Steer Sen r & Jun r 
Miss Steer & M ra Yanhaven dined here & returned to Alex* 
afterwards. . . . March 19. — Dined with M™ Washington 
&ca. at M r Thomson Mason's." — Washington's Diary. 

At Mount Yernon : " March 20. — M r Law e Washington 
of Chotanck & M r Law 6 Washington of Belmont came to 
Dinner — Albin Rawlins came to live with me as Clerk." — 
Washington's Diary. 

Lawrence "Washington, of Chotank, was a descendant of Lawrence the 
Immigrant, the brother of John "Washington, the great-grandfather of 
General "Washington. In his will the General bequeathed him a gold-headed 
cane and also a spy-glass carried in the Revolution, designating him as the 
acquaintance and friend of his juvenile years. Lawrence "Washington, of 
Belmont, Fairfax County, was probably another descendant of Lawrence 
the Immigrant. 


At Mount Yernon : " March 27.— M r Charles Carroll Jun 
[son of Charles Carroll of Carrollton] & M r Will m Lee came 
to dinner. March 28. — M r Carroll & M r Lee went away after 
breakfast & the family here went to dine with M r Nichols." 
— Washington's Diary. 

The visit of young Mr. Carroll having given rise at Annapolis to a rumor 
that it was made with the intention of paying his addresses t« Nelly Custis, 
her brother wrote to the General in allusion to it, saying, " I think it a most 
desirable match, and wish that it may take place with all my heart." In 
reply, under date of April 15, "Washington wrote, " Young M r Carroll 
came here about a fortnight ago to dinner, and left us next morning after 

206 Washington after the Revolution, 179S. 

breakfast. If his object was such as you say has been reported, it was not 
declared here ; and therefore, the less is said upon the subject, particularly 
by your sister's friends, the more prudent it will be until the subject developes 
itself more." 

But youthful alliances are not always made at the nod of Dame Rumor, 
nor are they always controlled by the wishes of relatives. Nelly Custis 
married, February 22, 1799, at Mount Yernon, Lawrence Lewis, a nephew 
of "Washington ; and Charles Carroll, Junior, found, in the following year, 
a bride at Philadelphia in Harriet, a daughter of Benjamin Chew. 


At Mount Yernon : " March 31. — A M r Tevot a French 
Gentleman recom d by Count de Kochambeau dined here — 
& a M r [Jonathan] Freeman Member in Congress from N : 
Hamp. came in the afternoon & returned." — Washington's 


At Mount Vernon : " April 13. — Gen 1 [Henry] Lee came 
to dinner & Col Heath & son in the aftera*. April 14. — 
Gen 1 Lee & Col Heath went away after breakfast." — Wash- 
ington's Diary. 


At Alexandria : " April 16. — I went to Alex* to an Election 
of Delegates for the C t7 of Fairfax — voted for Mess™ West 
k Jn° Herbert — returned to Dinner." — Washington's Diary. 


At Alexandria : " May 9. — I went to the Proclam a sermon 
in Alexandria." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon : " A century hence, if this country 
keeps united (and it is surely its policy and interest to do it), 
will produce a city, though not as large as London, yet of a 
magnitude inferior to few others in Europe, on the banks 
of the Potomac, where one is now establishing for the per- 
manent seat of the government of the United States, 
between Alexandria and Georgetown, on the Maryland side 
of the river; a situation not excelled, for commanding pros- 

Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 207 

pect, good water, salubrious air, and safe harbour, by any 
in the world; and where elegant buildings are erecting and 
in forwardness for the reception of Congress in the year 
1800."— Washington to Mrs. 8. Fairfax} 


At Hope Park : 2 " May 19.— About 8 Oclock in the fore- 
noon M™ Washington & myself sat out on a visit to Hope 
Park & the Federal City. — Got to the former to Dinner and 
remained there until Morning when we proceeded to the 
City." — Washington's Diary. 


At Washington City: " May 20.— Dined at M r Tho 3 
Peter's & remained there until Wednesday, and then went 
to M r Law's & remained there until friday [May 25] when 
we sat out on our return home & called at Mount Eagle to 
take our leave of the Rev d M r Fairfax who was on the point 
of Embarking for England." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " An absence for more than eight 
days from home, on a visit to our friends in the Federal 
City, is offered as an apology for my not giving your polite 
and obliging favor of the 9th instant an earlier acknowledg- 
ment. I pray you now, my good Sir, to accept my best 
thanks for the pamphlet, and the song which accompanied 
it." — Washington to Joseph Hopkinson. 

The song referred to in the above quoted letter was the national air, 
11 Hail Columbia," the words of which were written by Joseph Hopkinson, 

1 Mrs. Fairfax (Sally Cary) was the widow of George William Fairfax, of 
"Belvoir," the neighbor and early friend of Washington. The Fairfaxes 
left Virginia in 1773, and settled at Bath, England, where Mr. Fairfax died, 
April 3, 1787. Mrs. Fairfax, for whom Washington in his early days had a 
sincere admiration, died at Bath in 1811. 

*Five miles northwest of Fairfax Court-House. Hope Park was the 
residence of Dr. David Stuart, who married the widow of John Parke 
Custis. For some time after their marriage (1783) the Stuarts lived at 
Abingdon, near Alexandria. 

208 Washington after tlie Revolution, 1708. 

and adapted to the music of the "President's March," composed in 1789 
by a German named Feyles, who at the time was the leader of the orche-tra 
at the John Street Theatre in New York. "Hail Columbia" was first sung 
at the Chestnut Street Theatre, Philadelphia, by Gilbert Fox on the evening 
of Wednesday, the 25th of April, 1798. 1 Judge Hopkinson, alluding to the 
song in his letter to "Washington of May 9, said, " As to the song it was 
a hasty composition, and can pretend to very little extrinsic merit — yet I 
believe its public reception has at least equalled any thing of the kind. The 
Theatres here [Philadelphia] and at New York have resounded with it 
night after night, and men and boys in the streets sing it as they go." 


At Alexandria : " May 29. — "Went up to Alex* on business 
& returned home to dinner." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernou : " May 31. — M r Delivs of Bremen & 
a M r Pekmoller of Hamburgh dined here & returned after- 
wards." — Washington's Diary. 

A letter from one of these gentlemen, written in 1858, at the age of eighty- 
four, is quoted on page 460 of Custis's Recollections of Washington, in which, 
after referring to some pictures of the Washington family which hung in 
his hall, he says, " They vividly call to my mind the day — the proudest of 
my life — that I passed upon the beautiful banks of the Potomac, in the 
family of the best and greatest personage that the world has ever produced. 
It was in May 1798, now nearly sixty-one years ago. 1 was seated at his 
right hand at dinner, and I recollect as distinctly his majestic bearing as if 
it were yesterday. Though of mortality, his overpowering presence in- 
spired an impression that he belonged to immortality. His stateliness, his 
serene face, the perfect simplicity of his manners, his modest demeanor, 
and the words of wisdom which he uttered, led me irresistibly to the belief 
that he was an emanation from the Omnipotent, for the marvellous work 
that he had just then consummated. It was my good fortune to contem- 
plate him in his retirement — after he had left nothing undone that he could 
perform for the republic of his creation, and after he had quitted office for 
ever! What a privilege I enjoyed in being his welcome guest! Of the 

1 "New Theatre. MR. FOX'S NIGHT. This Evening, April 25, BY 
DESIRE. THE ITALIAN MONK. .... End of the Play, 'More 
Sack.' An Epilogue, in the character of Sir John Falstaff, to be spoken by 
Mr. Warren. After which, an intire new song, (writtpn by a Citizen of 
Philadelphia) to the tune of the ' President's March,' will be sung by Mr. 
Fox; accompanied by the full band, and a grand chorus." — Claypoole's 
American Daily Advertiser , Wednesday, April, 25, 1798. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 209 

240,000,000 of people in Europe, I imagine I am the only person, since the 
death of Lafayette, who was so favored as to break bread and take wine 
with Washington at his own table." 


At Mount Vernon : " June 2. — M T Law & a Polish Gen- 
tleman [Mr. Niemcewitz] the Companion of General Kos- 
ciaski came here to dinner, as did Miss Lee of Green Spring ! 
with Nelly Custis who returnd to day [from Hope Park]." 
— Washington's Diary. 


At Alexandria : " July 4. — Went up to the Celebration 
of the Anniversary of Independance and dined in the Spring 
Gardens near Alex* with a large Comp a of the Civil & Mili- 
tary of Fairfax County." — Washington's Diary. 

11 Alexandria , July 7. — The 23d Anniversary of American Independence 
was celebrated by the inhabitants of this town, on Wednesday last, with 
the greatest harmony and conviviality. — Every thing conspired to render 
the business of the day a varied scene of patriotism and social joy ; and the 
dignified presence of the beloved WASHINGTON, our illustrious neighbor, 
gave such a high colouring to the tout ensemble, that nothing was wanting 
to complete the picture. The auspicious morning was ushered in by a dis- 
charge of sixteen guns. At 10 o'clock the uniform companies paraded; and, 
it must be acknowledged, their appearance was such as entitles them to the 
greatest credit, while it reflects honor on their oflicers and the town — it was 
perfectly military : . . . The different corps were reviewed in King street by 
General Washington, and Col. Little, who expressed the highest satisfaction 
at their appearance and manoeuvring; after which they pr >ceeded to the 
Episcopal Church, where a suitable discourse was delivered by the Rev. 
Dr. Davis. Of this discourse I may say, with the expressive Collins, it 

Ul Warm, energetic, chaste, sublime.' 

11 A dinner was prepared at Spring Gardens by Mr. John Stavely ; which, 
considering the number of citizens and military that partook of it (between 
4 and 500) was conducted with the greatest propriety and decorum. — Lud- 
well Lee, esq. presided at the head of the table — the foot was honored by 
Col. Charles Little. . . . GEN. WASHINGTON was escorted into town 
by a detachment from the troop of Dragoons. He was dressed in full uni- 
form, and appeared in good health and spirits. The troops went through a 

1 Cornelia Lee, daughter of William Lee, a brother of Richard Henry 

210 Washington after the Revolution, 1708. 

number of military evolutions during the day, with all of which the Gen- 
eral was particularly pleased, and bestowed many encomiums on their mar- 
tial appearance." — Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser, July 19. 


At Mount Vernon : " The President's letter to me [of 
June 22], though not so expressed in terms, is nevertheless 
strongly indicative of a wish, that I should take charge of 
the military force of this country ; and, if I take his mean- 
ing right, to aid also in the selection of the general officers. 
The appointment of these is important, but of those of the 
general staff all-important; insomuch that, if I am looked 
to as the commander-in-chief, I must be allowed to choose 
such as will be agreeable to me. To say more at present 
would be unnecessary ; first, because an army may not be 
wanted ; and, secondly, because I might not be indulged in 
this choice if it was." — Washington to James 3fcHenry. 

On the 28th of May a law was passed by Congress, authorizing the Presi- 
dent, " in the event of a declaration of war against the United States, or of 
actual invasion of their territory by a foreign power, or of imminent danger 
of such invasion discovered in his opinion to exist, before the next session 
of Congress, x to cause to be enlisted, and to call into actual service, a number 
of troops not exceeding ten thousand non-commissioned officers, musicians, 
and privates, to be enlisted for a term not exceeding three years." Au- 
thority was also given to the President to organize the army, with a suit- 
able number of major-generals and other officers, into corps of artillery, 
cavalry, and infantry ; and, in short, to make every arrangement for pre- 
paring the forces for actual service. This was called a Provisional Army. 
The measure was adopted in consequence of the threatening aspect of affairs 
between France and the United States. The causes and particulars are 
briefly stated in Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. V. pp. 735-746. 


At Mount Yernon : " July 6. — Doctors Thornton l & Dal- 
son — M r Ludwell Lee, Lady & Miss Armistead, & M r David 

1 Dr. William Thornton, a "West Indian by birth. He was educated as 
a physician and lived for many years in Philadelphia. Dr. Thornton, who 
was a skilled architect, drew the plans and superintended the erection, in its 
early stages, of the first Capitol building at Washington City. He was the 
first head of the Patent Office. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 211 

Randolph & a Son of Col R. Kidder Mead l came here to 
Dinner, the two last proceeded to Alex* afterwards. Jubj 7. 
— M r R. Bland Lee & M r Hodgden came here to dinner k 
M r Ludwell Lee & Lady went away after Din." — Washing- 
Urn's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon: "July 12. — The following Conip 7 
dined here Col 08 Fitzgerald & Simms M r Herbert k Son — 
Doct r Craik & Son — M r L : Lee Col Ramsay — Cap Young & 
L' Jones M r Potts W m Wilson, M r Porter Doct r Cook M r 
Riddle M r Lear M r Tracy— & six Ladies k 4 Gent* from M r 
Rogers." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " I had the honor, on the evening of 
the 11 th instant, to receive from the hands of the Secretary 
of War 2 your favor of the 7th. announcing that you had, 
with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed me 
lieutenant-general and commander-in-chief of all the armies 
raised or to be raised for the service of the United States. 3 

" I cannot express how greatly affected I am at this new 
proof of public confidence, and the highly flattering manner 
in which you have been pleased to make the communication; 
at the same time I must not conceal from you my earnest 
wish, that the choice had fallen on a man less declined in 
years, and better qualified to encounter the usual vicissitudes 
of war." — Washington to John Adams, President of the United 

1 Richard Kidder Meade, an aide to General Washington in the Rev- 
olution, and the father of William Meade, Protestant Episcopal Bishop of 
Virginia 1841-62. 

1 " July 11. — M r M°Henry — Sec^ of War came in the evening. July 14. 
— The Sec^ of War left this after dinner." — Washington's Diary. 

s On the 2d of July the President nominated to the Senate "George 
Washington, of Mount Vernon, to he Lieutenant General and Commander 
in Chief of all the armies raised or to be raised, in the United States." The 
nomination was unanimously confirmed by the Senate the next day. 

212 Washington after the Revolution, 1798, 

■ In continuing this letter, "Washington said, "It was not possible for me 
to remain ignorant of, or indifferent to recent transactions. The conduct of 
the Directory of France towards our country, their insidious hostilities to 
its government, their various practices to withdraw the affections of the 
people from it, the evident tendency of their arts and those of their agents 
to countenance and invigorate opposition, their disregard of solemn treaties 
and the laws of nations, their war upon our defenceless commerce, their 
treatment of our minister of peace, and their demands amounting to tribute, 
could not fail to excite in me corresponding sentiments with those, which 
my countrymen have so generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to 
you. Believe me, Sir, no one can more cordially approve of the wise and 
prudent measures of your administration. They ought to inspire universal 
confidence, and will no doubt, combined with the state of things, call from 
Congress such laws and means, as will enable you to meet the full force and 
extent of the crisis. 

" Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wished and endeavoured to 
avert war, and exhausted to the last drop the cup of reconciliation, we can 
with pure hearts appeal to Heaven for the justice of our cause, and may 
confidently trust the final result to that kind Providence, which has hereto- 
fore and so often signally favored the people of these United States. 

" Thinking in this manner and feeling how incumbent it is upon every 
person of every description to contribute at all times to his country's welfare, 
and especially in a moment like the present, when every thing we hold dear 
is so seriously threatened, I have finally determined to accept the commis- 
sion of commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States : l with the 

I " John Adams President of the United States of America. To all who 
shall see these Presents Greetings : Know Ye, That reposing special Trust 
and Confidence in the Patriotism, Valour, Fidelity and Abilities of George 
"Washington I have nominated and by and with the Advice and Consent of 
the Senate, do appoint him Lieutenant General and Commander in Chief 
of all the Armies raised or to be raised for the Service of the United States : 
He is therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the Duty of Lieutenant 
General & Commander in Chief by doing and performing all Manner of 
Things thereunto belonging : And I do Strictly charge and require all 
Officers and Soldiers under his Command, to be obedient to his orders as 
Lieutenant General & Commander in Chief: And he is to observe and 
Follow such Orders and Directions from time to time, as he shall receive 
from me, or the Future President of the United States of America, This 
Commission to continue in Force during the Pleasure of the President of 
the United States for the Time being. Given under my Hand, at Philadel- 
phia this Fourth day of July in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven 
Hundred and ninety eight and in the twenty third Year of the Indepen- 
dence of the United States. 

"John Adams. 

II James McHen-ry Secry. of War." 

Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 213 

reserve only, that I shall not be called into the field until the army is in a 
situation to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency 
of circumstances." 


At Alexandria : " July 20. — Went up to Alex* with M rt 
W & Miss Cus[tis], dined at Doct r Craiks ret d in ye e aft n ." 
— Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " I little imagined, when I took my 
last leave of the walks of public life, that any event could 
bring me again on a public theatre. But the unjust conduct 
of France towards these United States has been and 
continues to be such, that it must be opposed by a firm and 
manly resistance, or we shall not only hazard the subjuga- 
tion of our government, but the independence of our nation 
also; both being evidently struck at by a lawless, domineer- 
ing power, which respects no rights, and is restrained by no 
treaties, when it is found inconvenient to observe them." — 
Washington to Dr. James Anderson. 


At Mount Vernon : " The Grcyheads of Alexandria, 
pretty numerous it seems, and composed of all the respect- 
able old People of the place ; having formed themselves 
into a company [of infantry] for the defence of the Town & 
its Vicinity, are in waut of Colors; and it being intimated 
that the Presentation of them by Mrs. Washington would 
be flattering to them ; I take the liberty of requesting the 
favor of you to have made and sent to me as soon as it is 
convenient, such as will be appropriate to the occasion. 
Handsome, but not more expensive than becomes Republi- 
cans (not Bachite Republicans) is req 4 . If you think a 
Motto would be proper, the choice of one * chaste & un- 
assuming' — is left to your own judgment." — Washington to 
James McHenry. 

"ALEXANDRIA, November 1.— Tuesday last [October 30], being the 
anniversary of the birth day of our beloved and patriotic President John 

214 Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 

Adams, was observed in this town with military honours. The uniform 
companies of militia, and the company of Silver Grays, went through a 
variety of manoeuvres and evolutions, under the command of Captain 
George Deneale. After firing several rounds in evidence of their attach- 
ment to this good man, as well as to shew that they approbated his conduct 
towards the insidious French Directory, they retired in the evening with 
the utmost decorum and harmony. 

11 A stand of colours, presented by the respected consort of our venerable 
Cincinnatus to the company of Silver Grays, was displayed for the first time 
on that day ; and, though a variety of incidents prevented their being en- 
tirely completed, they had a very elegant appearance. The colours are com- 
posed of white silk ; the device is, however, on an azure blue ground. The 
Golden Eagle of America has a portrait of General "Washington ■ suspended 
from its beak, in one talon a bunch of arrows, in the other a branch of olive, 
and is surmounted by sixteen Stars, indicative of the number of States ! 
poole's American Daily Advertiser, November 6. 


At Alexandria : " August 6. — Went to Alex* to a meeting 
of the Pot C° — M r Bur : Bassett came home with me." — 
Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " Little did I think when my Valadic- 
tory address was^resented to the people of the United 
States that any event would occur in my day that could 
draw me from the peaceful walks and tranquil shades of 
Mount Yernon : where I had fondly hoped to spend the 
remnant of a life, worn down with public cares, in rumi- 
nating upon the variegated scenes through which I have 
passed and in the contemplation of others which are yet in 
embrio. I will hope however that when the Despots of 
France find how much they have mistaken the American 
character, and how much they have been deceived by their 
partizans among us, that their senses will return to them and 

1 " In the account of the presentment of a flag by Mrs. Washington, to 
the Silver Grays, published a few days since under the Alexandria head, in 
our paper, there was an error. Among other emblems, the flag contained 
a strong likeness of President Adams, and not of General Washington, as 
there stated." — Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser, November 14. 

Washington after tlie Revolution, 17 98. 215 

an appeal to arms for the purpose of repeling an Invasion 
at least will be rendered unnecessary." — Washington to 
William Vans Murray. 


At Mount Yernon : " August 20. — Xo acc fc kept of the 
weather &c a from hence to the end of the Month — on ace' 
of my Sickness which commenced with a fever on the 19 th 
& lasted until the 24 th which left me debilitated."— Washing- 
ton's Diary. 

" September 3. — My last to you was dated the 20 th of August ; two days 
previous to which I had been seized with a fever, which I endeavoured to 
shake off by pursuing my usual rides and occupations ; but it continued to 
increase upon me ; when on the 21 st at night Dr. Craik was called in, who it 
seems chose to have assistance, and on the 24 th procure^ such a remission as 
to admit bark. Since which I have been in a convalescent state, but too 
much debilitated to be permitted to attend much to business." — Washington 
to James McHenry. 

(To be continued.) 

216 The Missive of Justus Falchner y of Germantoum. 



Justus Falckner, writer of the following missive, and a 
member of the community of German Pietists who settled 
on the Wissahickon in 1694, under the leadership of 
Johannes Kelpius, was a native of Saxony ; born November 
22, 1672, at Langenreinsdorf. He studied under Thomasius 
and the elder Francke at Halle. While yet in his diaconate, 
he accompanied his brother Daniel, upon the latter's return 
to America in the year 1700. After living in seclusion on 
the romantic banks of the Wissahickon, to perfect himself 
in the esoteric teachings of the brotherhood, he re-entered 
the world, as it were, and on November 24, 1703, was 
ordained to the priesthood by Pastors Rudman, Biorck, and 
Sandel, at the Swedish Lutheran Church (Gloria Dei) at 
Wicacoa. He immediately left for his new field of mission- 
ary labors in New York, East Jersey, and Long Island, where 
he ministered to the Low-Dutch and High-German Luther- 
ans until his death in 1723. Justus Falckner was the first 
Lutheran clergyman who was ordained in America. His 
" missive" or report to Rev. Heinrich Muhlen, an influential 
church dignitary in Hoi stein, is not alone valuable as it sets 
forth the religious condition of the Germans within the 
Province at the beginning of the eighteenth century, but it 
also contains a plea for an organ for the Swedish Church in 
Philadelphia. That this appeal was not in vain is shown 
from records still extant, and which make mention as early 
as 1703 of " Jonas the organist." The copy of this hereto- 
fore unknown contribution to the history of our Province 
was found in the library of the University at Rostock, Ger- 
many, where it is bound up with a number of other tracts. 



Tit* £errn 

D.Senr + 8up(en/ 

SfuS (Setmamon / in fee* Slmeri 

COtltfdD^n Province Penfylvania , fOtlfl No- 
ra succia, tenetften Augufii, m:3uf)t 

unt> tXn4, 

©en Saflanb t>er $tr#m 

in America befrcffent>« 




The Missive of Justus Falckner, of Germantown. 217 

As it was impossible to obtain the original, a photographic 
fac-simile of the pamphlet was made, by permission of the 
authorities, and is now in the collection of the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania. The title-page and colophon are 
here reproduced. 

"IMPRINT | of a MISSIVE | TO Tit: Lord D.Henr. 
Muhlen, | From Germanton in the AMERI | CAN Prov- 
ince of Pensylvania, otherwise | New Sweden, the First of 
August, in the Year | of our salvation One thousand, seven 
hundred | and one | CONCERNING the condition of the 


"Right Reverend, Most Learned, Especially Honored, 
" Lord General Superintendent. 
" In sending to Your Magnificence the present missive 
from such a distant part of the world, I am moved there- 
unto partly by the recollection of the high favor and civility 
which you extended toward me while I was in Schleswig 
with you, prior to my departure from Holstein to America, 
as you also were kindly disposed, by virtue of your episcopal 
and priestly office, to extend your great ecclesiastical bene- 
diction, and thereby to further my proposed journey to a 
blessed purpose ; upon the other part, I am obliged thereto 
by the express commands which you enjoined upon me at 
sundry times, that I should correspond with you as much as 
possible concerning the condition of the church in America ; 
(de statu Ecdesice in America). This honored command 
emanating from the love of God, I will comply with for the 
good of his church, and give satisfaction so far as I may : 
therefore I will make a beginning herewith. Indeed I must 
declare that since the time when I was there [in Schleswig] 
I have now, God be thanked, arrived safely here. This was 
during the past year at the beginning of August, after we 
had sailed from England on May 25. Since my arrival 
Vol. xxi. — 15 

218 The Missive of Justus Falckner, of Germantown. 

here, I have for many material reasons, lived entirely alone 
in a small block-house, which I had built for me, as an 
eremite in the desert (in Deserto). Haviug had but slight 
intercourse with the people, much less travelled hither and 
thither, and having [merely] gathered information from one 
and the other, so I do not know the particulars of the 
status here in every respect. 

" But now, after having schooled myself a little in the 
solitude, I begin as if from a mirror (tanquam ex speculo) to 
take cognizance of one fact and the other. I have gone 
more among the people, and subsequently have resolved to 
give up the solitude I have thus far maintained, and, accord- 
ing to my humble powers, to strive at least with good inten- 
tion publicly to assist in doing and effecting good in this 
spiritual and corporeal wilderness. So far as I am able to 
draw conclusions concerning the condition of the churches 
in these parts, and indeed particularly in this Province, it is 
still pretty bad. The Aborigines or Indians, from lack of 
sufficient good instruction, remain in their blindness and 
barbarity, and moreover are angered at the bad living of the 
Christians, especially at the system of trading which is 
driven with them, and they only learn vices which they did 
not have formerly, such as drunkenness, stealing &c. The 
local Christian minority, however, is divided into almost 
innumerable sects, which pre-eminently may be called sects 
and hordes, as Quakers, Anabaptists, Naturalists, Rational- 
ists, Independents, Sabbatarians and many others, especially 
secret insinuating sects, whom one does not know what to 
make of, but who, nevertheless, are all united in these 
beautiful principles, if it please the Gods (si Dis placet) : Do 
away with all good order, and live for yourself as it pleases 
you! The Quakers are the most numerous, because the 
Governor favors this sect, and one might be inclined to call 
this country a dissecting-room of the Quakers ; for no matter 
how our theologians labored to dissect this carcase and dis- 
cover its interiors, they could not do it so well as the 
Quakers here in this country are now doing themselves. It 
would easily make a whole tractate were I only to set forth 

The Missive of Justus Falchner, of Germantoicn. 219 

how they, by transgressing their own principles, shew in 
plain daylight the kind of spirit that moves them, when 
they virtually scoff at the foundation of such principles, and 
become Ishmaels of all well regulated church-institutions. 
Hie JRhodus, hie saltant. AYlien I learn that my letters come 
safely into the hands of Your Magnificence, I will at another 
time report specialora. The Protestant Church, however, is 
here divided into three confessions and nations. According 
to the confession, the local Protestants, as they are compre- 
hended under this name in the European Koman Empire., 
are either of the Evangelical Lutheran, or of the Presby- 
terian and Calvinistic Church. And as the Protestant 
Church is here also divided into three nations, so there are 
here an English Protestant Church and a Swedish Protes- 
tant Lutheran Church; and also persons of the German 
nation of the Evangelical Lutheran and Reformed churches. 
About these more at another time. 

"£fow I will only speak somewhat of the Evangelical 
Church of the Swedish nation, and touch upon the German 
Evangelical Lutherans. 

" The Swedes have two church congregations : one at 
Philadelphia, the capital of this country, and another several 
miles therefrom on a river called Christina. They have 
also two devout, learned and conscientious preachers, 
among whom I know in specie the Reverend Magister Rud- 
man. He, with his colleagues, endeavours to instil the 
true fear and knowledge of God into his hearers, who pre- 
viously, from a lack of good instruction and church disci- 
pline, had become rather unruly. The outward worship of 
God is held in the Swedish language, and partly according 
to the Swedish liturgy, so far as church ceremonies are con- 

" The Germans, however, I have spoken of not without 
cause as merely several Evangelical Lutheran Germans, 
and not the German Evangelical Lutheran Church : those 
who are destitute of altar and priest forsooth roam about in 
this desert (scilicet qui ard Sacerdoteque destituti y vagantur hoc 
in deserto :) a deplorable condition indeed. Moreover there 

220 The Missive of Justus Falckner, of Germantown. 

is here a large number of Germans who, however, have 
partly crawled in among the different sects who use the 
English tongue, which is first learned by all who come here. 
A number are Quakers and Anabaptists ; a portion are Free- 
thinkers and assimilate with no one. They also allow their 
children to grow up in the same manner. In short there 
are Germans here, and perhaps the majority, who despise 
God's Word and all outward good order ; who blaspheme 
the sacraments, and frightfully and publicly give scandal, 
(for the spirit of errors and sects has here erected for itself 
an asylum : Spiritus enim errorum et Sectarum Asylum sibi hie 
constituit) ; and herein is the great blame and cause of the 
lack of establishment of an outward and visible church 
assembly. Then while in the Theologia naturali omnibus 
hominibus connata there is as it were, the first Thesis : religio- 
sum quendam eultum observato, so it happens that when these 
people come here and find no better outward divine service, 
they rather select one than none at all although they are 
already Libertini; for even Libertinism is not without its 
outward forms, whereby it is constituted a special religion 
without being one. 

"Now I recommend to Your Magnificence, as an intelli- 
gent (eordaten) German Evangelical theologian, for your 
mature consideration and reflection for God and his church's 
sake, on account of the wretched condition of the German 
Evangelical communities, whether with assistance perhaps 
from some exalted hand, some establishment of an Evan- 
gelical church assembly could be made in America, since the 
Germans are now increasing rapidly. For as most of the 
Germans are adducendi et reducendi, so must the means be 
expected to come from others ; or I will say the decoy (Lock- 
Pfeiffe) wherewith which the birds are to be allured cannot 
and must not be expected to come from the birds, but must 
be made by or for such as want to entice them here. 

" Both myself and my brother, who is sojourning here, 
keep ourselves to the Swedish church, although we under- 
stand little or nothing of their language. We have also 
been the means of influencing divers Germans by our ex- 

The Missive of Justus Falcfaier, of Germantovm. 221 

ample, so that they now and then come to the assemblies, 
even though they do not know the language. Still they are 
gradually being redeemed from barbarism, and becoming 
accustomed to an orderly outward service. 

" Above all one of the Swedish Pastors, Magister Rud- 
man, has offered, regardless of the difficulty to assume the 
German dialect (dialectum). For nothing less than the love 
of God's honor he has offered to go to this trouble and now 
and then to deliver a German address in the Swedish church, 
until the Germans can have a church of their own, together 
with the necessary establishment. Accordingly the Ger- 
mans who still love the evangelical truth, and a proper out- 
ward church order, much prefer to attend (interesse) the 
Swedish churches here until they can also have their divine 
worship in their own language as a people. The means 
are hereby offered in a measure to spread the Gospel truth 
in these wilds, whereby many of their brethren and fellow- 
countrymen may be brought from wrong to right, from 
darkness to light, and from the whirlpool of sectaries to 
the peace and quiet of the true church. Wherefore such 
Swedish Evangelical churches, for my humble part, have 
best and heartfelt wishes, and I seek also and pray Your 
Magnificence to kindly recommend, as occasion offers, such 
churches with their ministers, to His Illustrious Serene 
Highness and Her Highness his spouse, who is a royal 
Swedish princess, and also to contrive that your interest 
may be earnestly brought to the notice of his Serene 
Majesty of Sweden. 

" I will here take occasion to mention that many others 
besides myself, who know the ways of this land, maintain 
that music would contribute much towards a good Christian 
service. It would not only attract and civilize the wild 
Indian, but it would do much good in spreading the Gospel 
truths among the sects and others by attracting them. In- 
strumental music is especially serviceable here. Thus a 
well-sounding organ would perhaps prove of great profit, 
to say nothing of the fact that the Indians would come run- 
ning from far and near to listen to such unknown melody, 

222 The Missive of Justus Falckner, of Germantown. 

and upon that account might become willing to accept our 
language and teaching, and remain with people who had 
such agreeable things ; for they are said to come ever so far 
to listen to one who plays even upon a reed-pipe (rohr- 
pfeiffe) : such an extraordinary love have they for any melodi- 
ous and rin^ine: sound. Xow as the melancholv, Saturnine 
stingy Quaker spirit has abolished (relegiret) all such music, 
it would indeed be a novelty here, and tend to attract many 
of the young people away from the Quakers and sects to 
attend services where such music was found, even against 
the wishes of their parents. This would afford a good 
opportunity to show them the truth and their error. 

"If such an organ-instrument (Orgel-werck) were placed 
in the Swedish church, (for the Germans as yet have no 
church, and the Swedish church is of a high build and 
resonant structure) it would prove of great service to this 
church. As the majority of the Swedes are young people, 
and mostly live scattered in the forest, far from the churches, 
and as we by nature are all inclined to good, and above all 
to what may serve our souls, such as the "Word of God 
which is dead and gone, so are especially the youth ; and it 
is so with the Swedish youth now under consideration. 
When they have performed heavy labor for the whole week, 
as is customary here, they would sooner rest on a Sunday, 
and seek some pleasure, rather than perhaps go several 
miles to listen to a sermon. But if there were such music 
there, they would consider church-going as a recreation for 
their senses. 

"Thus does Luther of blessed memory in one place 
highly recommend the use of the organ and sacred music 
for this very reason, that it is serviceable, and induces young 
and simple and, says he foolish folk, to listen unto and re- 
ceive God's Word. It would also prove an agreeable thing 
for God, angels and men; if in this solitude and wilderness, 
which as it were struggles under so many Secula, the Lord 
of Hosts, with whom there is fulness of joy and at whose 
right hand there are pleasures for evermore, would be 
praised and honored with cymbal and organ, as he hath 

The Missive of Justus Falchner, of Geinnantown. 223 

commanded. And it may be assumed that even a small 
organ-instrument and music in this place would be accepta- 
ble to God, and prove far more useful than many hundreds 
in Europe, where there is already a superfluity of such 
things ; and the more common they are, the more they are 

"If now Your Magnificence were kindly to intercede 
with his Serene Highness and Her Highness his Consort, 
and also with such other exalted personages with whom 
you are held in high esteem, and present to them the benefit 
to be hoped for ; I doubt not, but that something could be 
effected. There are in Europe masters enough who build 
such instruments, and a fine one can be secured for 300 or 
400 thalers. Then if an experienced organist and musician 
could be found, and a curious one who would undertake so 
far a journey, he would be very welcome here. In case this 
could not be, if we only had an organ, some one or other 
might be found here who had knowledge thereof. 

" Finally if Your Magnificence would be highly disposed 
to answer, I believe the best address for the letter would be 
in care of the Swedish Eesident in London, through whom 
also the present letter is addressed. Or perhaps you are 
aware of some better opportunity. 

"In conclusion I now commend YOUR MAGNIFI- 
CENCE to the protection and grace of God ip all prosperity, 
and remain 


" GERMANTON in the American 
Province of Pensylvania, otherwise New 
Sweden, the 1st. of August in the year 
of our Salvation one thousand seven 
hundred and one. 

" For Prayer and service 
" most devoted, 

"Justus Falckner." 

tWD ctwakt&tmfcevt XMa faUfattmt matt au$ 
<inenerfa^cttenOrgaHiftcnunt> Muficum fmfcm Ut 
curieux , unt> |o cine twite 0Wfe tfjim t&efte /i>e t tt>ur- 
fce&fetfefytanamefjmfetjn/todreeS ctfcet: tudtf/ unb 
mantle tturctne 0r$tlffomb$tt ftdj etrca tiocO 
cm oUtttt anUxtf)ia ftnt>en/fcetCGBfffenfc§ajftba« 

DOtt ^ftttt. 0#Hf fjltt&W ttftttt <£tt- Magnificent 

weiaetwfefmttworten toottnt/ jo fllau&e »jrb 6ft 
Befle addrcffe fcer Sgrtejfe an ten ec&ftefctfdjett Re 1 . 
(ident tn Sonben few/ tvo^n a«<& Mcffc at smtt>4tttw 
at Crieff addrcffirct nwben /o&ec t>trtftu$>* ttjtfTert 
@tefel&erfa)on&efTere©eteacnf)eft. - * 9tsm 
ic& fc&Uefle unb empfefcle €u. Magnificent *«ft 
@$u& un& ter ®tmu <&Oit(€ jit atten 3o§lrt« 
ge§en / tmb ^crOarre 

(Sliec Magnificence 

GermtntontntK AmericinifdjM 
Province Peal jrlvariia, fottft«fl»« 
vaSuecu,t)«li. Augufti iin 3al)t 

foiMt-KunD tin*. 

5u <St&£t u«t> SDfcHjfcn 

Julius FaUfawr. 

The So-called " Franklin Prayer-Booh" 225 



The New York Times published, under date of December 
3, 1896, some interesting statements connected with the sale 
in Boston of a copy of the so-called "Franklin Prayer- 
Book." These the present paper supplements with au- 
thentic data that add to the completeness of the record by 
confirming the Times 9 s view of the share that Dr. Franklin 
had in the preparation of the volume, and of its rarity, and 
additionally showing the interest which certain prominent 
persons long subsequently to the publication took in the 
work. The Times said in part, under the heading, " Rare 
Franklin Volume/' — 

" Dodd, Mead & Co., of this city, purchased in Boston yesterday a 
rare old volume known as Franklin's Prayer-Book. The purchase was 
made at the auction sale of the library of the late Prof. Henry Reed, of 
the University of Pennsylvania. [The sale was of books of the late 
Judge Henry Reed, a son of Professor Henry Reed's.] The bidding 
for this old book was spirited, and the price paid by Dodd, Mead & Co. 
was $1,250. Joseph Sabin was the underbidden The volume is bound 
in old red morocco, stamped with gilt, and has gilt edges." 

Here follows a copy of the title-page and a quotation from 
a letter of Franklin's, which matter will appear more appro- 
priately in another place in this account, the article in the 
Times concluding with the following passage : 

"In a letter written by Jared Sparks to Prof. Reed, dated Cam- 
bridge, Mass., May 30th, 1S37, he says : ' Among Franklin's papers I have 
lately found a fragment of the Preface of the said Abridgment of the 
Book of Common Prayer, in his handwriting, and have been puzzling 
myself in vain to find any clue to the book. A learned clergyman could 
give me no light on the subject. It is a very curious affair, as coming 
from Franklin. I doubt if there is another copy in America.' " 

A copy of the original and only edition of this work, 
which lies before me, is in a state of perfect preservation. 
It is printed on substantial paper, as was the fashion of the 
last century, in large type, aud, of course, with the quaint 

226 The So-called * Franklin Prayer-Book:' 

old, long " s" of the period. The binding is of Turkey-red 
morocco, with a stamped gilt vignette around the margins 
of both front and back covers, with corresponding gilt orna- 
mentation on the back, and with gilt-edged leaves. It is 
evidently a copy of the edition lately represented in Boston 
by the exemplar there sold. The particular copy of the 
edition which lies before me has attached to it a special 
interest in the fact that at the top of the inside of the front 
cover appears in faint ink manuscript the words, "Once 
the property of the Immortal Benjamin Franklin, LL J)., 
etc." [Unsigned.] It came into possession of Dr. Thomas 
Hewson Bache, who is still its owner, by gift from Dr. John 
Redmond Coxe, a prominent physician of Philadelphia, who 
had bought it at the sale of Dr. Stuart's library in the same 
city, and on June 5, 1855, insisted upon Dr. Bache's accept- 
ing it, despite his representing to Dr. Coxe that it was on 
every account too valuable a present for him to receive. The 
title-page reads : 




Common Jjrager, 

And Administration of the 



Rites and Ceremonies 

or THE 


According to the use of 

%\t Qurd] of (Englanb: 





Printed as they are to be sung or said in Churches. 


Printed in the year MDCCLXXIII. 

The So-called " Franklin Prayer-Book." 227 

Growing out of his coming into possession of this copy 
of the so-called " Franklin Prayer-Book," or out of common 
knowledge that he was somewhat versed in antiquarian lore 
relating to Franklin, probably from both causes, Dr. Bache 
was, not long after he received the book, applied to for in- 
formation regarding the work by the Right Reverend Wil- 
liam Bacon Stevens, Bishop of the Diocese of Pennsylvania, 
in the following letter : 

" 913 Clinton St., Thursday. 
[Without date, but the reply indicates it.] 

"My dear Sir: 

"I have been so fortunate as to secure a copy of the Franklin Pr. Bk., 
which I received in my last invoice of English books. In nearly all re- 
spects, except the binding, it is as good as the one I saw at your house. 
On the title-page is written the following note: 'This abridgement, to- 
gether with the preface, was drawn up by Sir Francis Dash wood, Bart., 
Baron Le Dispencer, [Despencer] and given by him to Lord Mount 
Stuart, in 1775. The book was printed in a private press of his own at 
West Wycombe, Bucks/ 

" I showed the book to Mr. McAllister, who has, as you know, a large 
collection of Prayer Books, but he had never seen or heard of it. My 
object in writing to you is, first, to thank you for your note, and sec- 
ondly, to ask that you will do me the favor to give me the true history 
of the book so far as it may be in your power, as the facts connected 
with it must be particularly interesting." 

Under date of July 7, 1859, and in Philadelphia, Dr. 
Bache answered this letter of Bishop Stevens's, as follows : 

"I have much pleasure in giving you all the particulars I know con- 
cerning the ' Abridgement of the Book of Common Prayer/ but, whether 
they form its true history, it is impossible for me to tell. 

"The first copy I ever saw is in the possession of Mrs. Henry Reed, 
and formerly in that of her grandfather, Bishop White. [Mrs. Henry 
Reed was the wife of Professor Reed, mentioned in the preceding quota- 
tion from the New York Times, and Bishop White was the well-known 
Bishop William White of colonial and later times.] It is in all respects, 
even in binding, like my own. On the fly-leaf of it you will find the 
following : 

"'This book was presented to me in ye year 1785, while ye Liturgy 
was under revision, by Mrs. Sarah Bache, by direction of her father, 
Dr. Benj. Franklin ; who, with Lord Le Despenser, [Despencer] she 
said, were the framers of it. 

"'W. W.> [William White]. 

228 The So-called " Franklin Prayer-Book." 

" This copy was seen by Mr. Sparks when writing ' The Works of 
Franklin' (ed. 1840). In Sparks, Vol. I., p. 352, you will find this notice 
of the Abridgment : ' During his [Franklin's] absence from London in 
the summer of 1773, he passed a few weeks at the country residence of 
Lord Le Despencer, and employed himself whilst there in abridging 
some parts of the Book of Common Prayer. A handsome edition of this 
abridgment was printed by Wilkie, in St. Paul's Church Yard ; but it 
seems never to have been adopted in any Church, nor to have gained 
much notice.' 

" Sparks then gives a quotation from the last part of the Preface of 
the Abridgment, which does not exactly correspond with that in the 
printed copy ; for the words, ' remove animosity' are U3ed by Sparks, 
instead of ' increase unanimity.' I have heard that Mr. Sparks first 
found the MS. of the Preface in Franklin's handwriting, which led to 
his discovering Mrs. Reed's copy. The slight change in phraseology 
above mentioned may have been made in the proof by Franklin. 

"In Vol. X., pp. 206-7, of Sparks, you will find a letter of Franklin 
to Granville Sharp, dated Passy, 5th July, 1785, which contains the fol- 
lowing : * The Liturgy you mention was an abridgment of that made 
by a noble Lord of my acquaintance, who requested me to assist him by 
taking the rest of the book ; viz., the Catechism and the reading and 
singing Psalms. These I abridged by retaining of the Catechism only 
the two questions, What is your duty to God ? What is your duty to 
your neighbour? with answers. The Psalms were much contracted by 
leaving out the repetitions (of which I found more than I could have 
imagined) and the imprecations, which appeared not to suit well with 
the Christian doctrine of forgiveness of injuries and doing good to ene- 
mies. The book was printed for Wilkie, in St. Paul's Churchyard, but 
never much noticed. Some were given away, very few sold, and I sup- 
pose the bulk became waste-paper. In the prayers so much was re- 
trenched that approbation could hardly be expected ; but I think with 
you, a moderate abridgment might not only be useful, but generally 

"The editor then introduces, in a note, a portion of Mr. Sharp's letter 
which called forth Franklin's account of the book, as also the Preface 
of the Abridgment, in full. 

" There can be no doubt that Sir Francis Dashwood, Bart., Lord Le 
Despencer, had a hand in compiling the work, and probably paid the 
expense of the undertaking, for it is not likely Franklin did. 

" I doubt whether the book was printed by a private press at West 
Wycombe, Bucks ; for Franklin's letter [to Granville Sharp] contradicts 
this statement, and if Sir Francis had a private press, we should have 
had other works, in all probability, emanating from it, and of such I have 
never heard. 

"In Lowndes's Bibliographer's Manual, Vol. III., p. 1494, under the 

The So-called "Franklin Prayer-Book." 229 

head of Prayer, you will find the following notice of the book: 'An 
abridgment of The Book of Common Prayer, West Wycombe, 1773, 
8vo. The performance of Sir Francis Dashwood, Bart., privately printed 
at the expense of Lord Le Despencer.' In the above no mention is 
made of a private press ; hence another reason for not believing Sir 
Francis had one. 

"Lowndes gives the impression [that] Sir Francis Dashwood and Lord 
Le Despencer were different individuals. This is a mistake, however, 
for Sir Francis Dashwood was Lord Le Despencer from 1763 to 1781 
(Burke's Peerage and Baronetage of the British Empire, sixteenth 
ed., p. 597), and the Abridgment was printed in 1773. 

" I have heard that a copy was sold in London some years ago ; and 
the following manuscript note in Mrs. Henry Reed's copy I conclude 
refers to the sale : ' J. Miller's Catalogue II, March 16th, 1850, No. 63.' 

"It may be interesting to mention: The statue of William Penn, 
which now stands on the Pine Street front of the Pennsylvania Hospital, 
was originally the property of Sir Francis Dashwood, and stood in West 
Wycombe Park. His successor did not admire Penn, and sold the statue 
for its value as lead, and it was found in a London junk-shop by a descend- 
ant of the founder of Pennsylvania, who bought it and presented it to 
the Hospital." 

The statue of William Penn referred to in the concluding 
lines of the preceding letter still stands in Philadelphia on 
its pedestal before the Pennsylvania Hospital, on the broad 
lawn in front of the institution, facing Pine Street. And, 
by way of imparting an additional touch of local color to 
some of the facts mentioned here, it is added that Edward 
Duffield was a very intimate friend of Dr. Franklin's (a 
clock of his own make, a gift of his to Franklin, is now in 
my possession), and he was one of Franklin's executors ; and 
that a son of Dr. John Redmond Coxe, Dr. Edward Jenner 
Coxe, was, as an infant, the first person vaccinated in the 
United States, and with lymph which his father had received 
directly from Dr. Jenner. 

The editor of the Preface to the edition of the so-called 
"Franklin Prayer-Book" "professes himself," to use his 
own words, " to be a Protestant of the Church of England," 
and begins his duties as such with a few deprecatory remarks 
as to laymen presuming to make suggestions of alteration 
in the Book of Common Prayer of the Church of England. 

230 The So-called " Franklin Prayer-Book." 

He presents to the consideration of "the serious and dis- 
cerning'' amendments which the authors regard as involv- 
ing improvements in the accepted Liturgy of the Church. 
He takes the ground that both morning and evening services 
of the Church are so long that in them " the mind wanders, 
and the fervency of devotion is slackened." He cites the 
example of the Lord's Prayer and its accompanying admo- 
nition against the " heathen" practice of " much speaking" 
as confirmatory of the excellence of brevity in religious 
worship. He says that the old would, on account of their 
infirmities, be benefited by a shortening of divine service, 
and that the young would more cheerfully than now attend it. 
Moreover, he adds, business people could more easily than 
now attend it on other days than Sunday. He does not con- 
sider the use of more than one creed as any advantage to 
edification, whilst the existing repetitions involve much pro- 
lixity. The Psalms are held to consist in a measure of repe- 
titions which may well call for curtailment. Some of them, 
moreover, it is represented, contain bitter imprecations 
against enemies, and are thus inconsistent with the spirit of 
Christianity and the direct teachings of the Gospel. The 
curtailment of the Communion Service, as it appears in the 
volume, is believed by its authors to omit nothing that is 
" material and necessary." With the view of accommo- 
dating the introduction of the Baptismal Kite to the interests 
of a congregation engaged in worship, it is proposed to 
omit in it on such occasions " the less material parts" of the 
formulary. The Catechism being a compendium repre- 
senting weighty matter upon which theologians have written 
tomes in elucidation, it obviously is not, the Preface states, 
as well adapted to the infant mind as is desirable. It is 
therefore recommended that only those parts within the 
comprehension of the very young be retained, and that the 
remainder be postponed until they shall have reached a 
period of more ripened understanding. The ceremony of 
Confirmation might, it is thought, be judiciously shortened. 
" The Commination," the Preface goes on to say, " and all 
cursing of mankind is (we think) best omitted in this 

The So-called " Franklin Prayer-Book." 231 

Abridgement." The form of the marriage ceremony, often 
abbreviated at the discretion of the officiating clergyman, is 
here, it says, retained only as to what are deemed its " ma- 
terial parts." The long prayers on the occasions of the 
visitation of the sick do not seem to the authors appro- 
priate in the presence of persons " very weak, and in dis- 
tress." The service at the burial of the dead does not, in 
their view, evidence sufficient regard for the health and wel- 
fare of the living, in that it is, under certain circumstances, 
highly dangerous to them, owing to the length of time 
to which they are often exposed with uncovered heads to 
cold at the side of the grave. Finally, the ceremony of the 
Churching of Women might, they think, be judiciously 

Here the recommendations of the Preface, embodied in 
the book, casually touching upon the desirability of substi- 
tuting some other source of church revenue for tithes, end 
with a protest against any supposition that irreverence is 
intended by the suggestions made towards the modification 
of a Liturgy which the authors admire, declaring that the 
object sought is merely to improve it in the interests of 
religion, in the belief, as they say, that " this shortened 
method, or one of the same kind better executed, would 
further religion, increase unanimity, and occasion a more 
frequent attendance on the worship of God." 

In the opinion of persons more competent than the present 
writer to sit in judgment on the case, the work seems to 
have had some influence " in ye year 1785, while ye Liturgy 
was under revision" with the purpose of producing the first 
Book of Common Prayer of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church of the United States, in leading to the omission of 
certain passages in the Book of Common Prayer of the 
Church of England ; since restored, apparently from the 
prompting among portions of mankind to cling to ancient 
things as such, regardless of their unsuitability to advanced 
thought on the subject, and in this case with the very features 
which Franklin most deprecated, as attempting to blend 
teachings of the Old Dispensation with those of the New 

232 The So-called "Franklin Prayer-Book." 

Dispensation, with which they are incompatible and by 
which they have been superseded. 

"Whatever may be the state of the case now, the idea a3 
to the existence of many redundancies in the Book of Com- 
mon Prayer of the Church of England must at one time 
have been very prevalent, as the two following citations show. 
Miss Jane Austen, the daughter of a clergyman, makes 
one of her middle-class characters in " Mansfield Park," 
published in 1814, say that " our Liturgy has beauties 
which not even a careless, slovenly style of reading can 
destroy; but it has also redundancies and repetitions which 
require good reading not to be felt." Again, Mr. W. E. 
Gladstone, in a late letter of his from Hawarden to a friend, 
under date of September 9, 1896, afterwards published in 
The Academy and then in The London Times, says, among 
other things relating to his collection of books, — 

" As quantity has been my strongest point, I may without offence refer 
to it in comparison with quality. An able and learned person of our 
day bought for his own use twenty thousand volumes. They were ex- 
amined and valued for sale (which never came off) in London, and it 
was predicted that he would net from them £8000, or a little over two 
shillings a volume. Nearly at the same time a library of somewhat over 
half the quantity, but rich in rarities, brought (not at auction) about £6 
a volume. 

"Though, as I have said, a beggarly collector, I have had a few 
specialities. One I will mention. I accumulated more than thirty dis- 
tinct ri/acciamenti of the Book of Common Prayer. Many of these had 
prefaces which commonly ran to this effect : — ' The Prayer Book is excel- 
lent. But it has some blemishes. Let them be removed, and it will find 
universal acceptance. Accordingly I have performed this operation ; 
and I now give the Reformed Prayer Book to the world.' But I have 
never obtained, and have never seen, a second edition of any one of these 
productions. I greatly doubt whether they have usually paid their 
printer's bills." 

The last statement is not astonishing to any one who 
knows that there are still in existence Bishops of the Angli- 
can Church who vehemently oppose striking from the statute 
book the law, repugnant to common sense, interdicting 
marriage with a deceased wife's sister. 

The So-called " Franklin Prayer-Booh" 233 

It will be remembered that Dr. Bache said, in his letter to 
Bishop Stevens, by way of explaining how the words " re- 
move animosity, 7 ' in the Franklin manuscript which Sparks 
saw, came to be changed to " increase unanimity" in the 
printed prayer-book, that the alteration may have been 
made in the proof by Franklin. The present commentator, 
however, has not the slightest doubt that the alteration was 
made by Franklin personally. It is an unmistakable touch 
of the hand of Franklin in a direction of part of his art of 
success in life, known to his various biographers ; of course, 
perceptible, it must be believed, even to his most casual 
readers, but never heretofore sufficiently emphasized, al- 
though it appears continuously in active operation through- 
out his whole varied career, and is expressly indicated in his 
autobiography as the wisest of policies in intercourse with 
men. This was, in brief, smoothing the way of reason to 
the mind by sweeping unessentials from the path by means 
of conciliatory word and deed. There is not a fragment 
extant of his authentic speech, writing, and action in which 
the exhibition of this mental attribute is not present. 
Although the Preface which is here noticed is, with slight 
exception, written in the first person plural, it is so Frank- 
linian that no person familiar with the turn of thought and 
phrase of Franklin, than which no other style was ever more 
informed from outmost to inmost core with personality, can 
doubt the authorship of it in its entirety. Comparison of it 
with any of his writings touching ethical matter will prove 
that in it the family likeness to them is unmistakable. Part 
of it being found in his handwriting by Mr. Sparks is, in 
the existing case of collaboration, only proof presumptive 
that he was its author, but the man revealed in the style is 
proof positive of the fact. 

The Preface can be seen, even through the medium of 
the paraphrased abstract here given, to be imbued with this 
quality omnipresent with Franklin. Nor did the character- 
istic exemplified by it and his other utterances originate in 
a cold-blooded policy, adopted for the sake of gaining his 
ends in the interest of increase of authority and power. 
Vol. xxi. — 16 

234 The So-called "Franklin Prayer-Booh" 

Kegard for these, it would seem, never gained access to his 
mind. They came unsought, as the natural adjuncts of his 
personality working amidst conditions fitted to its supreme 
development. Perhaps the particular trait which is here 
mentioned would he best illustrated as to its significance in 
his life by a legitimate comparison which involves a marked 
contrast. Lord Chesterfield, who was born twelve years 
before Franklin and died seventeen years before him, es- 
sentially his contemporary, also followed in life the same 
policy as Franklin's in his intercourse with the world, 
socially with great success, and politically with marked 
ability in the diplomatic sphere, most notably as Lord-Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland. Yet his whole career as observed, and 
as known by his own confession in the posthumous publica- 
tion of his letters to his son, proves that his speech and 
action were invariably, in every particular, prompted by the 
most subtle and refined egoism. The whole public and 
private career of Franklin, on the contrary, although super- 
ficially exhibiting the same aspect as Chesterfield's inter- 
course with the world, was inspired by the loftiest altru- 
ism. Both acted in consonance with the maxim, suaviter in 
modo, for titer in re, Chesterfield expressly recommending that 
course in his letters to his son. But what a difference be- 
tween the two men there was, in the presence in one of 
worthy fundamental motive in conduct, and the absence of 
it in the other ! This is not the place to recite the services 
of Franklin to his country, but it may be said at least, even 
here, that his life in its service was one of continuous labor 
and self-denial. Even after he returned from France, old, 
decrepit, longing for a brief respite from work before he 
died, he found himself enmeshed again in the toils of duty, 
and yielded to the popular demand for his final devotion to 
the public interests. Well may Jefferson have said, as he is 
reported to have replied, when the Count de Vergeunes, 
France's Minister of Foreign Affairs, greeted him as the 
ambassador come to replace Franklin at the Court of Louis 
XVI., " I succeed ; no one can replace him." 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 235 



(Continued from page 85.) 

[Letter 202.] 

" On Saturday last after taking leave of my acquaintances 
at Reading, I mounted and rode to Potts Grove where I 
baited my horse, refreshed and pushed on towards the 

Yellow Springs, crossed the Schuylkill at tavern on 

French Creek, a little after dark. On Sunday morning I 
rode to Colonel Evans' where I breakfasted, settled some 
business with the Squire, received a Letter from Lieut. 
McLean, then rode on to the Springs where I met old friends 
— McCarnehan (his family) at Lt. McLean's. I dined with 
them and spent the day, when we retired to Mr. Jones's my 
old quarters (now McLean's), who were very glad to see me, 
and entertained me with the best the house could afford. 

" On Monday Lt. McLean and I set off for the City of 
Philadelphia. Came round by the Springs, ^st our way by 
going the back road and found ourselves near the Bull 
Tavern at the Valley Forge. We dined near Moor Hall, 
came thro' our old Encampment, or rather first huts of 
the whole army. Some of the officers' huts are inhabited, 
but the greater part are decayed, some are split up into 
rails, and a number of fine fields are to be seen on the level 
ground that was cleared, but in places where they have let 
the shoots grow, it is already like a half grown young 

"We crossed to the Lancaster Road near the Spread 
Eagle, and then made the best of our way to the city of 
Philadelphia, where we arrived a little after dark, and put up 

236 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

at the sign of ye Battle of Monmouth. Our troops arrived 
on Sunday and are encamped near the Four mile stone. 

" I left the company and repaired to Miss Carither's, where 
I met Miss Morris and several of my acquaintances — I spent 
the evening there, and returned to my Quarters about 
10 o'clock. 

" Yesterday I visited my Aunt's family and found them 
all in perfect health, and very happy to see me. I took 
a round through all the circle of my acquaintances in the 
town— Drank tea and spent the evening at Mrs. Gardner's, 
in a fine little circle of very agreeable company. 

"Sept r 1781." 

[Letter 203.] 

" I cannot quit Eeading without doing this justice to the 
Ladies of it — that they are exceeding sociable and very 
polite. On the evening before the party marched on half 
an hour's notice, all the young ladies of the place were 
assembled to a dance that a few of us had at Mrs. White- 
head's. As there were not ladies sufficient for partners for all 
the officers, we invited as many as could be supply'd and 
had a genteel little Family Hop (as we term'd it, that no one 
could take offence), but in fact we had more satisfaction and 
as many couples on the floor as at the large Assembly. We 
had no supper, but apples, nuts &c, substituted in the room 
of it, with wine, punch &c. The evening was spent with 
all the mirth and gaiety possible, and always to be found in 
companies that can be free together in preference to large 
and fixed Assemblies. 

" The company broke up about one o'clock in the morn- 
ing, when each waited on his partner home and then retired 
each to his own quarters. 

" Captains Patterson and Lusk, Lieuts. Pursell and Le 
Roy were ordered for the detachment from our Regiment. 
But it being so much against Pursell to march to the South- 
ward, that he was determined to resign rather than go. I 
had engaged to go in his stead [badly tomi\. The alterna- 
tive is that Pursell is determined and gave in his resignation 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves, 237 

this day. I opposed it with all my might, and made use of 
every argument I was master of to dissuade him from it, but 
all to no purpose. 

" Orders came out this afternoon to hold ourselves in 
readyness to march tomorrow morning at eight o'clock, the 
Assembly at half past, and to march off at 9 o'clock. We 
have been obliged to stay very close to camp, on account 
of deliveries of clothing, arms, accoutrements. I have 
spent the day in the City, and am as busy as you please in 
getting in readyness for a long march. 

" Philada. 
"Oct' 2 1781." 

[Letter 204.] 

"We march'd from our encampment about 11 o'clock 
yesterday, crossed Schuylkill bridge, and marched into the 
city, down Chestnut Street about one o'clock, the detach- 
ment divided into two Battalions. We marched down Front 
street and embarq'd near the Drawbridge, hauled off in the 
Stream, and fell down opposite Almond street. About an 
hour after the most of the officers went on shore and received 
from the Paymaster one month's pay in hard money ; the 
first of the kind that any of our Line exer received. Having a 
number of necessaries to purchase, I was kept busy 'till 
almost night. I called in at Mr. Gardner's to bid adieu 
and drank Tea; I then drank Tea at my Aunt's, with the 
family, and the very agreeable Miss Morris. 

" I had everything put on board and then spent the evening 
with Miss Morris, Miss Carithers. Took my leave of the 
girls and my aunt, and retired on board the vessel about 11 
o'clock at night. 

"I never experienced so much of female friendship as in 
the above two ladies, everything in their power to serve me 
was done and much more than I have in power to tell, 
friendship so sincere and so refined ought to meet a suitable 
return. On examination I found things packed up for my use 
that I had no idea of, such as they knew I should stand in 
need of. I must say that I was sensibly affected at taking 

238 Extracts from the Letter-Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

my leave of people that I have such a real esteem for, 
(Esteem is too cold a word), let me say warmth of Friend- 
ship for. I spent my time when I was last in the city with 
as much real satisfaction, as ever I enjoyed in the same 
place in my life. 

""We weighed anchor about sunrise in the morning, when 
the tide was about half spent and but little wind, fell down 
with the tide and the little wind, a little below Billingsport, 
where we went on shore and dined. The fort at Billings- 
port is not in good repair at present ; Fort Mifflin on Mud 
Island is in a tolerable state of defence, if it were well 
mounted and rnan'd. This is the place famous for holding 
out against the British fleet for two months, before which 
they had two ships burnt, one of which was blown up, with 
a number of men. Eed Bank, quite destroyed, is famous for 
standing the attack made by General Kniphausen, before 
which fell six hundred Hessians with the famous Count 
Denaub [Donop]. After refreshing ourselves we came on 
board and set off with afternoon tide and almost a head 

" On board the 

"Oct r 4 th 1781." 

[Letter 205.] 

" On Friday morning last we found ourselves opposite to 
the mouth of Christiana Creek, when a few of us went up 
and landed near the ferry and walked up to Wilmington, 
where we found Lieut. Col. Mentges, Major Moore and 
several officers who had come down on horseback. I went 
to see Mr. Devenport's family from Georgetown, where I 
breakfasted. I likewise went to see an old Mr. Broom, 
whose son you have heard me mention, who kindly received 
me and would make me stay to drink a Sling with him, of 
which he is very fond. 

" I had the offer of a horse to ride to Christiana Bridge 
and let the vessel pass, and remained with the company, we 
stayed to Dinner, and with drinking wine and bitters, and 
Punch before Dinner, and Punch and wine at and after 
Dinner, the most of the company got pretty full. About 3 

Extracts from the Letter-Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 239 

o'clock we mounted and rode to the Bridge, only stopping 
to drink a double Bowl of Punch on the way. — At night the 
most of the company kept it up at Doudles, where we sup'd 
and stay'd all night, and breakfasted next morning. 

" One vessel load of troops was stationed in the town ; on 
Saturday night three of them deserted and stole and carry'd 
off with them a horse of Col. Craig's, one of Major Moore's 
and one of Captain Bankson's. Last night all the vessels 
arrived; this morning the troops landed, marched about a 
mile beyond the town, and drew provisions, the wagons are 
loaded and we expect to march off about 11 o'clock for the 
Head of Elk, which is about ten miles from this. 

" Christiana Creek makes up from the Delaware about 
forty miles below Philadelphia; it is a fine bold creek. 
Large square rigg'd vessels come up to Wilmington. The 
Brandywine Creek empties into this within two miles of the 
mouth. This Creek is famous all over America for its Mer- 
chant Mills, seven of them being built within 150 yards of 
each other — and the vessels load and unload at the mills. 
Wilmington is a fine borough, ha3 a number of regular 
streets, a Court House, Market house, and contains about 5 
or 600 houses, a number of which are very good — with a fine 
Academy on the Hill. You may have a beautiful prospect 
of the town from the Delaware, as it is built on a side hill, 
and from the town a beautiful prospect of the Christiana 
Creek, which is not very broad, but large sea schooners may 
run up it near twenty five miles, to a place where a bridge 
is built across, and a town which is called by the name 
Christiana Bridge. The town is small and ill built, con- 
taining 50 houses, some of which are very good ; it is a 
place of trade, by reason of the transportation of goods 
from this place to and from the Head of Elk. 

"We marched off from Christiana Bridge and arrived at 
this place late this afternoon, and encamped near the town, 
to draw provisions and wait for vessels to transport us to 

" Head of Elk, Maryland, 
" Oct' 7, 1781." 

240 Extracts from the Letter-Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

[Letter 206.] 

" On Monday and Tuesday last we lay still at the Head 
of Elk. The town is small, not containing more than 20 
Dwelling-houses and they much scattered. This is a prin- 
cipal place of conveyance for goods across from the Chesa- 
peake Bay to the Delaware, being but 12 miles land carriage, 
when it would be six hundred miles to go round. It was 
agitated to cut a Canal from a branch of the Bohemia to St. 
George's Creek on the Delaware, which is about eight miles 
from Tide to Tide, and would have been done had not this 
war commenced. 

" On the 10th we embarqued on the Kitty, James Jack- 
son, master, for Baltimore. We was left aground when the 
fleet set sail ; got off in the night and overtook them at 
Cecil Court House the 11th in the morning. We cast anchor 
and went on shore, where I saw several of my acquaintances 
from Georgetown, and tho' within eight miles of it could 
not go to see my friends there. 

" The 12th lay off the mouth of Sassafras River in Chesa- 
peake Bay. 

"Sat. 13th. — Beat down with the wind at south west — at 
the lower end of Poole Island the wind blew so hard we was 
obliged to put about and stand before it, we in a little time 
made Worton River, the mouth of which is a good har- 
bour. But the wind shifting" suddenly to northwest blew 
a storm, Set in to the Worton and we had nearly been cast 
away tho' in harbour; the wind abated for a few minutes 
of which we took the advantage and ran up to a safe har- 

"I went on shore and dined with Mr. Duke Tilden, who 
informed me of the arrival of Capt. Giles Hicks. (Men- 
tioned in Vol VI. Letter — .) I am informed by him that 
as he was going to the Island of Tobago in the West Indies, 
he was taken by the French fleet and brought by them into 
this Bay, and being known by his Excellency Gen 1 Wash- 
ington, has got permission to come to this place to see his 
Aunt Chaloners. I wrote to him from Mr. Tilden's. 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 241 

"Sun: the Hth. — Capt. Patterson drew provisions from 
Chestertown, which is within 8 miles from this place, our 
men having been out for several days. 

"The 15th and this day, the wind has continued ahead; 
our vessel being too deeply laden, we impressed Mr. Gilbert 
Backson from Georgetown, and I with part of the company 
ship'd ourselves on board his vessel, the Molley, and shall 
leave this as soon as we can. 

" We dined and spent the afternoon with Mr. Peconee, 
who treated us very genteely, and pres'd us to spend the 
evening and stay all Night with him, which we could not do, 
as we were waiting for a wind, 

" On board the Molley 


" Eastern Shore of Maryland 
"Oct' 16, 1781." 

[Letter 207.] 

" On the morning of the 17th we set sail with a west wind, 
which is almost ahead, and was all the day beating over to 
the "Western shore. 

11 On the morning of the 18th, we run down with a North 
Wester to the mouth of the Potapsco river, and the wind 
being ahead we landed at North Point, left part of our Bag- 
gage, and marched up to Baltimore town, sixteen miles in 
about four hours. We got to town about 9 o'clock at Night. 
I got my men in quarters and put up at Mr. Grant's, at the 
sign of the Fountain, the first Tavern in the place. 

14 On Friday the 19th I dined with Mr. Fell at his Mansion 
House at Felts Point, and in the afternoon rode out with 
him in a carriage to take a view of Baltimore town. We took 
a circuit almost round it and from some of the neighboring 
heights I had a full view of it. Some of the inhabitants of 
Baltimore will tell you that it is nearly half as large as 
Philadelphia, but you may depend upon it, that it is not one 
eighth as large. Impartially I believe it to be about the size 
of the Northern Liberties of Philadelphia, which is from Vine 

242 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Litutenant Enos Reeves. 

street upward — And Fell's Point is situated very much like 
Kensington, but thicker settled, with two bridges going to 
it in the same manner. 

" The town is built on a low uneven piece of ground, the 
streets are not paved — in wet weather very muddy and in 
dry, dirty, very disagreeable in either. The Market house 
is on one side of the street, under an old Court House, and 
contains twelve stalls, and about eight board Shambles. I 
made it my business to attend to see their market, which 
was tolerable full, but in great confusion, as most of the 
country people remain in their waggons with their produce, 
and a number of butchers with their beef in carts in quarters, 
who will cut a piece off any where for you without regard to 
the [for??]. 

" There is no Public Buildings here of any note, except 
an unfinished Church and State House, as it is called, which 
is no other than a genteel Court House. Some of the streets 
are very regular and wide, but many winding and turning 
as the first comers happen'd to build ; there is a number of 
genteel houses in the place but none elegant. 

" Mr. Fell where I now make my home, is a gentleman of 
princely fortune. I got acquainted with him at Philadelphia 
and he has kindly invited me to make his house my home as 
long as I remain in the place. The whole of the place called 
Fell's Point belongs to him, which in a short time will be 
the place of trade ; it is now one fourth as large as Balti- 
more. He is at this time laying the remainder out in lots to 
be sold, leased or rented. A great estate has fell to him in 
Philadelphia and if he gets his due a great part of Baltimore 
will be his. This must be the place of trade, because the 
large vessels can go no higher up than the Point, and are 
obliged to load and unload here. On account of the filling 
up of the Basin, which is before the town, within these few 
years past, this is what is called the North Branch of the 
Potapsco, and is an inlet which makes up about two miles 
and is twelve miles from the Bay. 

" Baltimore Town, 
"Oct p 20 th 1781." 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 243 

[Letter 208.] 

" On Saturday the 20th, in the forenoon, I went with an 
old acquaintance of ours from Georgetown known to you 
as Rosanda, who was much surprised and would scarcely be- 
lieve her own eyes and senses that I was alive, for she had 
long since heard and took it for granted that I was dead. 
However, I have convinced her to the contrary, and she 
seemed to be very happy to find out her mistake. I drank 
Tea and spent the evening with her. 

" On Sun: 21. — This morning to my unspeakable joy, I 
saw the copy of a Letter from the Count d'Grasse to the 
Governor of Maryland, giving him an account of the sur- 
render of Lord Cornwallis with all the army under his 
command at York, in Virginia. I was somewhat mor- 
tified to think, that I had been eighteen days on our way 
to that place and by misfortune could not be there. It 
is very remarkable that on the same day, of the same 
month, (that is the 17th of Octobr, 77), that Burgoyne sur- 
rendered with his army at Saratoga, so on the 17 th of Oct r 
'81 has Lord Cornwallis surrendered with all the Brit- 
ish, Refugees, Xegroes Torys &c, under his command at 
York in Virginia. You shall have the particulars as soon 
as I can get them. I congratulate you on the above good 

" We have had a very bad passage to this place, was cast 
away in the Bay, and Col. Craig supposing us lost, went off 
and left us. He left Baltimore on the 16th instant. I 
marched with my men down to the Fort, and quartered 
them in the Barracks, which are in tolerable repair. Capt. 
Patterson is left in town in order to prepare for our de- 
parture. I promised to write to you from this place and 
am happy my first carrys agreeable news. 

" Fort Baltimore, 
"Oct' 22, 1781. 

"P.S. — There is to be a Feau d' Joy at Baltimore this 

244 Extracts from the Letter-Boohs of Lieutenant Ems Reeves. 
[Letter 209.] 

[The first part of this letter is missing.] 

" In the evening the Town and Fell's Point were elegantly 
illuminated — what few houses that were not, had their win- 
dows broke. About eight o'clock got tired and went to 
Mr. Fell's (where I made my home) who had a genteel Ball 
and Entertainment for the Ladies and gentlemen at the 
Point. Capt. Gasseway and myself were introduced to the 
company, where we danced and spent the night until 3 o'clock 
in the morning of the 23 d , as agreeably as we could wish — 
As the ladies were very agreeable, and the whole company 
seemed to enjoy themselves perfectly, and indeed seemed to 
be carry 'd away beyond themselves on this happy occasion. 

" This day Captain Patterson being unwell gave up the 
command to me, I have exerted myself and shall be ready 
to sail tomorrow morning. 

"Fell's Point, Maryland, 
" Oct 25 1781." 

[Letter 210.] 

" Thurs. Oct. 25 th . — I fell down with the schooners iNancey 
and Juliet to the Fort and took our men on board. I waited 
till four o'clock in the afternoon for Capt. Patterson, and 
then set sail without him. The wind being ahead we beat 
down the River and made a harbour in Rock Creek. 

" On the 26th with a light breeze [toini] North Point, 
took our bao-gasre on board. Dine with a gentleman where 
we left our baggage, and set sail about four o'clock in the 
afternoon with a fair wind. 

" This vessel is small but runs very fast, so that on the 
morning of the 27th instant I found myself in harbour in 
Miles River below Kent Island, where I gave the Skipper 
leave to call in order to get a hand and put a sick man 

" Eastern Shore of Maryland. — I walked up to the house 
of Mr. and Mrs. Tilghman (to whom our schooner belongs), 
he was lately a member of Congress. This gentleman lives 

Extracts from the Letter-Booh of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 245 

in an elegant old fashioned house, very genteely furnished, 
who was exceeding kind and entertained Mr. Le^are (a 
Carolina gentleman) and myself with the utmost politeness. 
After a genteel breakfast he very politely waited upon us to 
the shore. We got under way about 10 o'clock with a fair 
wind at Northwest and proceeded on our way. 

"On the 28th, in the afternoon, we arrived at the mouth 
of York river in Virginia, from which place I had a view 
of the French Fleet, which forms a line from the Eastern 
to the Western side of the Channel quite across and makes 
a grand appearance. 

" On board ye Nancey, 
" off York river, Virginia, 
"Oct. 28 th , 1781. 

[Letter 211.] 

" On the 28th instant I ran up York River to Yorktown, 
about 8 miles from the Bay, where I landed and walk'd up 
to the Encampment and made my report to Colonel Craig, 
and got his thanks for pushing on with the company. 

" I landed and marched the company to camp within two 
miles of the town of York, on the morning of the 29th 
instant, and have once more joined the Regiment from 
which I was separated sixteen days, with sixty men and up- 
wards, to the general joy of the whole, as they all supposed 
that we were lost in the storm. 

"All the prisoners are sent off to the back parts of Vir- 
ginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania, except the officers, who 
are on Parole and have liberty to go where and when they 
please. Mr. Legare, a Carolina gentleman who came clown 
with me from Baltimore, who is on his way to South Car- 
olina, and would wish to proceed with the Army, I have 
invited to take part of my tent and he has consented. He 
is a gentleman who has been a Captain in one of the Car- 
olina Regiments, and was made prisoner at Charleston, 
when it was taken, is since resigned and is now going home 
to his family. 

" This day in town I met with Captain Sproat, who is 
very well, and exceeding happy to see me. He insisted on 

246 Extracts from the Letter-Booh s of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

my dining with him. About 12 o'clock I went to General 
Hand's Headquarters with him, who is very well, where I 
dined and spent part of the afternoon. The remainder I 
spent with the officers of the Line who were very happy to 
see me. The most of them appear to be in perfect health, 
after all the fatigues of campaign and siege. 


"Oct' 31, 1781." 

[Letter 212.] 

" On the second instant, I went to take a view of the 
Lines and found them very grand. The enemy had the 
town piqueted all round very strongly. The town is small, 
not exceeding two hundred and fifty houses, the most of 
which were shot through like a riddle — some had the whole 
side burst out with the explosion of shells, and the whole 
at present in a ruinous state. At present all the small craft 
that can be had is Loading with the heavy artillery and 
ordanance stores, which are to be sent immediately to the 
Head of Elk by water. The town at present is entirely a 
scene of confusion — here you may see all putting backward 
and forward, and running one among another about their 
own business. British officers and French sailors, soldiers, 
marines, fatigue men, boatmen, British merchants, Amer- 
ican Speculators, Jews and Infidels — Negroes, British wives, 
soldiers' trolls, with a song &c. So be-mixed, be-hurried, 
be-know'd, be-frightened and be-deviled, that nothing short 
of a [torn] or the pencil of a Hogarth could possibly do 
them justice to delineate or describe. 

"Extract from the General Orders of the 30th ultimo : 

"'In pursuance of the Determination of a Board of Gen. 
Officers setting forth the means by which the officers of this 
Army may Receive a General Benefit from that Article of 
the Capitulation which intitles them to a right of [torn] in 
the possession of the [torn] in York and Gloucester at the 
time of the surrender of these parts — 

"'The Commander-in-Chief is pleased to direct that 
every officer who came here with the Army (coming under 

Extracts from the Letter-Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 247 

the following description) receives on account of his pay to 
the Aramount of twenty Pounds (Dollars at 6 Shillings 
each) viz* Gen 1 Officers k their families and other military 
staff; Regimental officers, the officers of the Hospital, the 
Chaplains, the Q r M r Gen 1 , the Com 7 Genl. and their Depu- 
ties — That an officer from each Brigade be appointed to 
take up the Goods from the Traders for the officers of their 
respective Brigades, whose receipt shall intitle them to 

" Since the above Order, we have been busied in pur- 
chasing and dividing the above. The merchants are allow'd 
one hundred per cent, on their goods from the Sterling cost, 
and then to be reduced into Currency. 

" Every preparation is making for a movement from this 
place. I spent the afternoon with Major Sproat, who is aid 
to General Hand. He informs me that the whole Army 
will move for the Northward at the same time that we move 
off for the South. 

" Three thousand French troops under the command of the 
Count Eochambeau, with a proper number of Shipping to 
protect the Harbour will be stationed at York this Winter, 
and as long next Spring as will suffice them to get up and 
repair the shipping that has been sunk and damaged since 
the siege, fortunately the property of the Enemy, which 
amount to upward of one hundred sail. 

" I am entirely reconciled to the march to Carolinas, as we 
are likely to have such a very pleasant season for it. The 
evenings are beginning to be a little cool here, and if we 
don't hurry on, the Winter will be likely to overtake us. 

" York, Virginia, 

"Nov. 4 th 1781." 

[Letter 213.] 

" On the fifth instant about 9 o'clock the Gen 1 beat and 
we marched off under the command of Major Gen. Arthur 
St. Clair. The detachment is composed of the Pennsylvania 
Line, the Maryland Troops that are here, a detachment of 
Virginians, a detachment of artillery with brass pounders 

248 Extracts from the Letter- Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

and Howitzers, — inch mortars, with a large quantity of 
Ordanance stores. Commissary, Qr. Mr. Gen 1 Stores, with a 
quantity of clothing for the Southern Army — with these we 
marched and encamp'd within three miles of Williamsburg, 
on our way to join the Southern Army, under the command 
of General Greene. Being encumbered with such a quan- 
tity of waggons will cause us to move on very slow. 

" On the 6th the Gen 1 beat at sunrise. We encamped at 
Bird's Ordinary — the name given to the taverns in this 
country, and ordinary enough they are, God knows, and not 
worthy to be called a Tavern in any other country. We 
arrived at our ground in the afternoon. 

" On the 8th moved on to Bottom Bridge, over the 
Chicohomeney, a small creek. During our four days march, 
we have come through a poor sandy country, thinly settled 
and the houses meanly built. Except Williamsburg, the 
Metropolis of Virginia, the town is not large, but very 
regular, the Governor's palace standing at one end and the 
capital at the other, of the Main street facing each about 
one quarter of a mile distant — both elegant buildings with 
wings; the streets are wide and houses large and contain 
about three hundred and fifty houses. The seat of [torn]. 

" The season here is very pleasant and the road good, and 
as yet we have had no scarcity of water. 

14 Bottom Bridge, 
"Nov. 8 th 1781." 

[Letter 214.] 
" On the 9th instant we marched at the same time as usual 
and arriv'd at this place about the middle of the afternoon, 
13 miles, and encamp'd on a hill on the left of the town, 
a beautiful place with the James River in front. Richmond 
is now the seat of Government; the Governor's residence is 
an elegant [torn] situated on the bank of James River, just 
below the falls. The houses are principally on the main 
street, and no grand buildings in it. It contains about one 
hundred houses. There is two good Ordinarys in it, and 
two or three stores, but every thing extravagantly dear. 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 249 

Such Sugar as might be purchased in Philadelphia for six 
pence, would cost you here eighteen. 

"On the 10th instant, the Maryland Line crossed the 
James River opposite the town. On the 11th the artillery 
crossed with their stores in a heavy rain [torn]. 

"On the 13th [torn] the Battalion with their Baggage 
crossed the River and pitch'd on Manchester side of the 
River. Manchester is a small town opposite to Richmond, 
very irregularly built and contains about 40 houses, where 
the Enemy burnt a great number of stores, warehouses and 
inspecting houses with a great quantity of Tobacco in them, 
and took off a quantity of cattle, horses and negroes from 
the inhabitants. 

"My fever has increased and the swelling in my face 
continued. I was invited by a Mr. Archer to stay at his 
house while I remained in Richmond. He keeps a store in 
the Town, keeps open house for all the officers who will 
favor him with their company [torn]." 

[Letter 215.] 

" On the 17th cross'd the Appomatox river in boats — it 
appears to be much such a river as the Schuylkill above the 
Falls. At our place of crossing it was not more than 200 
yards across. We encamped on the bank of the River just 
in the rear of Petersburg. 

" The above is a small town built in a hollow or rather 
on a side hill, very irregular and ill built and contains 
about 50 houses. There is two Ordinary3 and three stores 
in the town. Below this is a small town call'd Blandford 
on the river and contains 20 or 30 houses and store [torn]. 
The paper currency is still in circulation in this State — a 
State Currency that was struck to pass one for forty of the 
old Continental — now this is depreciated to such a degree 
that it is scarcely worth counting; it passes at thi3 time 
twelve hundred to one Hard Dollar, which reduces the old 
Continental (tho* not in circulation) to forty eight thousand 
for one. The hard money being so very plenty to the 
Vol. xxi. — 17 

250 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant JSiios Reeves. 

northward, it has made its way here and now circulates very 
freely. I am in hopes the Continent will not be troubled 
with striking any more paper money. 
" Petersburg, Virginia, 
"Nov. 18 th 1781." 

[Letter 216.] 

" On the 19th instant we march'd to Dinwiddie Court 
House and encamp'd near it. There was a large Assembly 
at the Court House as it was Term time with them. 

" On the 20th we crossed I^otaway River at Jones's Bridge 
and encamp'd on Jones's farms at the Beaver Pond, in 
Brunswick county. This is looked upon as a good country, 
and Dinwiddie has a number of elegant buildings in it and 
the people all good-livers. But Amelia County which joins 
this is still better, has a vast number of the first families 
living in it, the ladies of which have made themselves famous 
by an Association they enter'd into early in the war, 4 That 
they were determined to live single 'till the conclusion of 
the war without they married an officer of the Army or one 
who had served their Country in a public manner since the 
commencement of the War.' I am told by men who have 
seen them, that the ladies are very genteel, handsome and 
of the first families in Virginia, who are of this Associa- 
tion. I must confess I should have been very happy to have 
seen girls who have discover' d so much Patriotism to the 

" On the 21st we marched to Earle Edmund's farm. In 
the morning before we march'd off a Duel was fought in 
the Maryland Line between Captain Menzie and Ensign 
Bettis — each fired and miss'd; fired the second time and 
miss'd; the third fire the Ensign shot Capt. Menzie thro' the 
head, of which he died immediately. The officers had a hole 
dug and buried him on the spot in his clothes, and march'd 
off without further ceremony. He had used Bettis very ill, 
who has since been ordered to take his command, and no 
further notice is taken of it. Congress and the Legislative 
body have used every means in their power to stop dueling 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Beeves. 251 

" On the 22d continued our march, crossed Mahoming 
creek over a high bridge to Mitchel's Ordinary, and en- 
camp'd in a poor neighborhood. 

" On the 23d we proceeded on our march, passed Miller's 
Ordinary, crossed Miles Creek, and encamp'd on Sir Peyton 
Skipper's [Skipwith] farms in the heart of a good country, in 
Mecklenburgh County. For three nights past we have had 
hard frost and ice a quarter of an inch thick ; I am much 
afraid we shall be overtaken by the "Winter, as it seems to 
come on faster than we march. 

" The common inhabitants of Virginia dress in a very 
particular manner. The men with little round hats, coarse 
mixed grey Jackets, breeches of the same, and all of them 
wear what they call Leggins, which is a piece of cloth. 
Kersey Ticking [torn]. The women [torn] Bonnet on their 
head. If it is made of any other stuff and of the Bonnet 
shape, they have them so small that they appear ridiculous. 
The people in general have a pale, sickly appearance, in- 
clining to the Yellowish color. Their remark upon us is, 
that they never saw such a set of Red-Black looking men in 
all their lives. 

" Their Negroes tho' not at this season of the year, are 
almost naked in general — some of them quite as naked as 
they were born, came into our camp to look for pieces of old 
clothes. I don't know how they reconcile this treatment of 
their slaves with their liberal principles of hospitality, when 
a trifle of expense would give them some kind of coarse 
clothes to cover their nakedness [torn]. 

"Skipper's [Skipwith] Farms, 
"Nov. 23 d 1781." 

[Letter 217.] 

"On the 24th, we march' d from Sir Peyton Skipper's 
[Skipwith] farms to the banks of the Roanoke. We began 
to cross the River immediately and by 4 o'clock in the after- 
noon the Pennsylvania Line and baggage was all over and 
we encamp'd [torn'] a number of fine buildings near its Bank. 
Below this, I am informed, occupied by a set of very genteel 
inhabitants. ... 

252 Extracts from the Letter-Booh of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

"On- the 25th, the Artillery and stores crossed the River. 

" On the 26th, a fresh and high wind hindered the cross- 
ing of the Maryland Line. . . . 

" On the 30th the Maryland Line crossed the River in the 
rain. This day I dined with Col. Craig, in company with 
General St. Clair and his family. My guest, Capt. Legare, 
has provided himself with a horse, and has joined the Cav- 
alry, where he has acquaintances, and can have his Beast 
. properly provided for." 

[Balance of this letter and also Letters 218, 219, 220, 221, and 222 are 

[Letter 223.] 

" On the Seventh instant finding I was not likely to be 
furnish'd with Quarters, Doctor King invited me to live 
with him for the remainder of the time I have to stay. . . . 
I live here exceeding happy, having nothing to do but visit 
my men, and recreate myself with the guns, etc. 

" The Doctor is young, and exceeding good company, that 
the time passes Insensibly away, and I shall scarcely miss it 
as it flies. 


" De e 30 th 81." 

[Letter 224.] 

"On the 30 th ultimo I accompanied Mr. George King, 
brother to the Doctor, to have the matrimonial knot tied. 
The young lady is daughter to a Mr. Le Xier, a gentleman 
of a good family in the neighbourhood. She stood the Cere- 
mony with a very good grace ; the company was not nu- 
merous, but genteel ; the evening was spent in supping and 

" On the first instant the company adjoumM, to the Doc- 
tor's, with great additions, among the rest was three South 
Carolina officers, who have been prisoners, and are now on 
their way to join the Army. We had a very genteel dinner, 
after which we enter'd upon Dancing and kept it up till late 
in the evening. I think the Bride looks much improved ; 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 253 

I would advise the ladies of my acquaintance, to try the 
experiment, that is if they want a good colour. It is some- 
thing like putting out to Sea, tho' numbers are shipwreck'd 
(often by their own imprudence) yet so great a propensity 
have we all for Matrimony, that we are willing to try our 
fortune and see if our voyage will not turn out more pros- 


"Jan. 5th, 1782." 

[Letter 225.] 

" On the morning of the 6th instant I mounted my Ros- 
netta and scampered to Mr. Le Nier's, where I expected 
comp'y (Messers George and Edward King) on my way 
to the town of Halifax. Before I got six mile3 on the way, 
I found Rosnetta to be an arrant Scoundrel and would take 
advantage of me upon all occasions. I was in a fine humour 
and in full flow of spirits, — they carrying me at the rate of ten 
knots an hour, and my horse only going at the rate of three 
and a half; and that with the greatest difficulty, sometimes 
whip, sometimes spur, often both. Only figure to yourself, 
my situation, when I would willingly have gone on so 
rapidly, to be kept back, harras'd, and hinder'd, by a per- 
verse lump of clay who would not be brought to join with me, 
neither by fair means or foul. Like many dull readers who 
will rever enter into the spirit of any author nor can they 
be beat into it. — Thy Soul, said I, must have belonged to 
some cold, phlegmatic Pedagogue (please to allow me 
transmigration), who in his life would neither lead nor drive. 
I coaxed him, he went too slow, I whipp'd, 'twas all the 
same, I pricked him with my spur, (as the Yankee girl said) 
— he minded it no more. 

" I would give thee (as a punishment) to a Mahomedan 
to ride or an Indian pagan. No ! I recall that. I think I 
see the Courtious Brahmin advancing from the mouth of thy 
cave, thro' a pleasant Grove, in an inviteing posture, and 
with a benevolent aspect; entreating me a stranger to walk 
in, and share thy homely fare. Generous soul ! when I had 

254 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves, 

come there on purpose to insult thee. Happy man ! would 
that our Christians would follow thy example. Xo ! — God 
forbid that such a man should ride on such a Horse ! well 
then Til ride thee myself, said I, and to it Whip and Spur. 
A punishment indeed ! 

"It would have made vou lau^h, to have seen us at our 
repast, three gentlemen on a journey, sitting by the road- 
side, on an old log, breaking our fast, on bacon and bread, 
and bread and bacon. 'Twas like the knight of the Woe- 
full Countenance seeking melancholly adventures ; and not 
much unlike him was I mounted. 'Tis the Custom of the 

" As we were coming up to an Ordinary, my poney prick' d 
up his ears and trotted up to it very lively. If that is the 
case, I wish you always had a house before you. 

"A bowl of Grog was called for. The fellow came out 
to us with the half of it in a small pewter basin, and as he 
was sensible it was too strong, he was prepared with a little 
gourd full of water. i Pray sir, why did you not make it in 
a bowl V — ' I have none.' ■ A mugg V i none either' — ' you 
shall have it at will Gentlemen.' We must dismount. I had 
but a mean opinion of the house from the outward appear- 
ance, which was ten times worse when I saw the inside ; — a 
crazy table, four old chairs, two of these without seats, and 
the little basin, composed the whole furniture of the house ; 
—in fact, it looked as if they were just going to run away 
from it. His bar was a shelf in a dark corner, on which 
stood a pail of water, a bottle and a horn gill measure, 
which was a rough piece of horn, which no doubt he had 
made to suit his own interest. The mistress of the family, 
was of a pale, sallow complexion, of middle stature. In- 
stead of being the ornament of the family, she looked as if 
some person had thrown her clothes at her, (comparatively 
speaking) for they were on in no kind of form. Three or 
four of the inhabitants of the lower class had collected here, 
and tho' it was remarkably warm for the season, they were 
sitting round a tolerable fire drinking hot Eggnog out of a 
little gourd, enough to roast their souls out. But I suppose 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves, 255 

they thought any thing the best that would make them 
soouest drunk, for in that, the happiness of numbers (here) 
consist. God help them thought I ! As I was preparing 
to pay my pistereen for the Grog, I heard a confused cry of 
' whoa ! — whoa ! ! — whoa ! ! !— d — n you ! ! !' What should it 
be but my horse, who among the rest of his failings, will 
forever slip his bridle (if possible) and here the consequence 
had like to have proved fatal to the house. I had tied him 
to the post of the piazza, and as three posts out of five were 
loose with his pulling, the whole was like to have come 

" "When we came within ten miles of our intended stage 
for the day, on enquireing the way, our old fellow undertook 
to direct us a near way by which we should gain several 
miles. 'You must go' said he, 'round my field,' ('twas 
about the size of a large hog-pen) ' go round my field, and 
you will come into a cart-path, (for all are paths in this 
country) and that will take you about four miles through 
the woods, and then you will come into a great cart-path, 
and turn up that about one hundred yards to the right and 
there the road forks ; you must take to the left, cross two 
bridges and then turn up to Col. Willis Alston's house.' 

"The direction was so plain you would have taken it 
yourself. 'Is there no Road to turn us out of the way?' 
' No, none at all.' The event proved him a liar, before we 
got out of sight of his house. We thought it the only one, 
we followed it about two hundred yards, went back and 
took the other. For about six miles we had to stop and 
hold a council over the forks, and cross-ways, two or three 
times a mile. The Devil take such directions ! We came 
across a little house in the wood and enquired for directions ; 
the fellow said he believed it to be about four miles, but he 
was a stranger in that part, as he had lived there only three 
years. Thou must be an unsociable Soul to live three years 
in a place and not know thy neighbors within four miles. 
Happily we met a little boy about ten years of age, who 
gave proper directions. The old fellow was wrong; the 
second was wrong ; and they were all wrong, but this boy. 

256 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

I was vexed ! When we came to the main road a young 
lady passed us at half speed, I saw she was very handsome, 
and followed. We had a chase of near half a mile; she 
was very handsome, and in the language of the country, 
Clever. She gave me the directions I required, in a soft 
voice and a most engageing accent, and posted off with her 
servant at the same half speed. If I had had a heart to 
lose, I believe she would have taken it with her. We ar- 
rived an hour after dark; the most tedious travelling that 
I ever experienced, is when you don't know the way, nor 
have light enough to see it; we went on by guess. Not 
the sweetest music that I ever heard, was half so pleaseing 
to me, as the cackling of the geese wa3 that evening, when 
we was in a dark road, and neither of us knew the way 

" We were Joyfully Receiv ; d by Col. and Mrs. Alston, — 
Mr. King was her relation. I was treated in a very, very 
friendly manner by the family. 

"Halifax, N. C. 
"Jan' 7 th 82." 

(To be continued.) 

The French FHe in Philadelphia in 1782. 257 


[The following account of the French fete in Philadelphia in honor 
of the Dauphin's birthday, given on Monday evening, July 15, 1782, is 
extracted from a letter of Dr. Benjamin Rush to a lady.] 

Philadelphia, 16 July, 1782. 

Dear Madam : — For some weeks past our city has been 
amused with the expectation of a most splendid entertain- 
ment to be given by the minister of France, to celebrate 
the birthday of the Dauphin of France. Great prepara- 
tions, it was said, were made for that purpose. Hundreds 
crowded daily to see a large frame building which he had 
erected for a dancing room on one side of his house. This 
building, which was sixty feet in front and forty feet deep, 
was supported by large painted pillars, and was open all 
round. The ceiling was decorated with several pieces of 
neat paintings emblematical of the design of the entertain- 
ment. The garden contiguous to this shed was cut into 
beautiful walks, and divided with cedar and pine branches 
into artificial groves. The whole, both the building and 
walks, were accommodated with seats. Besides these prepa- 
rations, we were told that the minister had borrowed thirty 
cooks from the French army, to assist in providing an enter- 
tainment suited to the size and dignity of the company. 
Eleven hundred tickets were distributed, most of them two 
or three weeks before the evening of the entertainment. 

Forty were sent to the governor of each state, to be dis- 
tributed by them to the principal officers and gentlemen of 
their respective governments, and, I believe, the same num- 
ber to General Washington, to be distributed to the prin- 
cipal officers of the army. For ten days before the enter- 
tainment, nothing else was talked of in our city. The shops 
were crowded with customers. Hair dressers were retained ; 
tailors, milliners and mantua-makers were to be seen, cov- 
ered with sweat and out of breath, in every street. Monday, 
July 15th, was the long expected evening. 

258 The French Ftte in Philadelphia in 1782. 

The morning of this day was ushered in by a corps of 
hair dressers, occupying the place of the city watchmen. 
Many ladies were obliged to have their heads dressed be- 
tween four and six o'clock in the morning, so great was the 
demand and so numerous the engagements this day of the 
gentlemen of the comb. At half past seven o'clock was 
the time fixed in the tickets for the meeting of the company. 
The approach of the hour was proclaimed by the rattling of 
all the carriages in the city. The doors and windows of 
the streets which led to the minister's were lined with 
people, and near the minister's house was a collection of all 
the curious and idle men, women and children in the city, 
who were not invited to the entertainment, amounting, prob- 
ably, to ten thousand people. . . . The minister was not un- 
mindful of this crowd of spectators. He had previously 
pulled down a board fence and put up a neat palisado fence 
before the dancing room and walks, on purpose to gratify 
them with a sight of the company and the entertainment. 
He intended further to have distributed two pipes of Madeira 
wine and §600 in small change among them ; but he was 
dissuaded from this act of generosity by some gentlemen of 
the city, who were afraid that it might prove the occasion 
of a riot or some troublesome proceedings. The money 
devoted to this purpose was charitably distributed among 
the prisoners in the jails, and patients in the hospital in the 
city. About eight o'clock our family, consisting of Mrs. 
Rush, our cousin Susan Hall, our sister Suker and myself, 
with our good neighbours Mrs. and Mr. Henry, entered the 
apartment provided for this splendid entertainment. We 
were received through a wide ^ate bv the minister and con- 
ducted by one of his family to the dancing room. The 
scene now almost exceeds description. The numerous lights 
distributed through the garden, the splendor of the room 
we were approaching, the size of the company which was 
now collected and which consisted of about 700 persons : 
the brilliancy and variety of their dresses, and the band of 
music which had just begun to play, formed a scene which 
resembled enchantment. Sukey Stockton said "her mind 

The Drench Fite in Philadelphia in 1782. 259 

was carried beyond and out of itself." We entered the 
room together, and here we saw the world in miniature. 
All the ranks, parties and professions in the city, and all 
the officers of government were fully represented in this 
assembly. Here were ladies and gentlemen of the most 
ancient as well as modern families. Here were lawyers, 
doctors and ministers of the gospel. Here were the learned 
faculty of the college, and among them many who knew not 
whether Cicero plead in Latin or in Greek; or whether 
Horace was a Eoman or a Scotchman. Here were painters 
and musicians, poets and philosophers, and men who were 
never moved by beauty or harmony, or by rhyme or reason. 
Here were merchants and gentlemen of independent for- 
tunes, as well as many respectable and opulent tradesmen. 
Here were Whigs and men who formerly bore the character 
of Tories. Here were the president and members of con- 
gress, governors of states and generals of armies, ministers 
of finance and war, and foreign affairs ; judges of superior 
and inferior courts, with all their respective suites and as- 
sistants, secretaries and clerks. In a word, the assembly 
was truly republican. The company was mixed, it is true, 
but the mixture formed the harmony of the evening. Every- 
body seemed pleased. Pride and ill-nature for a while for- 
got their pretentions and offices, and the whole assembly 
behaved to each other as if they had been members of the 
same family. It was impossible to partake of the joy of the 
evening without being struck with the occasion of it. It was 
to celebrate the birth of the Dauphin of France. 

How great the revolution in the mind of an American ! 
to rejoice in the birth of an heir to the crown of France, 
a country against which he had imbibed prejudices as an- 
cient as the wars between France and England. How 
strange ! for a protestant to rejoice in the birth of a prince, 
whose religion he had been always taught to consider as 
unfriendly to humanity. And above all how new the 
phenomenon for republicans to rejoice in the birth of a 
prince, who must one day be the support of monarchy and 
slavery. Human nature in this instance seems to be turned 

260 The French Ftte in Philadelphia in 1782, 

inside outwards. The picture is still agreeable, inasmuch 
as it shows us in the clearest point of view that there are no 
prejudices so strong, no opinions so sacred, and no contradic- 
tions so palpable, that will not yield to the love of liberty. 

The appearance and characters, as well as the employ- 
ment of the company naturally suggested the idea of Ely- 
sium given by the ancient poets. Here were to be seen 
heroes and patriots in close conversation with each other. 
Washington and Dickinson held several dialogues together. 
Here were to be seen men conversing with each other who 
had appeared in all the different stages of the American 
war. Dickinson and Morris frequently reclined together 
against the same pillar. Here were to be seen statesmen 
and warriors, from the opposite ends of the continent, talk- 
ing of the history of the war in their respective states. 
Rutledge and Walton from the south, here conversed with 
Lincoln and Duane from the east and north. Here and 
there, too, appeared a solitary character walking among the 
artificial bowers in the garden. The celebrated author of 
" Common Sense" retired frequently from the company to 
analyze his thoughts and to enjoy the repast of his own 
original ideas. Here were to be seen men who had opposed 
each other in the councils and parties of their country, for- 
getting all former resentments and exchanging civilities 
with each other. Mifflin and Eeed accosted each other with 
all the kindness of ancient friends. Here were to be seen 
men of various countries and languages, such as Americans 
and Frenchmen, Englishmen and Scotchmen, Germans and 
Irishmen, conversing with each other like children of one 
father. And lastly, here were to be seeu the extremes of 
the civilized and savasre life. An Indian chief in his savage 
habits, and the count Rochambeau in his splendid and ex- 
pensive uniform, talked with each other as if they had been 
the subjects of the same government, generals in the same 
army, and partakers of the same blessings of civilized life. 

About half an hour after eisrht o'clock the sisrnal was 
given for the dance to begin. Each lady was provided with 
a partner before she came. The heat of the evening de- 

The French Fete in Philadelphia in 1782. 261 

terred above one half of the company from dancing. Two 
sets however, appeared upon the floor during the remaining 
part of the evening. 

On one side of the room were provided two private apart- 
ments, where a number of servants attended to help the 
company to all kinds of cool and agreeable drinks, with 
sweet cakes, fruit and the like. 

Between these apartments and under the orchestra, there 
was a private room where several Quaker ladies, whose dress 
would not permit them to join the assembly, were indulged 
with a sight of the company through a gauze curtain. 

This little attention to the curiosity of the ladies marks 
in the strongest manner the minister's desire to oblige 

At nine o'clock were exhibited a number of rockets from 
a stage erected in a large open lot before the minister's house. 
They were uncommonly beautiful and gave universal satis- 
faction. At twelve o'clock the company was called to supper. 
It was laid behind the dancing room under three large tents, 
so connected together as to make one large canopy. Under 
this canopy were placed seven tables, each of which was 
large enough to accommodate fifty people. 

The ladies who composed nearly one half the whole as- 
sembly, took their seats first, with a small number of gen- 
tlemen to assist in helping them. The supper was a cold 
collation; simple, frugal and elegant, and handsomely set 
off" with a dessert consisting of cakes and all the fruits of 
the season. The Chevalier de la Luzerne now appeared 
with all the splendor of the minister and all the politeness 
of a gentleman. He walked along the tables and addressed 
himself in particular to every lady. A decent and respect- 
ful silence pervaded the whole company. Intemperance 
did not show its head; levity composed its countenance, 
and even humour itself forgot for a few moments its usual 
haunts; and the simple jest, no less than the loud laugh, 
were unheard at any of the tables. So great and universal 
was the decorum, and so totally suspended was every species 
of convivial noise, that several gentlemen remarked that the 

262 The French Ftte in Philadelphia in 1782. 

" company looked and behaved more as if they were wor- 
shipping than eating." In a word, good breeding was 
acknowledged, bv universal consent, to be mistress of the 
evening, and the conduct of the votaries at supper formed 
the conclusion of her triumph. Notwithstanding all the 
agreeable circumstances that have been mentioned, many 
of the company complained of the want of something else 
to render the entertainment complete. Everybody felt- 
pleasure but it was of too tranquil a nature. Many people 
felt sentiments, but they were produced by themselves, and 
did not arise from any of the amusements of the evening. 
The company expected to feel joy, and their feelings were 
in unison with nothing short of it. An ode on the birth of 
the Dauphin, sung or repeated, would have answered the 
expectations and corresponded with the feelings of every- 
body. The understanding and taste of the company would 
have shared with the senses in the pleasures of the evening. 
The enclosed ode written, by Mr. William Smith, son of the 
Rev. Dr. Smith, was composed for the occasion, but from 
what cause I know not, it did not make its appearance. It 
has great merit, and could it have been set to music, or 
spoken publickly, must have formed a most delightful and 
rational part of the entertainment. About one o'clock the 
company began to disperse, our family moved with the fore- 
most of them. Before three o'clock the whole compauy 
parted, every candle was extinguished, and midnight en- 
joyed her dark and solitary reign in every part of the minis- 
ter's house and garden. Thus I have given you a full 
account of the rejoicing on the birth of the Dauphin of 

If it serves to divert your thoughts for an hour or two 
from the train of reflections to which the shades and walks 

of at this season of the year, too naturally dispose you, I 

shall be more than satisfied and shall esteem the history 
which my attendance at the minister's house has enabled 
me to give you, as the most fortunate and agreeable event 
(as to myself) of the whole evening. . . . 

Benjamin Rush. 

Notes and Queries. 263 


General Edmund P. Gaines's Official Report of the Battle 
of Fort Erie, August 15, 1814. — The Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania has been presented by Colonel E. P. Stacey, of Dover, Delaware, 
with the original MS. " General Orders" of General Edmund P. Gaines, 
issued after the battle of Fort Erie, August 15, 1814. This valuable 
document, in the handwriting of Lieutenant Samuel Sewall Stacey, of 
the Sixth Massachusetts Infantry, grandfather of the donor, is signed by 
Roger Jones, the Assistant Adjutant- General of General Gaines. 

. . " Adjt General's Office 

" Hd Quarters Fort Erie U. C. 
"August 23d. 18H. 

"General Orders — 

" Brigadier General Gaines owes an Apology to the gallant Army 
under his Command for delaying until this Day the tender of his grate- 
ful acknowledgements and warmest Thanks for the steady Disciplined 
Valor, and determined Bravery, with which they received and beat the 
Enemy on the Morning of the 15th inst. The want of Returns and 
particular Reports from the Commanding Officers of Corps, to enable 
the General to do Justice to all, has rendered this delay unavoidable. 
The Reports are in part received, but in taking a review of the various 
Acts of individual bravery, and good Conduct which he witnessed among 
all grades of Officers, Non Commissioned Officers and Privates, he per- 
ceives that to mention the names and gallant acts of all would fill a vol- 
ume. Our beloved and grateful Country will acknowledge that this 
Army has done its Duty. 

" The General calls the attention of the Army to the subjoined Order 
of Lieut. General Drummond, by which they will see the plan of Attack, 
the Corps employed, and the Enemy's determination to make a 'free use 
of the Bayonet? 

"The night of the Battle of Fort Erie will be long remembered by 
every gallant Spirit of the Army. It was stormy and dark— dark as the 
designs of the Murderous Foe, who resolved to give no quarter — but our 
faithful Centinels slept not. At half past two in the morning the right 
Column of the Enemy approached. His footsteps were heard, his course 
was marked by a blaze of fire from Captain Towson's Artillery and 
Major Wood's 21st Infy on our left. Five times the Enemy attempted 
to carry this Point with the Bayonet (having taken out their flints) and 
five times was he repulsed with great loss. The Cannon and Musquetry, 
on the right, now announc'd the approach of the Centre and left Col- 
umns of the Enemy under Colonels Drummond and Scott. The latter 
was received by the Veteran 9th under the Command of Captain Foster, 
and Captains Boughton and Harding's companies of New York and 
Penna. Volunteers aided by a 6 P r judiciously posted by Major McKee, 
Chief Engineer who was most active and useful at this Point. The 
Enemy was repulsed. The Centre Column under Colonel Drummond 

264 Notes and Queries. 

was not long kept in Check, it approached at once every assailable point 
of the Fort and with Scaling Ladders ascended the Parapet, but was 
repulsed, with tearful carnage. The assault was twice repeated, and as 
often checked, but the Enemy having moved round in the ditch, covered 
by darkness added to the heavy cloud of Smoke which had rolled from 
our Cannon, and mtisquetry enveloping surrounding objects, repeated 
the charge, reascended their Ladders. Their Pikes, Bayonets and 
Spears fell upon our gallant Artillerists. The heroic Spirits of our favor- 
ite Captain Williams and Lieuts. McDonough and Watmaugh, with their 
brave men were overcome. The two former and several of their men 
received Deadly Wounds — our bastion was lost. Lieut. McDonough 
being severely wounded demanded Quarter. It was refused by Col. 
Drummond. The Lieut, then seized a Handspike and nobly defended 
himself until he was shot down with a pistol by the Monster, who had 
refused him quarter, who often reiterated the order ' Give the d — d 
Yankee rascals no Quarter !' This officer whose bravery if it had been 
seasoned with Virtue, would have entitled him to the admiration of 
every soldier, this hardened murderer, soon met his merited fate — he was 
shot thro' the breast by Jacob Plank, private of the 19th Reg* whilst 
repeating the order to give no Quarter. 

"The battle now raged with increased fury on our right; but on the 
left the Enemy was repulsed and put to flight. Thence and from the 
Centre the General ordered re-enforcements ; they were promptly sent by 
Brig. General Ripley and Brig 1- General Porter. Capt. Fanning of the 
Corps of Artillery kept up a spirited and destructive fire with the field 
pieces, on the Enemy attempting to approach the Fort. 

"Major Hindman's gallant efforts, aided by Major Trimble having 
failed to drive the Enemy from the Bastion ; with the remaining Artil- 
lerists & Infantry in the Fort, Captain Birdsall of the 4th R. Reg' with 
a detachment of Riflemen gallantly rushed in thro' the gateway to 
their assistance, and with some Infantry charged the Enemy, but was 
repulsed and the Captain severely wounded. A detachment from the 
11th, 19th and 22d Infantry under Captain Foster of the 11th, were 
introduced over the interior bastion for the purpose of charging the 
Enemy. Major Hall Asst. Inspector General very handsomely tendered 
his services to lead the charge. The charge was gallantly made by 
Captain Foster and Major Hall, but owing to the narrowness of the pas- 
sage up to the bastion, admitting only two or three men abreast, it failed. 
It was often repeated and as often checked. The Enemy's force in the 
bastion was however, much cut to pieces and diminished by our Artil- 
lery and small arms. At this moment every operation was arrested by 
the explosion of some Cartridges deposited in the end of the Stone build- 
ing adjoining the contested Bastion. The explosion was majestically 
splendid and terrible. The Bastion was restored. At this moment Cap- 
tain Biddle was ordered to cause a field piece to be posted so as to en- 
filade the Exterior plain and salient Glacis. The Captain though not 
recovered from a severe contusion in the shoulder received from one 
of the Enemy's shells, promptly took his position and served his field 
piece with vivacity and effect. Captain Fanning's battery likewise 
played upon them at this time with great effect. The Enemy were in a 
few minutes entirely defeated, likewise put to flight, leaving on the field 
221 killed, 174 wounded, and 186 prisoners : Total 581, including 14 
officers killed 7 wounded and prisoners. A large portion so severely 
wounded that they cannot survive, the slightly wounded it is presumed 
were carried off. 

"To Brigadier General Ripley much credit is due for the judicious dis- 

Notes and Queries. 265 

position of the left wing previous to the action and for the steady disci- 
plined courage manifested by him and his immediate Command, and for 
the promptness with which he complied with orders for re-enforcements 
during the action. Brig r General Porter commanding the New York 
and Penna. Volunteers manifested a degree of vigilance and judgement 
in his preparatory arrangements, as well as military skill and courage in 
action which proves him to be worthy the confidence of his Country and 
the brave Volunteers who fought under him. Of the Volunteers, Cap- 
tains Boughton and Harding with their detachments posted and attached 
to the line, commanded by Captain E. Foster of the Veteran 9th, hand- 
somely contributed to the repulse of the Enemy's column. 

" The judicious preparations and steady conduct of Lieut. Colonel 
Aspinwall commanding the first Brigade merit the General's approbation. 

" To Major McKee, chief engineer, the greatest credit is due for the 
excellent arrangement and skilful execution of his plan for fortifying 
and defending our position, as well as for his active exertions in defend- 
ing the right, and for his correct and seasonable suggestions to the Gen- 
eral to regain the Bastion. Major Wood of the Engineers, also greatly 
contributed to the previous measures of defence. He had accepted the 
command of a regiment of Infantry (the 21st.) for which he has often 
proved himself well qualified, but never so conspicuously as on this oc- 
casion. He had the singular good fortune to receive, in conjunction 
with the gallant Captain Towson of the Artillery the first attack — never 
was the point of attack more ably or more gallantly defended than on 
this occasion by Major Wood and Capt. Towson, and the officers and 
men under their command. Towson's battery on Snake or Bunker's 
Hill emitted a constant sheet of fire, prodigiously splendid. Wood's 
small arms lighted up the space and repulsed five terrible charges, made 
between the Battery and the Lake. Brig r Gen. Eipley and Major Wood 
speak in high terms of the officers and men engaged, particularly Cap- 
tains Marston and Ropes; Lieuts. Riddle of the 15th, (doing duty with 
the 21st), Bowman, Hall, Learned and Bean, and Ensigns Greene, 
Jones, Cummings and Thomas of the 21st. ; Capt. Chunn, of the 17th ; 
and Lieut. Neally of the 19th. 

" Major Hindman and the whole of the artillery under the command of 
that excellent officer displayed a degree of gallantry and good conduct 
not to be surpassed. The particular situation of Captain Towson and of 
the much lamented Capt. Williams and Lieut. McDonough — and that of 
Lieut. Wat naugh, as already described with their respective commands 
rendered them most conspicuous. The courage and good couduct of 
Lieut. Zantzinger and Lieut. Childs are spoken of in highest terms by 
Major Hindman and Capt. Towson, and also that of Sergeant Major 
Denoon. Captains Biddle and Fanning posted on the centre and right 
of the intrenchments, threw their shot to the right, left centre and 
front with considerable effect, and annoyed the Enemy's light troops and 
Indians approaching from the Woods. " Lieut. Fontaine in his zeal to 
meet the Enemy was unfortunately wounded and made prisoner. Lieut. 
Bird was active and useful, and in fact every individual of the Corps did 
their duty. 

" The detachment of Scott's gallant Brigade, consisting of the 9th, 
11th, and 22nd Infantry did its duty in a manner worthy the high repu- 
tation the Brigade had acquired at 'Chippawa and at the Falls of Niagara. 
The 9th, under the command of Capt. Edmund Foster was actively en- 
gaged against the left of the Enemy and with the aid of Lieut. Douglass 
commanding the Water Battery, and that of the Volunteers under Cap- 
tains Boughton and Harding effected their repulse. Of the good con- 
VOL. XXI. — 18 

266 Notes and Queries. 

duct of Lieut. Childs of the 9th, the General was satisfied as with that 
of Lieuts. Cushman, Foot and Ensign Blake. 

"To Major Jones, Asst. Adjutant General, and Major Hall, Asst In- 
spector General, Capt. Harris, of the Dragoons, Volt r . Aid-de-Camp, 
and Lieut. Belton, of the Dragoons, Aid-de-Camp, and Lieut. Gleason, 
Brigade Major, great credit is due for their constant vigilance and strict 
attention to every duty, previous to the action, and the steady courage, 
zeal, and activity which they manifested during the action. 

" The Surgeons, Doctors Fuller, 23rd, Trowbridge 21st, with their Mates 
Doctors Gale of the 23rd, and Everett and Allen of the 21st, merit the 
General's warmest approbation for their indefatigable exertions and 
humane attentions to the wounded of our army, as well as to the pris- 
oners who fell into our hands. 

" The officers killed are Captain Alexander J. Williams and Lieut. 
Patrick McDonough of the Artillery ; wounded Lieut. Watmaugh of 
the Artillery, severely; Ensign Cisna of the 19th, Lieut. Bushnell of the 
19th, Lieuts. Brown and Belknap of the 23rd., and Captain Birdsall 4th 
R. Regt. all severely. Lieut. Fontaine of the Artillery, who was taken 

Erisoner writes from the British camp, that he fortunately fell into the 
ands of the Indians, who after taking his money, treated him kindly. 
It would seem then that the Bed Savages had not joined their British 
allies, in the resolution to give no quarter. 

" By Command of Genl. Gaines, 

" R. Jones 

"As*. A. Genl." 

In re Marriage Proposals. — The following is a copy of the orig- 
inal manuscript in the collection of the Historical Society of Pennsyl- 
vania, and is endorsed " John Griffiths directions in case of either of 
his Daughters proposals of marriage." 

" Memorandum 13 th ll mo 1766. Whereas my distant Situation from my 
children renders it necessary to reffer my Daughters Amy & Rebecca to 
some solid Judicious friends (In case either or both of them should en- 
cline to enter into a Maried State) for advice and Counsel — I do there- 
fore hereby appoint my Sister Mary Speakman, my friends Isaac Zanes, 
John Pemberton and Edmund Holingshead, or any two of them, unto 
whom I do fully resign my right as a parent of Consenting, advising and 
Directing in this Important affair of mariage, as fully to all Intents and 
purposes as if I were present to do it myself. And I entreat them to be 
assistant to them in all other cases wherein they may have ocation of 
their advice & Counsel and I do enjoin my said Daughters to regard 
& submit unto the said frds Counsel & direction as if given to them by 

"John Griffith." 

Dr. John Kearsley, Senior. — It is remarkable for one whose his- 
tory in church, charitable, and professional work was prominently 
recognized that so little is known of his domestic affairs. Who was 
Anne, his first wife? When and where did the marriage take place, 
and what were her family connections? No biographical sketch of his 
life gives the answer. 

The annals of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania record the death 
of the "young wife of Doctor Kearsley, Sr.," which occurred in August 
of 1747, during a prevailing fever of that summer. 
^ A tradition of the Valleau family existed that Dr. Kearsley had mar- 
ried one of the daughters of Magdalen Valleau. Until recently, those 

Notes and Queries. 267 

of the Valleau family who are interested in obtaining correct genea- 
logical evidence confirming this tradition have failed to do so. A copy 
has now been found of the M American Medical Record," Vol. IV., pub- 
lished in Philadelphia in 1621. The volume contains a memoir of Dr. 
Samuel Bard, and it is therein stated that " his mother was a Miss Val- 
leau, who was a niece of the highly respected Doctor John Kearsley, Sr., 
of Philadelphia." Given on the authority of his son William Bard, hi3 
son-in-law Rev. Dr. John McVicker, and Dr. Hosack. 

The niece referred to was a niece of Mrs. Dr. Kearsley. Mrs. 
Kearsley was a daughter of Pierre Fauconnier. Her name was Anne 
Magdalen. Her sister married Peter Valleau, whose daughter inter- 
married with Dr. John Bard, father of Dr. Samuel Bard. 

Another daughter of Pierre Fauconnier, Jeanne Elizabeth, was the wife 
of Robert Assheton, one of the Supreme Judges, and was also one of the 
Provincial Councillors of Pennsylvania. Assheton died suddenly at the 
council-table in 1727. In 1729 his widow was married to Rev. Archibald 
Cummings, who dying in 1741, Mrs. Cummings was again married, 
to the succeeding rector of Christ Church, Rev. Robert Jenny, D.D. 
Dr. Jenny died January 25, 1762, and Mrs. Jenny a few days later. The 
remains of both lie under a marble slab in front of the chancel at Christ 
Church. W. K. Valleau. 

Glenn — Wilson. — Ancestry is requested of John Glenn, of York 
County, Pennsylvania, who served in Braddock's array. He married a 
Miss Spratt, and moved to North Carolina prior to the Revolution. 
Information is also requested of the ancestry of John Wilson, a boy 
during the siege of Londonderry, Ireland, and whose father was one of 
the defenders. He came to Pennsylvania, lived at Rocky Spring Church, 
near Newville, and married Sarah Reid. His eldest son, John, married 
Mary Wray, and removed to North Carolina. The fourth son, Samuel, 
graduated from Princeton in 1782, and was pastor of Big Spring Church. 

L. C. Glenn. 

Johns Hopkins University. 

Geemantown Academy. — Any one having any old papers or manu- 
scripts relating in any way to the earlier history of the Germantown 
Academy, known also as the " Germantown Union School" and the 
" Public School of Germantown," or who can give any information re- 
lating to the scholars of this school prior to 1860, will confer a favor 
by communicating with the undersigned, as the trustees desire to pre- 
serve by publication the records of the school, together with a list of 
the scholars. 

Charles J. Wister, President. 

Main Street, opposite Queen Lane, Germantown. 

Harrold E. Gillingham, Secretary. 

410 West Lehman Street, Germantown. 

Langhorne— Maulsby— Lloyd. — About the year 1744 Mary Laug- 
horne, daughter of John Langhorne and Mary Wheeler, of St. Bride's, 
Wales, ran off from home and came to Philadelphia. The captain of the 
vessel put her in charge of a Mr. Lloyd (said to be a silk merchant), 
who knew her family in Wales. She refused to return home, and before 
many months was married from his house to David Maulsby, of 

268 Notes and Queries. 

Plymouth, Montgomery County, Pennsylvania. Can any one tell me of 
this Mr. Llovd, or where Mary Langhorne's marriage record may be 
found? Ella K. Barnard. 

1750 Park Avenue, Baltimore, Maryland. 

History of Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania. By 
William Robert Shepherd, Ph.D., Prize Lecturer in History, Colum- 
bia University, New York. 

W. R. Shepherd brings to his task abundant industry and sincere 
honesty. His work is a valuable contribution to Pennsylvania history. 
The Colonial Records and Laws, Pennsylvania Archives, and Penn's 
MSS. have been carefully examined. Numerous pamphlets and dis- 
cussions and to some extent the newspapers of the day have been con- 
sulted. The work is divided into two departments, the land policy and 
the government. It is a series of monographs with very little needless 

The sources of Penn's title both to the Province and to " the Three 
Lower Counties" are quite fully treated. A genuine effort is made to 
throw some light upon the confused practices of the land office. The 
probability is that the general reader will turn from this chapter with 
the same impressions that Mr. Shepherd had when he entered upon it. 
The land policy of the Proprietary, we are told, was beneficial to the 
Province because "an Englishman three thousand miles away and pos- 
sessing but little real power, was not greatly to be feared," whereas "a 
Pennsylvanian might have succeeded in establishing a monopoly." 
Whether this land policy was in any way responsible for the remarkable 
growth of the Colony we are not told. A partial investigation of Indian 
affairs is made, assuming in the beginning that Penn's ideas in relation 
to the Indians were " somewhat imaginative," since " he believed, strangely 
enough, that the aborigines were descendants of the ten lost tribes of 

In extenuation of Penn's conception it might be said that knowledge 
on these subjects was at that time far more meagre than now. Even 
Conrad Weiser, who was the devoted friend of the Iroquois for over thirty 
years, entertained similar notions. Indeed, both Weiser and Penn had 
an optimistic faith in the Indian, which, mingled with their religious 
natures, might naturally account for such conclusions in that age. 

Mr. Shepherd states further that Penn's " purpose, however lofty, was 
a mistaken one, and could not be realized because it arose from ignorance 
of the essential characteristics of the Indian nature." 

We are left to infer that this " ignorance" arose from Penn's desire 
that juries in cases affecting an Indian should be composed equally 
of white men and red men. The absurdity of this notion Mr. Shep- 
herd tells us "was speedily revealed." When this occurred we are 
not told. The law was repealed by William and Mary when the Prov- 
ince was temporarily taken from Penn's control. It was customary for 
Indians to be present at the trials of their own people for many years 

The conviction at Chester of John and Walter Winters for the murder 
of two innocent Indians took place in the presence of several red men. 
It was afterwards referred to at numerous Indian treaties. The request 
of the Six Nations for the pardon of John Cartlidge, who murdered an 

Notes and Queries. 269 

Indian, illustrates Conrad Weiser's repeated assertions relative to the 
nature of the primitive Indian, and those assertions were in singular 
accord with William Penn's ideas on the same subject. 

Indeed, one is slightly surprised that Mr. Shepherd, with his tireless 
industry, should have concluded this chapter on Indian affairs without 
examining the journals of Christian Frederick Post, George Croghan, 
and Conrad Weiser, especially since the latter seems to have shaped the 
Indian policy of the Province for over thirty years. 

The causes of the remarkable boundary difficulties are quite carefully 
discussed. The numerous border disputes which embarrassed and de- 
layed the settlement of the Maryland trouble are not given. Much 
valuable material is presented on the Wyoming dispute. 

The second part of this work is devoted to government in the Province. 
The evolution of Penn's frame, the workings of the Council, the diffi- 
culties with the lower counties, the issuing of bills of credit, and the long 
struggle between the Assembly and the Proprietors are followed in much 

William Penn is "characterized as a seventeenth-century idealist of 
the more attractive and genial type, one whose knowledge was as exten- 
sive as his piety, whose reputation as a courtier was second only to his 
capacity for religious enthusiasm, and who, though benevolent, never 
lost sight of private advantage . . . his philanthropic schemes did not 
entirely exclude the thought of gain. . . . The spirit of William Penn 
was not of the Puritan, who desired to make New England the possession 
of the saints alone, and who labored to shut out all who did not hold 
religious views identical with his own. 

" His plan was nobler and broader than this. . . . His views were 
those of the enlightened lover of humanity. He desired that some 
secluded spot might be chosen where, under the most favorable conditions, 
purity and virtue might flourish till they appeared in bold contrast with 
the immoralities of the age, where freedom of religious belief and prac- 
tice might be enjoyed, and where truth and Christian charity might 
triumph over all that was narrow and persecuting." 

An interesting chapter on the oath and affirmation illustrates some of 
the difficulties experienced in adjusting matters of conscience with mat- 
ters of state. Mr. Shepherd finally concludes that if " the Quaker sys- 
tem of government, lacking as it was in the means of securing by the 
use of oaths satisfactory judicial information, and by force of arms 
adequate military protection," had " been carried to its" legitimate con- 
clusion, great confusion must have resulted." Indeed, we are led to 
infer that it was the peculiar tenets of the people called Quakers that 
prevented the Assembly from adequately defending the frontier and led 
it to be duped by false witnesses. The real causes of the deepening 
quarrel between the Assembly and the Proprietors are not brought 
prominently to the surface. 

It would seem from Mr. Shepherd that the reluctance on the part of 
the Assembly to act promptly resulted more from members of the Society 
of Friends persistently blocking legislation than from the action of the 
Proprietors ; while it is generally supposed that the Proprietors' determi- 
nation to avoid paying tax on their land, to prevent the Assembly from 
issuing bills of credit, and to deprive border counties of their right to 
try their own criminals, as in the case of Stump in Cumberland County, 
constituted the most potent causes in this affair. 

In the differences between Franklin and the Proprietors, Mr. Shepherd 
seriously questions the veracity of " Poor Richard" in his charges against 
the Penns. 

270 Notes and Queries. 

Asa whole, the work recommends itself to the careful consideration of 
the student of history. The author comes among us with all honesty of 
purpose. His conclusions, though few and guarded, illustrate how hard 
it is to become one of us. His research is worthy of admiration and 
imitation. His work has brought within reach and partially refined a 
vast amount of crude material. 

The Talcott Papers, Correspondence and Documents (chiefly Offi- 
cial) during Joseph Taleott's Governorship of the Colony of Con- 
necticut, 1724-41. Edited by Mary Kingsbury Talcott. Vol. I., 
1724-36; Vol. II., 1736-41. Published by the Connecticut His- 
torical Society, 1892-96. Pp. 417, 517. 

The history of Connecticut, like that of most of the other of the original 
thirteen Colonies, remains to be written. It is not a little remarkable 
that the only work that can be considered in any way adequate wa3 
finished eighty years ago by the historian Trumbull, a man who, although 
writing with unusual candor for one who lived in the midst of many of 
the events he narrates, knew little history beyond that of the Colony he 
served so well, and was indifferent to many aspects of that history which 
are considered essential in modern works. Trumbull made use of tradi- 
tion as well as of documentary evidence; and though his conclusions as 
well as his statements are never to be lightly set aside, nevertheless there 
is grievous need to-day, not only for the people of Connecticut but for 
all interested in the history of our country, for a work which shall be 
written with due regard to all the canons of historical criticism and with 
such largeness of view as to bring out clearly the relation of Connecticut 
to England and the sister Colonies. 

Such a history can be written only after a thorough exploitation has 
been made of the material contained within the State itself and to be 
found in the archives of the neighboring Colonies, a3 well as in both 
public and private collections in England. Such a history should include 
not only the political life of the Colony and the State but it3 social, 
economic, and religious life also. This is a large task, and one that can 
be accomplished only through the co-operation of many laborers in the 
field. For many years historical interest in Connecticut lay dormant. 
Few students were attracted to its archives, and fewer still knew of the 
wealth of documentary material that the Historical Society possessed. 
The policy of those in control— not unlike that of others in charge of 
valuable historical collections in this country — was not friendly to inves- 
tigators. Fortunately, this period of exclusiveness is past, and with 
younger hands controlling affairs a new life ha*s been infused into the 
old historical organization, a more liberal policy has been adopted, and 
admirable results have been attained. The first fruits of the new regime 
are the volumes, the titles of which are placed at the head of this notice, 
which contain the letters and other official papers of Joseph Talcott, who 
was Governor of Connecticut from 1724 to 1741. 

This is the first attempt that the Society has made to publish in any- 
thing like a complete form the materials which it possesses. Hitherto 
it has been content to print isolated pamphlets or collections of unrelated 
papers, some, indeed, of great value, but others of less importance or of 
only local interest. In nearly seventy years of its existence, for it was 
founded in 1825, the Society has put forth but two volumes of collections ; 
since 1892 it has issued three volumes, has two others in the press, and 
still more in contemplation, to be pushed as rapidly as funds and good 
editors can be secured. Volume III. contains Pierson's " Some Helps 

Notes and Queries. 271 

for the Indians," Gershom Bulkeley's " Will and Doom," Trumbull's 
" Extracts from Letters to T. Prince," and Wolcott's "Memoir relating 
to Connecticut." Volumes IV. and V. contain " The Talcott Papers." 
Volume VI., already in print (except the index) and to be issued at an 
early day, contains the early town votes of Hartford prior to 1716, and 
will be the most important publication of this character in the history 
of Connecticut. Volume VII. will contain, together with other similar 
revolutionary matter, "A Concise Journal, or Minutes of the principal 
movements toward St. John's (Chambly) of the siege and surrender of 
the forts there in 1775." This is an interesting journal of the Rev. Dr. 
Trumbull, a chaplain in the army, and gives a detailed account of all 
the military operations in which he was engaged during the period men- 
tioned. It is also proposed to put into print the correspondence of other 
colonial governors, as, for example, of Jonathan Law, who succeeded 
Talcott in 1741, now in the manuscript vault of the Society. 

After this brief note upon the work of the Society, let us examine the 
character and importance of " The Talcott Papers." The work concerns 
a period of little political but of great economic activity, not only in 
Connecticut but in all the Colonies as well, — a period during which the 
colonists were enjoying the benefits of that policy of wise neglect which 
characterized the English government during the reigns of the first and 
second Georges. This policy made it possible for the colonists to increase 
their own wealth without regard to England's commercial regulations, 
which had hitherto hampered their actions. It was a period of religious 
change, when New England was becoming a battle-ground between 
Congregationalists, Anglicans, and Methodists. It was a period of finan- 
cial unrest, when the Colonies were issuing bills of credit and involving 
themselves in financial crises which were injuring their credit among 
themselves and bringing down upon them the wrath of the home gov- 
ernment because the depreciation of the bills and the raising of the 
rate of exchange were considered injurious to British commerce. It was 
a period when important legal questions were in process of settlement, 
such as the extent to which the Colony could legislate for itself, the mean- 
ing of the term " contrary to the law of England," the right of appeal 
from the colonial courts to the king in council, and the power of the 
king to declare legislative acts of the Colonies null and void. It was a 
period when boundaries were being settled and disputes were arising on 
all sides owing to differences of opinion regarding the ownership of 
border lands, which were bound to come as the Colonies increased in size 
and number of inhabitants and began to push out from the original 
centres of settlement to the far-lying districts. On all these matters, 
particularly as relating to Connecticut, "The Talcott Papers" throw light. 
These volumes contain letters to and from the governors and other public 
men of Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New York; to 
and from the colonial agents and other important men in England ; to 
and from the Board of Trade. They contain official documents of the 
law-making bodies of the New England Colonies and New York ; in- 
structions from the king, the commissioners of customs, and the lords 
justices; proceedings of committees; certificates of officials and deposi- 
tions of witnesses; proclamations of king and governor; petitions, me- 
morials, and addresses ; orders in council, representations of the Board of 
Trade, letters, and extracts from contemporary diaries. Altogether there 
are more than four hundred and seventy-five documents, carefully ar- 
ranged and excellently indexed. Among the subjects to which these 
refer are the intestacy law, the Mohegan question, the war with Spain, 
bills of credit, ports of entry, admiralty courts, coasting trade, Chris- 

272 Notes and Queries. 

tianizing the Indians, boundaries between Connecticut and New York 
on one side and Rhode Island on the other, etc. 

The work is done in a very scholarly manner. Save for a few docu- 
ments in the first volume which have been somewhat " modernized," 
the matter is printed verbatim as in the original. Valuable notes have 
been added by the editor which throw no little light upon the persons 
concerned and often give valuable information upon the larger constitu- 
tional questions. Altogether the attempt of the Connecticut Society is 
worthy of high praise. 

C. M. A. 

Historical Collections relating to Gwynedd. By Howard M. 

The second edition now ready. Price to early subscribers, $4 ; later, 
$4.50 (as in 1st edition). Postage, 20 cents. 

Four hundred and sixty-four pages. Eight illustrations, including 
three etchings, by Miss Blanche Dillaye. The text somewhat expanded, 
including insertion of additional genealogical matter. 

Address Howard M. Jenkins, 921 Arch Street, Philadelphia. 

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Yol. XXL 1897. No. 3. 



(Continued from page 215.) 



At Mount Vernon : " September 3. — In the Morning to 
breakfast came Gen 1 [John] Marshall & M r Bush rod Wash- 
ington — and to dinner the At 7 Gen 1 Cha 9 Lee M r Herbert 
M r Keith & Doc Craik." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " September 5. — Gen 1 Marshall & M r 
B. Washington went to a dinner in Alex a given to the 
former by the Citizens there & returned. September 6. — 
M r Marshall & M r B. Washington went away before break- 
fast." — Washington's Diary. 

John Marshall (Chief- Justice of the United States, 1801-35) wa3 appointed 
in June, 1797, an envoy to France, in conjunction with Charles Cotesworth 
Pinckney and Elbridge Gerry. The envoys arrived at Paris in October, 
and were shortly approached by secret agents (X. Y. Z.) of Talleyrand 
with a demand for money, — fifty thousand pounds sterling for private ac- 

Vol. xxi.— 19 (273) 

274 Washington after Hie Revolution, 1798. 

count and a loan to the government. These suggestions were repelled with 
indignation, and a paper prepared by Mr. Marshall was sent to the minis- 
ter, which set forth with great precision and force of argument the views 
and requirements of the United States and their earnest desire for maintain- 
ing friendly relations with France. But it availed nothing, and Pinckney 
and Marshall, who were Federalists, were ordered to leave the territory of 
France, while Gerry, as a Republican, was allowed to remain. The news 
of these events was received in this country with the deepest indignation, 
and when Mr. Marshall returned in June, 1798, he was everywhere re- 
ceived with marks of the highest respect and approval for the course he 
had pursued. The public dinner given to him at Alexandria, noted in the 
Diary, was one of other demonstrations of a like character, that given at 
Philadelphia on June 23 being noteworthy in consequence of the introduc- 
tion of Mr. Pinckney's celebrated sentiment, " Millions for defence, but not 
a cent for tribute," as one of the toasts. 


At Washington City : " September 20. — Went up to the 
Federal City— Dined & lodged at M r Tho s Peters. Septem- 
ber 21. — Examined in company with the Com™ some of the 
Lots in the Vicinity of the Capital & fixed upon 1ST 16 in 
634 to build on. Dined & lodged at M r Laws. September 22. 
— Came home with M r T. Peter wife & 2 children to 
Dinner." — Washington's Diary. 


At Alexandria : " September 30. — Went to Church in 
Alex*." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " October 5. — Doct r Thornton — M r 
Law and a M r Baldo a Spanish Gentleman from the Ha- 
vanna came to Dinner. October 6. — M r Bushrod Washing- 
ton & Capt n Blackburn came to dinner & M r Tho' Peter 
returned in the afternoon from New Kent. October 7. — 
M r B. Washington k Capt n Blackburn went away after 
Breakf V — Washington's Diary. 


At Washington City : " October 9 th 10 and eleventh absent 
—in the Federal City." — Washington's Diary. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 275 


At Mount Vernon : " October 13. — Gen 1 Lee, Capt n Pres- 
ley Thornton & M r T. Peters came to dinner. October 14. — 
Gen 1 Lee & Capt n Thornton went away after breakfast & 
M r Booker came at Night." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " October 16. — The Attorney Gen 1 of 
the United States Lee and Lady & M r W m Craik dined here 
& ret d ." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " My opinion always has been (how- 
ever necessary to be in a state of preparation) that no 
formidable invasion is to be apprehended from France, 
while Great Britain and that country are at War ; not from 
any favorable disposition the latter has towards us, but 
from actual inability to transport Troops and the Munitions 
of War, while their ports are blockaded. That they would 
willingly, and perhaps necessarily, employ their forces in 
such an enterprise in case of Peace I have little doubt, un- 
less adverse fortune in their foreign relations — a Eevolu- 
tion at home — or a wonderful change of sentiment in the 
governing powers of their country, should take place." — 
Washington to Timothy Pickering. 


At Mount Vernon : " October 28.— The Att7 Gen 1 TJ. S. 
M r Jn° Hopkin & M r Ch 8 T. Mercer dined here & returned." 

— Washington's Diary. 


Leaves Mount Vernon : " November 5. — I set out on a 
journey to Phil a about 9 oclock with M r Lear my Secretary 
— was met at the Turnpike by a party of horse & escorted 
to the Ferry at George Town where I was rec d with Mili- 
tary honors lodged at M r T. Peters." — Washington's Diary. 

"Alexandria, November 6. — Yesterday about 11 o'clock, arrived in 
town, on his way to the seat of the Federal Government — his excellency 

276 Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 

Lieutenant-General GEORGE WASHINGTON, accompanied by his Sec- 
retary Colonel Lear. He was met at "West End and escorted into town by 
Colonel Fitzgerald's and Captain Young's troops of cavalry, and the com- 
pany of Alexandria blues, under the command of Captain Piercey. When 
he alighted at Gadsby's tavern, the blues fired a continental salute of 16 
rounds. The troops of horse escorted the General to the ferry at George 
Town where the George Town troop were in waiting to pay him the same 
token of respect." — Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser, November 10. 

u George Town, November 6. — Lieutenant General WASHINGTON, ar- 
rived on the Virginia shore of the Potomak, yesterday, about 1 o'clock ; to 
which place he was escorted by a party of horse from Alexandria. Five 
gentlemen of George Town, in uniform, received him into a yawl and 
passed the river while the infantry and artillery on the Maryland side by 
several discharges, honoured their illustrious chief. The George Town 
troop of horse and the other military companies then escorted him into the 
city of Washington and after firing a number of rounds, they and the 
whole assemblage of spectators retired. This morning early he who 'amidst 
all plaudits takes command' resumed his journey, attended by the horse. 

" The warriors of Homer were aided by the Gods — oratory and poetry 
awoke the spirits of ' departed heroes ;' and perhaps nothing on earth more 
nearly resembles obtaining the aid of the immortal heroes of Elysium, than 
when a WASHINGTON, venerable from age, from experience and from 
former services — surrounded by virtues and glory, leaves ' his choice re- 
treat' and 'blest abode,' for the cares of mortals and military scenes." — 


At Spurrier's Tavern : " November 6. — Breakfasted at 
Bladensburgh — dined & lodged at Spurriers Escorted by 
horse." — Washington's Diary. 


At Baltimore : " November 7. — Breakfasted at Baltimore 
— dined at Websters, & lodged at Hartford — Met at Spur- 
riers by the Baltimore horse & escorted in and out by the 
same — Viewed a Brigade of Militia at Bait 8 ." — Washington's 

" Baltimore, November 7. — This morning arrived in town, the Chief who 
unites all hearts. He left Spurriers pretty early, and lighted at Bry den's 
about 8 o'clock, escorted in by Captains Hollings worth's and Bentalon's 
troops, who went out last evening for that purpose. About 10, the 5th and 
27th regiments (as many as from the shortness of the notice could get 
ready) had the gratification of being reviewed by him in Market street, 
much to the satisfaction of a large concourse of spectators who thronged 

Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 277 

around him, again to behold at once the venerable Cincinnatus and com- 
mander in chief of America. The City Company, capt. Harris, waited on 
the general at his quarters, personally to congratulate him on once more 
seeing him among them in health, and made open ranks for him to pass 
through as he came out to review the troops. He was accompanied, as he 
marched in front of the line, by generals Smith and Swan ; his secretary, 
Mr. Lear; judge Chase, and several other gentlemen. About 11 he pro- 
ceeded on his way to Trenton, escorted out by the Fell's Point troop. 

" The object of the commander in chief in going to Trenton, is, we under- 
stand, to attend a grand council of the executive and general military 
officers of the union. The president, and the three late unsuccessful am- 
bassadors to France, we also learn, are to be present. 1 

" Americans I what measure of gratitude is not due to a man, loaded with 
years and glory, who so ardently wished to terminate his days in the peace- 
ful shades of Mount Yernon, again coming forth, to sustain the thought of 
council and the fatigue of war, to perpetuate that liberty which he so glori- 
ously achieved for his country." — Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser, 
November 10. 


At Elkton, Maryland : " November 8. — Breakfasted at 
Susquehanna escorted by the Hartford horse — dined at 
Elkton and lodged at Christiana brdge." — Washington's 

" November 9. — Breakfasted in Wilmington & dined & lodged at Chester 
— wait* at the latter the Return of an Exp s , at this place was met by sev 1 
Troops of Phil* horse." — Washington^ Diary. 


At Philadelphia: "November 10. — With this Escort I 
arrived in the City about 9 oclock & was rec d by Gen 1 
M c Phersons Blues & was escorted to my lodgings in 8 th 

1 Shortly after the adjournment of Congress, on the 16th of July, the 
public offices were removed to Trenton, New Jersey, in consequence of the 
prevalence of yellow fever in Philadelphia. The President also went to 
Quincy, Massachusetts, and did not return to the city until November 23, 
having been detained by the illness of Mrs. Adams. All danger from the 
fever was, however, over by the end of October, and a proclamation to that 
effect was issued by the city authorities on the first day of November. 
Washington, therefore, met the Secretary of War and Major-Generals 
Hamilton and Pinckney at Philadelphia to make the necessary arrange- 
ments for the provisional army. 

278 Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 

Street (M rt White's 1 ) by them & the Horse."— Washington's 

"November 12.— Lieutenant General WASHINGTON Commander in 
Chief of the Armies of the United States, arrived here on Saturday morn- 
ing last [November 10], escorted by the diflerent troops of horse — and, 
notwithstanding the short notice which had been given the [Macpherson] 
Blues, almost the whole of that corps, with an alacrity which does them 
honor, were drawn up on the commons, 2 to receive their beloved General. 

11 On his arrival, the cavalry and infantry were drawn up, and the Gen- 
eral, having passed in review down their front, is said to have expressed the 
highest satisfaction at their soldierly and elegant appearance. The proces- 
sion then moved from the commons, the General accompanied by his sec- 
retary Mr. Lear, in the centre of the cavalry. On his arrival at his lodgings 
in Eighth-street, he was saluted by the acclamations of the citizens who 
had collected once more to behold their Chief. The General was dressed 
in his uniform, and is apparently in good health and spirits." — Claypoole's 
American Daily Advertiser. 


At Philadelphia: " November 11, 12, & 13.-— Dined at my 
Lodgings receiving many Visits." — Washington's Diary. 

"November 14. s — Dined at Maj r [William] Jackson's [187 South Third 
Street]. November 15. — Dined at M r Tench Francis's [Market between 
Eleventh and Twelfth Streets]. November 16. — Dined at the Secret* of the 
Treas* [Oliver "Wolcott, Junior, 91 Spruce Street]. November 17. — Dined 
at M r [Thomas] killings [100 South Third Street]. November 18.— Dined 
at my lodgings. November 19. — Dined at Doct r Whites — Bishop [of the 
Protestant Episcopal Church of Pennsylvania, 89 Walnut Street]. Novem- 
ber 20.— Dined at the Secretary of Wars [James McHenry, 113 South Third 
Street]. November 21. — Dined at Maj r Reeds — Senator's [Jacob Read, of 
South Carolina, corner of Eleventh and Chestnut Streets]. November 22. 
— Dined at M r [William] Binghams [South Third, near Spruce Street]. 
November 23. — Dined at M r Sam 1 Merediths Treasurer [of the United States, 
171 Chestnut Street]. November 24 — Dined at the Secretary of States [Timo- 

1 "Rosannah White, widow, boarding house, 9 north eighth street." — 
Philadelphia Directory, 1798. 

a The vacant ground west of the built-up portion of the city was known as 
the commons. 

* M November 14. — We are informed, that the governor as commander in 
chief of the state militia, attended by the officers of the city and county 
brigades, will pay their respects to the Commander in chief of the armies of 
the United States at 10 o'clock this forenoon." — Claypoole's American Daily 

Washington after the Revolution, 17 OS. 279 

thy Pickering, corner of Sixth and Arch Streets]. November 25.— Dined at 
my Lodgings. November 2G. — Dined at the Presidents of the U: States 
[100 High Street]. 1 November 27.— Dined in a family with M* [Pvobert] 
Morris. 2 November 28.— Dined with Judge [Richard] Peters [85 Walnut 
Street]. November 29.— Dined with the British Minister [Robert Liston, 
217 Arch Street]. November 30.— Dined with the Gov r of the State Gov r 
Mifflin [250 High Street]. December 1.— Dined with M r [William] Rawle 
[260 High Street]. December 2.— Dined with Bingham. From hence 
until my leaving the City on the 13 I dined at my lodgings."— Washing- 
ton's Diary. 


At Philadelphia : " December 6. — Last Tuesday [December 
4] the Potawatamy, Chippawa, and Ottawa Chiefs paid their 
respects to the President of the United States, and to Lieu- 
tenant General Washington."— Cfoj/j^c^.s American Daily 


At Philadelphia : Present at the delivery of the Presi- 
dent's address to both Houses, Third Session, Fifth Con- 

"At twelve o'clock, Lieutenant General Washington, with his Secretary, 
Colonel Lear, Major Generals [Charles Coteswonh] Pinckney and [Alex- 
ander] Hamilton, entered the Hall [of the House of Representatives], 
and took their places on the right of the Speaker's Chair. The British 
and Portuguese Ministers, and the British and Danish Consuls, with the 
Secretaries, had their places assigned them on the left of tl e Chair. 

11 A few minutes after twelve, the President of the United States, 
accompanied hy his Secretary, and the Heads of the several Departments of 
the Government, appeared. The President having taken his seat, and the 
officers of Government theirs, near the general ofiicers, he rose and ad- 
dressed the two Houses. " — Journal of Congress. 

1 No. 190 High or Market Street was the house occupied by Washington 
when residing in Philadelphia. 

2 Robert Morris was imprisoned for debt February H. 1798, and was not 
released until August 26, 1801. This family dinner must therefore have 
taken place in the debtors' apartment of the Old Walnut Street Prison at 
Sixth and Walnut Streets. The debtors' apartment was situated on the 
north side of Prune, now Locust, Street, east of Sixth Street. The buildings 
were taken down in 1836. 

280 Washington after the Revolution, 1798. 


Leaves Philadelphia : " December 14. — After dinner set 
out on my journey home — Beached Chester." — Washing- 
ton's Diary. 

"December 15.— Yesterday morning Lieut. Gen. WASHINGTON left 
this city, on his journey to Mount Vernon, Virginia. The General was 
accompanied by his Secretary, Col. Lear." — Claypoole's American Daily 


At Elkton: "December 15. — Breakfasted at Wilmington 
bated at Christiana — and dined and lodged at Elkton." — 
Washington's Diary. 

11 December 16. — Set out after a very early breakfast ; — and was detained 
at Susquehanna from 10 Oclock until the next morning— partly by Ice and 
"Winds — but principally by the Lowness of the tides occasioned by the N° 
"Westerly "Winds. December 17. — Breakfasted at Barney's — bated at Hart- 
ford — Dined at "Webster's and Lodged at Baltimore." — Washington's Diary. 


At Washington City : " December 18. — Breakfasted at 
Spurriers — dined at Rhodes's — and lodged at M r Laws in the 
Federal City." — Washington's Diary. 

""We had an invitation to dine with Doctor Thornton [at "Washington 
City] : and the Doctor having a public dinner on that day, I got introduced 
to many respectable characters ; and among the rest to Mr. Law, a gentle- 
man married to the granddaughter of Mrs. "Washington. Mr. Law is an 
Englishman, and brother to Lord Ellenborough. He gave Colonel Lyles 
and myself an invitation to go to sleep at his house ; but we were prevented 
by General "Washington coming to sleep there that night, and Colonel Lear, 
his Secretary. I had, however, the gratification to be introduced to the 
General ; and Colonel Lyles being a neighbour and a particular acquaint- 
ance of his, a most pleasing evening I spent. The General was quite 
sociable, and received me very kindly. After supper, at nine o'clock the 
General went to bed, as that was his hour ; for the supper in most houses 
being tea, and some broiled fish, sausages, steaks, &c, it is generally intro- 
duced between six and seven o'clock, which was done that evening. Doctor 
Thornton, Colonel Lyles, Mr. Law, and myself, sat some hours after ; and 
the Colonel and I went to sleep at a tavern in the city, which was kept by 
an Englishman named Tunnerclifte. "We were asked the next morning to 
breakfast at Mr. Law's, with the General; which we did: and the General 

Washington after the Revolution, 179S. 281 

gave me a most kind invitation to go to see him in a few days. 1 After 
breakfast, he set off in his carriage for Mount Vernon." — Richard Park- 
inson, Tour in America in 1798, etc. London : 1805. Vol. I. p. 59. 


At Mount Vernon: "December 19. — Stopped at Doct r 
Thornton's and M r Peter's & dined at home."— Washington's 


At Mount Yernon : " December 24. — Doct r Craik came to 
D[inner] & Judge Cashing k lady in the Afternoon — as did 
a M r Dinsmoor Agent in the Cherokee Country on his way 
to Philadelphia." — Washington's Diary. 

"We reached Mount Vernon," wrote the wife of Judge Cushing, in 
February, 1799, " the evening before Christmas, and if any thing could have 
added to our enjoyment, it was the arrival of General and Mrs. Pinckney 
the next day, while we were dining. 2 You may be sure it was a joyful 
meeting, and at the very place my wishes had pointed out. To be in the 
company of so many esteemed friends, to hear our good General Washing- 
ton converse upon political subjects without reserve, and to hear General 
and Mrs. Pinckney relate what they saw and heard in France, was truly a 
feast to me. Thus the moments glided away for two days, when our reason 
pointed out the propriety of our departing and improving the good roads, 
as the snow and frost had made them better than they are in summer." — 
Lossing's Mount Vernon, p. 309. 


At Mount Yernon: "I returned a few days ago from 
Philadelphia, whither I had been for the purpose of making 
military arrangements with the Secretary of War, respect- 

1 Mr. Parkinson, referring to the visit to Mount Vernon made in conse- 
quence of this invitation from Washington, says, " I dined with him ; and 
he showed me several presents that had been sent him, viz. swords, china, 
and among the rest the key of the "Bastille. I spent a very pleasant day in 
the house, as the weather was so severe that there were no farming objects 
to see, the ground being covered with snow. The General wished me to 
stay all night ; but having some other engagements, I declined his kind 

*" December 25. — Gen 1 Pinckney Lady & daughter came to dinner." — 
Washington 1 z Diary. 

282 Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 

ing the force which is about to be raised." — Washington to 
William Vans Murray. 


At Mount Vernou : " December 27. — The following Gen- 
tlemen dined here the 27 th viz— Mess" W m Fitzhugh — W m 
Herbert Potts— Wilson— Doct r Craik k Son Geo : Wash- 
ington Craik, Heath & Doct r Greenhow of Richmond. " — 
Washington's Diary. 



At Mount Eagle : " January 20. — On Wednesday last 
[January 16] M r3 Washington & myself took a family dinner 
at Mount Eagle l — and left all the family in good health & 
Spirits in the afternoon — Miss Cu3tis was, at that time, with 
her mother [Mrs. Stuart], at Hope Park, or she would have 
accompanied us on that visit." — Washington to Bryan Fair- 


At Mount Vernon : " Your letter of the 10 th instant I re- 
ceived in Alexandria, on Monday, whither I went to become 
the guardian of Nelly, thereby to authorize a license for your 
nuptials on the 22 d of next month." — Washington to Lawrence 


At Mount "Vernon : u February 10. — Wind shifted in the 
Night to K W. blew fresh & turned cold— Mer at 30 in 
the morning & 34 at Night — clear all day." — Washington's 

Washington's custom of recording the state of the weather will be 
noticed in nearly all of his diaries. Indeed, one kept at Philadelphia in 

1 Mount Eagle, on the old road from Alexandria to Mount Yernon, was 
the home of Bryan Fairfax, rector of Christ Church, Alexandria, 1790- 
1792, and afterward Lord Fairfax. The house is still standing. At the 
date of the above-quoted letter Mr. Fairfax was in England on a visit. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 283 

1796, with the exception of two entries, one referring to receiving the 
national colors of France from M. Adet on January 1. and the other to 
George Washington Craik having joined him as private secretary on April 
12, is entirely devoted to that subject. Thi3 diary, the handwriting of 
which is peculiarly neat and distinct, is in the possession of the Histori- 
cal Society of Pennsylvania. It runs from January 1 to June 21. 


At Alexandria : " February 11. — Went up to Alexandria 
to the celebration of my birth day — Many Manoeuvres were 
performed by the Uniform Corps — and an elegant Ball & 
supper at Kight. February 12. — Return'd home." — Wash- 
ington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " February 16. — M r and M™ Peters 
came to dinner. February 18. — M™ Stuart and her 3 daugh- 
ters 1 came here in the afternoon." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " You will please to grant a license for 
the marriage of Eleanor Parke Custis with Lawrence Lewis, 
and this shall be your authority for so doing." — Washington 
to Captain George Deneale, Clerk of Fairfax County Court. 


At Mount Vernon : " February 21. — M r Ch' Carter wife 
& daughter came to dinner — & M r Rob' Lewis in the After- 
noon." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " February 22.— The Rev d M r Davis 
& M r Geo : Calvert came to dinner & Miss Custis was mar- 
ried ab* Candle light to M r Law* Lewis." — Washington's 

"An event occurred on the twenty-second of February 1799, that, while 
it created an unusual bustle in the ancient halls, shed a bright gleam of 
sunshine on the last days at Mount Vernon. It was the marriage of Major 

1 By her second marriage Mrs. Stuart had seven chfMren, — five daughters 
and two sons. 

284 Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 

Lewis, a favorite nephew, with the adopted daughter of the chief. It was 
the wish of the young bride that the general of the armies of the United 
States should appear in the splendidly embroidered uniform (the costume 
assigned him by the board of general officers) in honor of the bridal ; but 
alas, even the idea of wearing a costume bedizened with gold embroidery. 
had never entered the mind of the chief, he being content with the old Con- 
tinental blue and buff, while the magnificent white plumes presented to 
him by Major-General Pinckney he gave to the bride, preferring the old 
Continental cocked hat, with the plain black-ribbon cockade, a type of the 
brave old days of '76." — George Washington Parke Custis, Recollec- 
tions of Washington. 


At Mount Vernon : " February 25. — River nearly closed 
with Ice.— M r L : Lee M™ Lee & Miss French — M r Herbert, 
M r Jn° Herbert & Miss Herbert.— Doct r Craik & M r G. W. 
Craik — Miss Fitzhugh Miss Moly Fitzhugh & Miss Chew — 
& Col Fitzgerald dined here & returned." — Washington's 

"February 26.— M" Potts— 31™ Fendall— M r And* Ramsay & Wife— 
M r W m Ramsay — M r Edm d Lee & Sister Lucy — and M r Hodgden dined 
here & returned — and M r Bushrod Washington came in the afternoon. 
February 27. — M r Thomson Mason & Wife and M r Nicholls & Wife dined 
here & returned." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon : " March 3.— M n Stuart & her 3 
daughters (Stuarts) and M r & M" Peters went away after 
breakfast. March 4. — M r & M™ Carter went away after 
Breakfast. March 6. — M r & M™ Law went away to day." 
— Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon : " M r Lewis & Nelly Custis fulfilled 
their matrimonial engagement on the 22 d of February. In 
consequence the former, havg. relinquished the lapp of Mars 
for the Sports of Yenus, has declined a Military appoint- 
ment." — Washington to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 285 


At Four Mile Eun : l " April 3. — Went up to four mile 
Run to Run round my land there — Got on the gr d about 
10 Oclock and in Company with Capt* Terret and M r Luke 
commenced the Survey on 4 mile run & ran agreeably to 
the Notes taken — In the evening went to Alex* & lodged 
my self at M r Fitzhugh's." — Washington 's Diary. 

H April 4. — Recommenced the Survey at the upper end where we left off 
in company with Col [Charles] Little — Capt n Sterret and M r Will m Adams 
— <& cont 4 it agreeably to the Notes until we came to 4 Mile run again 
which employed us until dark — Returned to Alex* and again lodged at M r 
Fitzhughs. April 5. — Returned home to Breakfast." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon : " April 12. — Spread Plaster of Paris 
this Morning on the circle & sides before the door — & on 
the Lawn to the Cross Path betw n the Garden gates — & on 
the Clover by the Stable." — Washington's Diary. 


At Alexandria : " April 24. — Went up to Alex* to an 
Election of a Representative from the District to Congress 
& from the County to the State Legisla 8 ." — Washington's 


At Four Mile Eun : " April 29. — Went up to run round 
my land on 4 Mile run. Lodged at Col Littles [at Alex- 
andria]. April 30. — Engaged on the same business as yes- 
terday & returned home in the afternoon." — Washington's 


At Mount Yernon : " May 14. — Maj r W m Harrison came 
here to dinner. May 15. — M r Thomson Mason came here 
to breakfast and attended Maj r Harrison & me on the 

1 Four Mile Run empties into the Potomac about three miles above Alex- 
andria. See note to May 4, 1786. 

286 Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 

Survey of the latters laud & both dined here, as did a M r 
Season." — Washington's Diary. 

John Searson, whose visit to Mount Vernon is noted in the Diary under 
the name of Season, was the author of a disjointed composition (the result 
of this visit), entitled " MOUNT VERNON, A POEM : Being the seat 
of his excellency George Washington, in the STATE OF VIRGINIA; 
Lieutenant-general and commander in chief of the land forces of the United 
States of America. This rural, romantic and descriptive Poem of the seat 
of so great a character, it is hoped may please, with a copper-plate likeness 
of the General. It was taken from an actual view on the spot by the 
author, 15th May, 1799. BY JOHN SEARSON, formerly of Philadel- 
phia, merchant." This remarkable attempt at verse was published at Phil- 
adelphia in September of the same year. 


At Alexandria : " May 16. — "Went up to Alexandria to 
the Purse Eace, & returned in the Evening M r Law & Doct r 
Thornton here." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon : " May 23.— -M r Tho 8 Adams third 
son to the President & M r Joshua Johnson, Lady & son 
came to din r ." — Washington's Diary. 


At Washington City : " May 31.— Went up to the Fed 1 
City — dined & lodged with M r Peter. June 1. — Dined & 
lodged at M r Laws. June 2. — Eeturned home to dinner — 
tak g Church at Alex* in my way." — Washington's Diary. 

Edward C. McGuire on page 154 of his work, entitled "The Religious 
Opinions and Character of "Washington," Quotes the following narrative 
"from a valued female friend, now [1836] numbered with the dead," which 
evidently refers to Washington's attendance at Christ Church, Alexandria, 
on Sunday, June 2, recorded in the Diary. u In the summer of 1799," said 
Mrs. M., " I was in Alexandria, on a visit to the family of Mr. H., with 
whom I was connected by the ties of relationship. Whilst there, I ex- 
pressed a wish to see General Washington, as I had never enjoyed that 
pleasure. My friend Mrs. H. observed, ■ You will certainly see him on 
Sunday, as he is never absent from church when he can get there ; and as 
he often dines with us, we will ask him on that day, when you will have a 

1 Published at New York in 1836. 

Washington after the BevolutioUj 1799. 287 

better opportunity of seeing him.' Accordingly, we all repaired to church 
on Sunday, and seated in Mr. H's large double pew, I kept my eyes upon 
the door, looking for the venerable form of him I had so long desired to see. 
Many persons entered the doors, but none came up to my impressions of 
General Washington's appearance. At length, a person of noble and ma- 
jestic figure entered, and the conviction was instantaneous that I beheld the 
Father of his Country. It was so ! — my friend at that moment intimated 
the fact to me. He walked to his pew, at the upper part of the church, 
and demeaned himself throughout the services of the day with that gravity 
and propriety becoming the place and his own high character. After the 
services were concluded we waited for him at the door, for his pew being 
near the pulpit he was among the last that came out — when Mrs. H. invited 
him to dine with us. He declined, however, the invitation, observing, as 
he looked at the sky, that he thought there were appearances of a thunder- 
storm in the afternoon, and he believed he would return home to dinner." 


At Mount Vernon : " June 20. — The following company 
dined here —Chief- Justice of the TL S. Ellsworth, M r & M™ 
Steer Sen r — M r & M" Steer Jun r M r Van Havre— M r & 
M ra Ludwell Lee— M ra Corbin Washington M r & M rs Hodgson 
& Miss Cor Lee M r & M" Geo. Calvert and a Capt n Hamilton 
& Lady from the Bahama Islands." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon : "Your favor of the 18th of Septem- 
ber last, with the small box containing four pairs of prints, 
came safe to hand, but long after the date of the letter." — 
Washington to John Trumbull. 

In April, 1790, "Washington subscribed to four sets of engravings after 
Trumbull's pictures, "The Battle of Bunker Hill" and " The Death of 
General Montgomery.''' They were published in London, the former exe- 
cuted by J. G. Muller, of Stutgard, Germany, and the latter by J. F. 
Clemens, of Copenhagen, Denmark. These are the four pairs of prints 
referred to in the above letter. 


At Alexandria : " July 4. — Went up to Alex* and dined 
with a number of the Citizens there, in celebration of the 
anniversary of the declaration of american Independ* at 
Kemps Tavern." — Washington's Diary. 

288 Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 

" Alexandria, July 6. — The 23d anniversary of the American Indepen- 
dence was celebrated in this town with the greatest harmony and decorum. 
The military commands agreeably to orders previously given, mustered in 
the court house square, and the line was formed in Fairfax street. After 
going through the manual, which was performed with the strictest exacti- 
tude, Col. John Fitzgerald, accompanied by John Potts, Esq., passed the 
line in review, and expressed his satisfaction at their military and elegant 
appearance. The battalion then marched, by sections, up King street, and 
formed the line there to receive their beloved Chief General George 
Washington. On his passing the line the usual military honors were 
paid ; and it is with pleasure I remark, that the Cincinnatus of America 
appeared in excellent health and good spirits. 

"Lieutenant General Washington dined at Col. Kemp's tavern, with a 
select party of friends." — Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser, July 11. 


At Mount Vernon : On this day Washington executed 
his Last Will and Testament, consisting of twenty-nine 
pages of manuscript, written entirely by himself; and at the 
bottom of each, with the exception of page twenty-three, he 
affixed his signature. To this he added a schedule with 
descriptive notes of the property included in the will, which 
was directed to be sold, making thirteen additional pages. 


At Mount Vernon : " July 17. — Colonels Powell & Simms 
and M r Herbert — and Judge Washington 1 Capt n Blackburn 
& M r H. Turner dined here — the three first went away in 
the afternoon. July 18. — Slow rain with + he wind at S° E* 
& cont d until I went to bed a 9 oclock. . . . Capt a Black- 
burn went away after breakfast. July 19. — Judge Wash- 
ington & M r H. Turner left this after dinner." — Washington 1 s 


At George Town : " August 5. — Went up to George Town, 
to a general meeting of the Potomac Company — dined at 
the Union Tavern & lodged at Mr. Laws. August 6. — 

1 Buahrod Washington wa3 commissioned an Associate Justice of the 
Supreme Court of the United States, December 20, 1798. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 289 

Returned home to dinner — found Gen 1 W m Washington ■ of 
S° Carolina and Son here." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon: "August 7. — The following Gentle- 
men dined here — viz. Col Fitzgerald — Doct r Craik & son 
— M r W m Craik— M r Herbert &^Son Jn° C. Herbert— Col° 
Ramsay— M r Potts— M r Edm d Lee— M r Keith— Lieut Kean 
of the Marines — and M r Ch 8 Fenton Mercer. August 8. — 
Gener 1 Washington & son went away after breakfast." — 
Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " August 24. — M r White came to din- 
ner — as did 4 Gentlemen from Phil a viz — Young M r Mere- 
dith (son of the Treasurer) M r Clifton, a M r Walter & 

the 4 last returned after dinner." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " September 1. — Doct r Craik dined 
here — sent for to M" Washington who was sick. Septem- 
ber 6. — Doct r Craik who was sent for in the night to M" 
Washington came early this morning." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount, Vernon : " September 7. — M r & M™ Peter and 
Gen 1 Washington came in the afternoon. September 8. — 
Gen 1 Washington went away after breakfast — & M r & M n 
Law came to dinner." — Washington's Diai°y. 


At Mount Vernon: " September -12. — Cap :Truxton [Thomas 
Truxtun] came to dinner." — Washington's Diary. 

1 Colonel William "Washington, a distinguished cavalry officer in the 
Revolution, was appointed a brigadier-general July 19, 1798. He was 
born in Stafford County, Virginia, February 28, 1752, and was a descendant 
of Lawrence Washington the Immigrant. General William Washington 
died at Charleston, South Carolina, March 6, 1810. 

Vol. xxi.— 20 

290 Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 


At Mount Vernon : " The death of near relations always 
produces awful and affecting emotions, under whatsoever 
circumstances it may happen. That of my brother [Charles] 
has been so long expected, and his latter days so uncom- 
fortable to himself, must have prepared all around him for 
the stroke, though painful iu the effect. 

" I was the first, and am, now, the last of my father's chil- 
dren by the second marriage, who remain. When I shall be 
called upon to follow them is known only to the Giver of Life. 
When the summons comes I shall endeavor to obey it with 
a good grace." — Washington to Colonel Burgess Ball. 


At Mount Vernon : " September 27. — Governor Davie on 
his way to the Northward to Embark as Envoy to France 
called, dined & proceeded on." — Washington's Diary. 

William Richardson Davie, Governor of North Carolina in 1798, was ap- 
pointed in conjunction with Oliver Ellsworth and "William Vans Murray, 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to France. The envoys 
reaching Paris in March, 1800, found Napoleon Bonaparte at the head of the 
new republic, and soon concluded a satisfactory adjustment of all disputes. 
The result of which was the convention signed September 30, 1800, which 
included a recognition from France of the rights of neutral vessels, and an 
indemnity for depredations on American commerce. 


At Mount Yernon : " October 1. — M" Fairfax sister and 
daughter— and M" Herbert & M™ Nelson— M* Jn° Herbert 
& two of M" [Warner] Washington of Fair-fields Sons 
dined here." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon: " October 22. — M r Liston (British 
Minister) & lady came to dinner. October 25. — M r and M" 
Liston left this after breakfast." — Washington's Diary. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 291 


At Mount Vernon : " October 28. — M r Ridout an English 
Gentleman and his Lady dined here as did M r G. W. Craik 
— M r Lear set out for Harper's Ferry to make some arrange- 
ment with Col Parker respecting Cantoning the Troops." 

— Washington's Diary. 


At Difficult Run, Virginia : " November 5. — Set out on 
a trip to Difficult Run to view some Land I had there & 
some belonging to M r Jn° Gill who had offered it to me in 
discharge of Rent which he was owing me — Dined at M r 
Nicholas Fitzhughs and lodged at M r Corbin Washingtons. 
November 6. — Set out from thence after 8 Ocl k being detained 
by sprinkling Rain, & much appearance of it until that 
hour — reached Wiley's Tavern near Difficult Bridge to 
Breakfast and then proceeded to Survey my own Land." 

— Washington's Diary. 

In the notes to the schedule of property direoted to be sold by his execu- 
tors, the land on Difficult Run, Loudoun County (three hundred acres), is 
described as follows: "It lyes on the great Road from the City of Wash- 
ington, Alexandria and George Town to Leesburgh & Winchester, at Diffi- 
cult bridge — nineteen miles from Alexandria — less from the City & George 
Town, and not more than three from Matildaville at the Great Falls of 


At Difficult Run : " November 7. — Finished Surveying my 
own Tract & the Land belonging to Gill — returning, as the 
Night before to Wiley's Tavern. November 8. — Morning 
very heavy and about 9 oclock it commenced Raining which 
it continued to do steadily through the day — notwithstanding 
which I proceeded to ascertain by actual measurement the 
qualities [ ? quantities] — this being finished betw n 12 & 1 
oclock I returned to Wiley's Tavern & stayed there the 
remainder of the day." — Washington's Diary. 


At Washington City : "November 9. — Morning & whole 
day clear warm & pleasant set out a little after 8 oclock — 

292 Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 

viewed my building in the Fed 1 City — Dined at M r Laws — 
& lodged at M r Tho s Peter's. November 10. — Returned home 
about noon." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " M re Washington and myself have 
been honoured by your polite invitation to the Assemblies 
at Alexandria this winter, and thank you for this mark of 
attention. But, alas ! our dancing days are no more. We 
wish, however, all those who have relish for so agreeable 
and innocent an amusement all the pleasures the season 
will afford." — Washington to the Gentlemen of the Alexandria 


At Mount Eagle : " November 15. — Rode to visit M r now 
Lord Fairfax who was just got home from a Trip to Eng- 
land — ret d to dinner." — Washington's Diary. 


At Alexandria : " November 17. — Went to Church in 
Alexandria & dined with M r Fitzhugh." — Washington's 


At Mount Yernon : " November 22. — Col Carrington l & 
Lady came in the aftern 11 . November 23. — Col Carrington 
& Lady went away after Breakfast." — Washington's Diary. 

11 Mount Vernon, November 22. — We arrived at this venerable mansion 
in perfect safety, where we are experiencing every mark of hospitality and 
kindness that the good old General's continued friendship to Colonel Car- 
rington could lead us to expect. His reception of my husband was that of 

1 Colonel Edward Carrington, a Virginian by birth (February 11, 1749), 
was Quartermaster-General under General Greene in the Revolution. He 
commanded the artillery and did good service at tho battle of Hobkirk's 
Hill, April 24, 1781, and also at Yorktown. He was a member of Con- 
gress 1785-86, and was foreman of the jury in Burr's trial for treason in 
1807. Colonel Carrington died at Richmond, Virginia, October 28, 1810. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 293 

a brother. He took us each by the hand, and, with a warmth of expression 
not to be described, pressed mine, and told me that I had conferred a favor 
never to be forgotten in bringing his old friend to see him; then, bidding a 
servant to call the ladie3, entertained us most facetiously till they ap- 
peared." — Mrs. Edward Carrington to Mrs. George Fisher. 1 


At Mount Yernon : " November 27. — Doct r Craik who was 
sent for to M™ Lewis (& who was delivered of a daughter 
ab* — oclock in the forenoon) came to Breakfast & stayed 
dinner." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon : " November 28. — Col & M ra Carring- 
ton came to Dinner. November 30. — Col & M 13 Carrington 
went away after B\" — Washington's Diary. 

" Mount Vernon. — After visiting my numerous friends, we returned to 
this revered mansion. . . . Everything within doors is neat and elegant 
but nothing remarkable, except the paintings of different artists which have 
been sent as specimens of their talents. I think there are five portraits of 
the General, some done in Europe and some done in America, that do honor 
to the painters. There are other specimens of the fine arts from various 
parts of the world, that are admirably executed and furnish pleasant con- 
versation. Besides these, there is a complete greenhouse, which at this 
season is a vast, a great source of pleasure. Plants from every part of the 
world seem to flourish in this neatly finished apartment, and from the 
arrangement of the whole I conclude that it is managed by a skillful hand, 
but whose I cannot tell : neither the General nor Mrs. Washington seem 
more interested in it than their visitors. "We have met with no company 
here, but am told that scarcely a week passes without some, and often more 
than is agreeable or convenient. Transient persons, who call from curi- 
osity, are treated with civility, but never interfere with the order of the 
house, or with the General's disposition of time, which is as regular as when 
at the head of the army or in the President's chair. Even friends who 
make a point of visiting him are left much to themselves ; indeed, scarcely 
see him from breakfast to dinner, unless he engages them in a ride, which 
is very agreeable to him. But from dinner to tea our time is most charm- 
ingly spent; indeed, one evening the General was so fascinating, and drew 
my husband out into so many old stories relating to several campaigns 
where they had been much together, and had so many inquiries to make 
respecting their mutual friends, particularly Kosciusko and Pulaski, who 
have always corresponded with Colonel Carrington, whose characters afford 

1 Anne Ambler, a sister of Mrs. Edward Carrington. 

294 Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 

great interest, that it was long past twelve when we separated, At break- 
fast I feel quite at home, everything is so plain." — Mrs. Edward Carring- 
ton to Mrs. George Fisher. 


At Mount Vernon : " December 1. — Morning clear & but 
little W d — that Southerly — Mer 26 — Lowering towards 
evening — Mer 36. — M r Foot dined here." — Washington's 


At Mount Vernon : " December 2. — Rained in the Night — 
Morning heavy — Wind Southerly — and Mer at 36. — after- 
noon calm & less clouded — Mer 38 — Lord Fairfax, Lady, 
Daughter & Miss Dennison dined here." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " December 3. — Morning extremely 
foggy — Mer at 38 and wind what there was of it Southerly 
— Ab fc 2 oclock the fog dispelled and it became extremely 
pleasant — M™ Stuart & daughters went away after break- 
fast." * — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " December 4. — Morning clear — Wind 
at N° W and Mer at 36 — From 10 oclock until 2 very like 
for Snow — it then cleared & became mild & pleasant Mer 38 
at N :"— Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " December 5. — Morning raining, and 
it continued to do so moderately through the day with the 
Wind at S° E'— Mer 38 in the Morning & 36 at Night."— 
Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Vernon : " December 6. — Morning heavy, with 
appearances of clearing now & then, but about 2 o'clock it 

1 "November 21. — M™ Stuart and the two eldest Miss Stuarts came here 
to dinner." — Washington's Diary. 

Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 295 

set in to raining — Mer 34 in the Morning & 37 at iN'ight." 

— Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Eagle : " December 7. — Rainy Morning, with 
the wind at X° E fc & Mer at 37 — afternoon clear & pleasant 
wind westerly — Mer 41 at I^ight — dined at Lord Fairfax's." 

— Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon: "December 8. — Morning perfectly 
clear, calm and pleasant; but about 9 o'clock the wind 
came from the N° W fc and blew fresh. Mer 38 in the Morn- 
ing — and 40 at Night." — Washington's Diary. 


At Mount Yernon : " December 9. — Morning clear & 
pleasant, with a light wind from N° W Mer at 33 — pleasant 
all day — afternoon Calm Mer 39 at Night — M r Howell Lewis 
& wife set off on their return home after breakfast — and M r 
Law e Lewis and "Washington Custis on a journ 7 to N: 
Kent." — Washington's Diary. 

James K. Paulding, in his " Life of Washington" 1 (Vol. II. p. 195), 
gives a statement made to him personally by one of the favorite nephews of 
"Washington, describing his last parting with the General. This nephew 
was doubtless Howell Lewis, who, by the above-quoted entry in the Diary, 
left Mount Vernon on December 9, after a ten days' visit. The statement is 
as follows : 

" During this, my last visit to the general, we walked together about the 
grounds, and talked of various improvements he had in contemplation. 
The lawn was to be extended down to the river in the direction of the old 
vault, which was to be removed on account of the inroads made by the roots 
of the trees, with which it is crowned, which caused it to leak. ( I intend 
to place it there,' said he, pointing to the spot where the new vault stands. 
' First of all, I shall make this change ; for after all, I may require it before 
the rest.' 

11 When I parted from him, he stood on the steps of the front door, where 
he took leave of myself and another, and wished us a pleasant journey, as 
I was going to Westmoreland on business. It was a bright frosty morning, 

1 Published at New York in 1835. 

296 Washington after the Revolution, 1709. 

he had taken his usual ride, and the clear healthy flush on his cheek, and 
his sprightly manner, brought the remark from both of us that we had 
never seen the general look so well. I have sometimes thought him 
decidedly the handsomest man I ever saw ; and when in lively mood, so 
full of pleasantry, so agreeable to all with whom he associated, that I could 
hardly realize that he was the same Washington whose dignity awed all 
who approached him. 

u A few days afterwards, being on my way home in company with others, 
while we were conversing about Washington, I saw a servant rapidly 
riding towards us. On his near approach, I recognised him as belonging to 
Mount Yernon. He rode up — his countenance told the story — he handed 
me a letter. Washington was dead !" 


At Mount Vernon: "December 10. — Morning clear & 
calm — Mer at 31 afternoon lowering — Mer at 42 and wind 
brisk from the Southward — A very large hoar frost this 
Morn g ." — Washington's Diary. 

On this day (December 10) Washington completed a plan or system, 
which had been under consideration for some time, for the management and 
cultivation of the Mount Yernon farms for several successive years. In 
this paper, which occupies thirty closely written folio pages, the most minute 
and detailed instructions are given as to the cultivation of the land, with 
tables designating the rotations of the crops. This was accompanied by a 
letter of the same date to James Anderson, his manager, with a request that 
the instructions be "most strictly and pointedly attended to and executed, 
as far as the measures required will admit." 

As an example of his remarkable powers of application and life-long 
attention to detail, and also as showing the soundness and vigor of his 
intellect at this period of his life, the document possesses considerable 


At Mount Vernon : " December 11. — But little wind and 
Raining — Mer 44 in the Morning and 38 at Night. — About 
9 oclock the Wind shifted to N° W & it ceased raining but 
cont d Cloudy. — Lord Fairfax, his Sou Tho s and daughter — 
M" Warner Washington & son Whiting — and M r Jn° Her- 
bert dined here & returned after dinner." — Washington's 

Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 297 


At Mount Vernon : " December 12. — Morning Cloudy — 
Wind at N° E e & Mer 33 — a large circle round the Moon 
last ISTisht. — about 1 o'clock it be^an to snow — soon after 
to Hail and then turned to a settled cold Rain — Mer 28 at 
Night." — Washington's Diary. 

" On Thursday, December 12, the General rode out to his farms about ten 
o'clock, and did not return home till past three. Soon after he went out. 
the weather became very bad, rain, hail, snow falling alternately, with a 
cold wind. "When he came in, I carried some letters to him to frank, in- 
tending to send them to the post-office in the evening. He franked the 
letters, but said the weather was too bad to send a servant to the office that 
evening. I observed to him, that I was afraid he had got wet. He said. 
No, his great-coat had kept him dry. But hia neck appeared to be wet, and 
the snow was hanging upon his hair. He came to dinner (which had been 
waiting for him) without changing his dress. In the evening he appeared 
as well as usual." — Tobias Lear. (Sparks, Vol. I. p. 555.) 


At Mount Yernon : " December 13. — Morning Snowing & 
ab* 3 Inches deep 1 — -Wind at N° E fc & Mer at 30— cont* 
Snowing till 1 oclock — and ab fc 4 it became perfectly clear 
— wind in the same place but not hard — Mer 28 at Night." — 
Washington's Diary. 

This, the final entry of the Diary of 1799, was the last 
piece of writing executed by Washington. On the follow- 
ing morning, Saturday, December 14, between two and 
three o'clock, he was taken seriously ill from a cold in- 
curred on the morning of the 12th, while taking his usual 
ride, and died that night of quinsy, between ten and eleven 

1 " A heavy fall of snow took place on Friday, which prevented the 
General from riding out as usual. He had taken cold, undoubtedly from 
being so much exposed the day before, and complained of a sore throat. 
He, however, went out in the afternoon into the ground between the house 
and the river to mark some trees, which were to be cut down in the im- 
provement of that spot." — Tobias Lear. 

298 Washington after the Revolution, 1799. 

At three o'clock in the afternoon of Wednesday, Decem- 
ber 18, 1799, all that was mortal of George Washington, 
soldier, statesman, and patriot, the foremost man in Ameri- 
can history, was deposited with Masonic ceremonies in the 
family vault at Mount Yernon. He had passed from the 
sight of man; but his fame, so long as virtue, truth, and 
sincerity shall be guiding principles, will increase with the 
gathering years ! 



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Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 299 

VALLEY FOEGE, 1777-1778. 


[Dr. Albigence Waldo was born February 27, 1750, at Pomfret, Con- 
necticut. His medical preceptor was Dr. John Spaulding, of Canter- 
bury. During the Revolution he served as clerk in Captain Samuel 
McClelland'3 Woodstock company, in the " Lexington Alarm ;" July 6, 
1775, was commissioned surgeon's mate of the Eighth Connecticut 
Regiment, Colonel Jedediah Huntington, but, owing to ill health, was 
discharged in September following. On December 14, 1776, the Con- 
necticut Committee of War commissioned him chief surgeon of the 
armed ship " Oliver Cromwell." He was next commissioned surgeon 
(January 1, 1777) of the First Connecticut Infantry Regiment of the 
Line, and served while it was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel 
Prentice and Colonel Josiah Starr, and attached to Huntington's brigade 
of McDougall's division. This regiment was raised largely in New 
London County, Connecticut, and took the field in the spring at Peeks- 
kill, New York, where it remained until ordered by Washington to join 
the army in Pennsylvania in September of 1777. In the battle of Ger- 
mantown the regiment was engaged on the left flank, and suffered some 
loss in killed, wounded, and missing. Ill health again compelled Sur- 
geon Waldo to retire from the service, and he resigned October 1, 1779. 
He died January 29, 1794. His last lineal descendant, Charles A. 
Waldo, died in Florida in December of 1896. 

We print Surgeon Waldo's diary from the manuscript kindly con- 
tributed by Mr. Amos Perry, of the Rhode Island Histoiical Society; 
the annotations are by the Ed. Penna. Mag.] 

November 10, 1777.— Captain [Henry] Lee, of the Light 
Dragoons brought in Capt. Nichols of the English Packet 
whom he took prisoner at New Castle. 1 I heard Capt. 
Nichols observe that one hour before he was taken he had 
the following reflections : — " His Majesty has made me com- 
mander of a fine ship — a packet too ; I need not ever fight. 
I have nothing to do but transport gentlemen and ladies of 
the first rank. I have a fine stock of provisions aboard, 
hens, turkeys, geese, pigs, ducks, wine and cider. I have a 

1 See PEraA. Mag., Vol. XVIII. p. 494. 

300 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

good interest at home, and what is above all, an agreeable 
family. I am not troubled in my mind. In short, I've 
nothing to make me uneasy, and believe I am the happiest 
man in the world." 

Capt. Nichols was now the unhappiest man in the world. 
His reflections were turned upon the vicissitudes of life, the 
sudden changes of fortuue and the varietv of events that mav 
happen to a man in the course of a few hours. If we would 
set our reasons to work and believe what is undeniably true 
that there is no dependence to be put on the wiffling wind 
of fortune, we could bear disappointments without anxiety. 
A man of the least observation will find every state change- 
able, and while he considers this mutability of time and 
things, he will be better prepared to undergo the misfor- 
tunes of life and the disappointments inseparable from it. 
"When a disappointment overtakes us unguarded by such 
reflections, it often throws us into a fit of anger which vent3 
itself on those connected with us in opprobrious words 
against the Providence of God. 

An incessant cannonading at or near Red Bank this day. 
No salt to eat dinner with. 1 

November 11, 12, 13 £ H,. — Nothing material happened. 

November 15. — An attack was made on Fort Miffiiu by 4 
ships, 4 Batteries, & 1 Gaily. Our People fired from Fort 
Mifflin 1 Battery, 12 Gallies & two Shearbacks or small 
ships. The firing was incessant all Day. Our people 
defended themselves with unparallel'd bravery amidst a 
continual storm of Balls 'till at length when Capt. Lee's 
company of Artillery 2 were almost all cut off, and a 
reinforcement had stood at the Guns till 9 o'clock in 
the evening the Garrison evacuated the fort, after having 
spiked up the Cannon. Capt. Stephen Brown 3 was kill'd 
by a shot from the round-top of a Ship that had hauled 
up in pistol shot of the Fort. 

1 See Pexxa. Mag., Vol. XIX. p. 84 et. seq. 

* Captain James Lee, of Philadelphia, of Second Regiment Artillery, 
Colonel John Lamb. 

* He commanded a company of the Fourth Connecticut Line. 

Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 301 

Mem. — Fort Mifflin was a Burlesque upon the art of 

November 19. — The Boston and Hampshire Regiments 
began to join the Grand Army. This Day Huntington's 
Brigade consisting of Prentice's, 1 Bradley's, 2 & Swift's, 3 
march'd for Red Bank, which the Garrison Evacuated be- 
fore we arrived. Greene's Division next day march'd for 
the same place, who, with Huntington's Brigade & the Garri- 
son consisting of Varnum's Brigade met at Mount Holly 5 
miles east of Burlington, where we Encamped till the Even- 
ing of the 25th. 4 Mount Holly — so call'd from a little 
Mount nigh the town — is a Compact & Pleasant Village, 
having a great proportion of handsome women therein. 
Near this Town in a Wood, a Hermit has dwelt these 27 
years, living on Bread and water. His bed is a hole dug 
in the ground about one foot and a half below the surface, 
and cover'd at pleasure with a board — over this is built a 
small bark hut hardly big enough for a man to sit up in. 
"When he goes to bed he crawls into his hut and at the 
further end slips into his hole which he calls his grave, 
drawing over the Board and goes to sleep. He crawls 
night and morning on his hands and knees about two 
rods to a particular tree to pray. He says he was warned 
of God in a remarkable Dream when he first came to 
America to take this course of Life. He has many Latin 
and other Books in his lonely Cell, and is said to write 
considerably. He kisses every man's hand that visits him 
and thankfully accepts of what is gave him, except Money, 
which he refuses. His Beard is done up in a loose club 
under his chin, he is small of stature and speaks very 
fast, he talks but little English — chiefly German or Latin. 

1 Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Prentiss, First Connecticut Line. 
1 Colonel Philip Burr Bradley, Fifth Connecticut Line. 

* Colonel Heman Swift, Seventh Connecticut Line. 

* Huntington's brigade of the Connecticut Line regiments of Pren- 
tiss, Bradley, and Swift (and joined by Webb's at Valley Forge), Var- 
num's brigade of Greene and Angell's Rhode Island Line regiments, 
and Durkee's and Chandler's Connecticut Line regiments comprised 
the division of General McDougall. 

302 Valley Forge, 1777-1778, 

He says he shall come out purified & live like other folks 
if he continues in this State till he is eighty. He says he 
often wishes for Death, being frequently afflicted with 
pains of Body by this method of life. He never goes 
near a fire in the coldest time. Much is said about the 
reasons of his doing pennance in this manner, but chietly 
that he murdered his own sister, and that he killed a Gen- 
tleman in a Duel while an officer in the French Service. 
He was also in the German Service among his countrymen 
the Germans. 

November 25. — In the Evening we march for Haddonfield 
(not far from Eed Bank) where we arrived in the morn- 
ing of 

November 26. — Lay in the Forest of Haddonfield, cold and 
uncomfortable. Two Hessian deserters came in who declared 
our little parties had kilPd a number of the Enemy — 15 
prisoners were bro't in, 2 women. 

November 27. — Return'd to Mount Holly. Same Day 
Greene's Division and Glover's Brigade (who had arriv'd 
from the Northward 2 Days before) march to Burlington. 
Morgan with his Riflemen were left with the militia to 
harrass the Enemy as they were Recrossing the River from 
Red Bank to the City. 

November 28. — The remainder of us marched to Burling- 
ton. P.M. the rear of the army crossed over to Bristol. A 
Storm prevented the Baggage going over this Night, which 
prevented Dr. L. & myself also crossing with our horses. 

November 29. — Storm increas'd. About one p.m. An 
alarm was made by a report that the enemy were within 15 
minutes march of the Town to take the Baggage. Those 
of us who had horses rode up to Burdentown. The Bag- 
gage and the Sick were all hurried out of Town the same 
way, but had not got 2 miles before they were turn'd back 
on its being a false Alarm. For the sake of good living 
however Dr. L., 1 Parson E. 2 k myself went to Burdentown 

1 Probably Surgeon Samuel Lee, of the Fourth Connecticut Line. 
* Chaplain John Ellis, of the First Connecticut Line, and subse- 
quently brigade chaplain of Huntington's brigade. 

Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 303 

up the River, liv'd well & cross'd over to Winsor next Day, 
and arrived at Bristol in the Evening when I had my Shoes 
and Silver Buckles stole. Dr. L. had a valuable Great Coat 
stole the Day before at Burlington. 

December 1, — We marched to Head Quarters [White- 
marsh] and our Division (McDougals) encamped on the 
Left of the Second Line. Our former Station was in the 
Centre of the Front Line. Here Huts of sticks & leaves 
shelter'd us from the inclementcy of the Weather and we 
lay pretty Quiet until 

December 5. — At 3 o'clock a.m. the Alarm Guns were 
fired and Troops immediately paraded at their several Alarm 
posts. The Enemy were approaching with their Whole 
Strength to give us Battle. ^Nothing further remarkable 
ensued this Day — at Mght our Troops lay on their Arms, 
the Baggage being all sent away except what a man might 
run or fight with. 

December 6. — The Enemy forming a Line from towards 
our right to the extremity of our left upon an opposite long 
height to ours in a Wood. Our men were under Arms all 
Day and this [Night also, as our Wise General was deter- 
mined not to be attacked tapping. 

December 7. — Alarm given. Troops on their several post3. 
Towards Noon Col. Ch. Webb's Reg 61 were partly sur- 
rounded and Attack' on the Right of the Army. They 
being overpower'd by Numbers, retreated with loss — the 
brave Capt. Walbridge 2 was wounded in the head — Lieut. 
Harris kilPd. 3 A scattering fire through to the left soon 
began & continued a few minutes, till our Piquets ran in. 
The firing soon ceased on the Right & continued on the 
Left, as tho' a General Attack was meant to begin there. 
On this supposition the Left were Reinforced. But a scatter- 

1 Colonel Charles Webb, Second Connecticut Line. 

* Captain Amo3 Walbridge, later major of the Second Connecticut 

1 Lieutenant John Harris entered the service as second lieutenant in 
the Seventeenth Connecticut Infantry December 31, 1776 ; promoted to 
first lieutenant and transferred to Second Connecticut Line. 

304 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

ing fire was kept up by Morgan's Battalion, at Intervals all 
Day, and concluded with a little skirmish at Sun Set. Our 
Troops lay on their Arms this night also. Some firing 
among the Piquets in the night. 

December 8. — All at our Several Posts. Provisions & 
Whiskey very scarce. Were Soldiers to have plenty of 
Food & Rum, I believe they would Storm Tophet. Our 
Lines were on a long high hill extending about three Miles 
— all Man'd. An Abettes in front from Right to Left — 
another in the rear of the Left, with a Cross Abettee near 
the Extremety. 

Five men from each Reg* in Varaum's & Huntington's 
Brigades as Volunteers join'd Morgan's Rifle Men to 
Harrass the Enemy, and excite an Attack. Some Reg u 
were ordered to march out if an Attack should begin in 
earnest. This Afternoon a small Skirmish happen'd near 
the Enemies lines against our left. Towards Night the 
Enemy fired some Cannon against our Right & 2 against 
our left. Their horse appear'd to be busily moving. In 
the Evening there were but two spots of fires in the 
Enemies Camp. One against our Park (or main center); 
the other against the extremity of our Left, when the 
evening before they extended from almost our Right to our 
Left. At 12 o'clock at Night our Reg*, with Sixteen more 
were Ordered to parade immediately before his Excellencies 
Quarters under Command of Sullivan & Wayne. We were 
there by One, when Intelligence came that the Enemy had 
made a precipitate retreat and was safely got into the City. 
We were all Chagrin'd at this, as we were more willing 
to Chase them in Rear, than meet such Sulkey Dogs in 
Front. We were now remanded back with several draughts 
of Rum in our frozen bellies, which made us so glad we 
all fell asleep in our open huts, nor experienced the Cold- 
ness of the Night 'till we found ourselves much stiffened 
by it in the Morning. 

December 9. — We came from within the breastworks. 
Where we had been coop'd up four tedious Days, with 
Cloaths & Boots on Night and Day, and resumed our old 

Volley Forge, 1777-1778. 305 

Hutts East of the Breastwork. The rest of the Army 
Chieflv had their huts within the Lines. We are insensible 
what we are capable of enduring till we are put to the test. 
To endure hardships with a good grace we must allways 
think of the following Maxim : " Pain succeeds Pleasure, 
& Pleasure succeeds Pain." 

December 10. — Lay still. 

December 11. — At four o'clock the Whole Army were 
Order'd to March to Swedes Ford on the Kiver Schuylkill, 
about 9 miles N. W. of Chestnut. Hill, and 6 from White 
Marsh our present Encampment. At sun an hour high the 
whole were mov'd from the Lines and on their march with 
baggage. This Night encamped in a Semi circle nigh 
the Ford. The enemy had march'd up the West side of 
Schuylkill — Potter's Brigade of Pennsylvania Militia were 
already there, & had several skirmishes with them with 
some loss on his side and considerable on the Enemies. 
An English Serj. deserted to us this Day, and inform'd that 
Webb's Reg* kill'd many of their men on 7th, that he him- 
self took Webb's Serj. Major who was a former Deserter 
from them, and was to be hanged this day. 

I am prodigious Sick & cannot get any thing comfortable 
— what in the name of Providence am I to do with a fit of 
Sickness in this place where nothing appears pleasing to 
the Sicken'd Eye & nausiating Stomach. But I doubt not 
Providence will find out a way for my relief. But I cannot 
eat Beef if I starve, for my stomach positively refuses to 
entertain such Company, and how can I help that ? 

December 12. — A Bridge of Waggons made across the 
Schuylkill last Night consisting of 36 waggons, with a 
bridge of Rails between each. Some skirmishing over the 
River. Militia and dragoons brought into Camp several 
Prisoners. Sun Set — We were order'd to march over the 
River — It snows — I'm Sick — eat nothing — No Whiskev — 
No Forage — Lord — Lord — Lord. The Army were 'till 
Sun Rise crossing: the River — some at the Wao*o;on Bridge 
& some at the Raft Bridge below. Cold k uncomfortable. 

December 13. — The Army march'd three miles from the 
Vol. xxi. — 21 

306 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

"West side the River and encamp'd near a place call'd the 
Gulph and not an improper name neither, for this Gulph 
seems well adapted by its situation to keep us from the 
pleasures & enjoyments of this World, or being conversant 
with any body in it. It i3 an excellent place to raise the 
Ideas of a Philosopher beyond the glutted thoughts and 
Reflexions of an Epicurian. His Reflexions will be as dif- 
ferent from the Common Reflexions of Mankind as if he 
were unconnected with the world, and only conversant with 
immaterial beings. It cannot be that our Superiors are 
about to hold consultations with Spirits infinitely beneath 
their Order, by bringing us into these utmost regions of 
the Terraqueous Sphere. No, it is, upon consideration for 
many good purposes since we are to Winter here — I s * 
There is plenty of Wood & Water. 2^ There are but few 
families for the soldiery to Steal from — tho' far be it from 
a Soldier to Steal. 4 lj There are warm sides of Hills to 
erect huts on. 5 l7 They will be heavenly Minded like 
Jonah when in the Belly of a Great Fish. 6 l7 They will 
not become home Sick as is sometimes the Case when Men 
live in the Open. World — since the reflections which will 
naturally arise from their present habitation, will lead them 
to the more noble thoughts of employing their leisure hours 
in filling their knapsacks with such materials as may be 
necessary on the Journey to another Home. 

Decerdber 14. — Prisoners & Deserters are continually com- 
ing in. The Army which has been surprisingly healthy 
hitherto, now begins to grow sickly from the continued 
fatigues they have suffered this Campaign. Yet they still 
show a spirit of Alacrity & Contentment not to be expected 
from so young Troops. I am Sick — discontented — and out 
of humour. Poor food — hard lodging — Cold Weather — fa- 
tigue — "Nasty Cloaths — nasty Cookery — Vomit half my time 
— smoak'd out of my senses — the Devil's in't — I can't En- 
dure it — Why are we sent here to starve and Freeze — 
What sweet Felicities have I left at home; A charming 
Wife — pretty Children — Good Beds — good food — good 
Cookery — all agreeable — all harmonious. Here all Con- 

Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 307 

fusion — smoke & Cold — hunger & filthyness — A pox on my 
bad luck. There comes a bowl of beef soup — full of burnt 
leaves and dirt, sickish enough to make a Hector spue — 
away with it Boys — I'll live like the Chameleon upon Air. 
Poh ! Poh ! crys Patience within me — you talk like a fool. 
Your being sick Covers your mind with a Melanchollic 
Gloom, which makes everything about you appear gloomy. 
See the poor Soldier, when in health — with what cheerful- 
ness he meets his foes and encounters every hardship — if 
barefoot, he labours thro' the Mud & Cold with a Song in 
his mouth extolling War & Washington — if his food be 
bad, he eats it notwithstanding with seeming content — 
blesses God for a good Stomach and Whistles it into diges- 
tion. But harkee Patience, a moment — There comes a Sol- 
dier, his bare feet are seen thro' his worn out Shoes, his 
legs nearly naked from the tatter'd remains of an only pair 
of stockings, his Breeches not sufficient to cover his 
nakedness, his Shirt hanging in Strings, his hair dishevell'd, 
his face meagre; his whole appearance pictures a person 
forsaken & discouraged. He comes, and crys with an air 
of wretchedness & despair, I am Sick, my feet lame, my 
legs are sore, my body cover'd with this tormenting Itch — 
my Cloaths are worn out, my Constitution is broken, my 
former Activity is exhausted by fatigue, hunger & Cold, I 
fail fast I shall soon be no more ! and all the reward I shall 
get will be — "Poor Will is dead." People who live at 
home in Luxury and Ease, quietly possessing their habita- 
tions, Enjoying their Wives & families in peace, have but a 
very faint Idea of the unpleasing sensations, and continual 
Anxiety the Man endures who is in a Camp, and is the 
husband and parent of an agreeable family. These same 
People are willing we should suffer every thing for their 
Benefit & advantage, and yet are the first to Condemn us for 
not doing more ! ! 

December 15. — Quiet. Eat Pessimmens, found myself 
better for their Lenient Opperation. Went to a house, poor 
& small, but good food within — eat too much from being so 
long Abstemious, thro' want of palatables. Mankind are 

308 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

never truly thankfull for the Benefits of life, until they have 
experienc'd the want of them. The Man who has seen 
misery knows best how to enjoy good. He who is always 
at ease & has enough of the Blessings of common life is an 
Impotent Judge of the feelings of the unfortunate. . . . 

December 16. — Cold Rainy Day, Baggage ordered over the 
Gulph of our Division, which were to march at Ten, but 
the baggage was order'd back and for the first time since 
we have been here the Tents were pitch'd, to keep the men 
more comfortable. Good morning Brother Soldier (says one 
to another) how are you ? All wet I thank'e, hope you are so 
(says the other). The Enemy have been at Chestnut Hill Op- 
posite to us near our last encampment the other side Schuyl- 
kill, made some Ravages, kill'd two of our Horsemen, taken 
some prisoners. "We have done the like by them. . . . 

December 18. — Universal Thanksgiving — a Roasted pig at 
Night. God be thanked for my health which I have pretty 
well recovered. How much better should I feel, were I as- 
sured my family were in health. But the same good Being 
who graciously preserves me, is able to preserve them & bring 
me to the ardently wish'd for enjoyment of them again. 

I®* Rank & Precedence make a good deal of disturbance 
& confusion in the American Army. The Army are poorly 
supplied with Provision, occasioned it is said by the Neglect 
of the Commissary of Purchases. Much talk among Offi- 
cers about discharges. Money has become of too little 
consequence. The Congress have not made their Commis- 
sions valuable Enough. Heaven avert the bad consequences 

of these things ! ! l 

* * * ***** 

up the Bristol Road & so got out unnoticed. He inform'd 
that Cornwallis was embark' d for England, and that some 
High-landers had gone to ST. York for Winter Quarters. 

There is nothing to hinder Parties of the like kind above 
mention'd, continually coming out between Delaware and 
Schuylkill, and plundering and destroying the Inhabitants. 

1 A hiatus occurs here in the manuscript. 

Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 309 

Our brethren who are unfortunately Prisoners in Philadel- 
phia meet with the most savage and inhumane treatments 
that Barbarians are Capable of inflicting. Our Enemies do 
not knock them in the head or burn them with torches to 
death, or flee them alive, or gradually dismember them till 
they die, which is customary among Savages & Barbarians. 
No, they are worse by far. They suffer them to starve, to 
linger out their lives in extreem hunger. One of these poor 
unhappy men, drove to the last extreem by the rage of hun- 
ger, eat his own fingers up to the first joint from the hand, 
before he died. Others eat the Clay, the Lime, the Stones of 
the Prison Walls. Several who died in the Yard had pieces 
of Bark, Wood, Clay & Stones in their mouths, which the 
ravings of hunger had caused them to take in for food in 
the last Agonies of Life ! " These are thy mercies, Brit- 
tain !" 

December 91. — [Valley Forge.] Preparations made for 
hutts. Provisions Scarce. Mr. Ellis went homeward — sent 
a Letter to my Wife. Heartily wish myself at home, my 
Skin & eyes are almost spoiPd with continual smoke. A 
general cry thro* the Camp this Evening among the Sol- 
diers, "No Meat! No Meat!"— -the Distant vales Echo'd 
back the melancholly sound — "No Meat! No Meat!" 
Immitating the noise of Crows & Owls, also, made a part 
of the confused Musick. 

What have you for your Dinn ers Boys ? " Nothing but Fire 
Cake & Water, Sir." At night, " Gentlemen the Supper is 
ready." What is your Supper Lads ? " Fire Cake & Water, 
Sir." Yery poor beef has been drawn in our Camp the 
greater part of this season. A Butcher bringing a Quarter 
of this kind of Beef into Camp one day who had white 
Buttons on the knees of his breeches, a Soldier cries out 
-—"There, there Tom is some more of your fat Beef, 
by my soul I can see the Butcher's breeches buttons 
through it." 

December 22. — Lay excessive Cold & uncomfortable last 
Night — my eyes are started out from their Orbits like a 
Rabbit's eyes, occasion'd by a great Cold & Smoke. 

310 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

What have von srot for Breakfast, Lads ? " Fire Cake & 
Water, Sir." The Lord send that our Commissary of Pur- 
chases may live [ou] Fire Cake & Water, 'till their glutted 
Gutts are turned to Pasteboard. 

Our Division are under Marching Orders this morning. 
I am ashamed to say it, but I am tempted to steal Fowls if 
I could find them, or even a whole Hog, for I feel as if I 
could eat one. But the Impoverish'd Country about us, 
affords but little matter to employ a Thief, or keep a Clever 
Fellow in good humour. But why do I talk of hunger & 
hard usage, when so many in the World have not even fire 
Cake & Water to eat. 1 

The human mind is always poreing upon the gloomy side 
of Fortune, and while it inhabits this lump of Clay, will 
always be in an uneasy and fluctuating State, produced by 
a thousand Incidents in common Life, which are deemed 
misfortunes, while the mind is taken off from the nobler 
pursuit of matters in Futurity. The sufferings of the Body 
naturally gain the Attention of the Mind, and thi3 Atten- 
tion is more or less strong, in greater or lesser 60uls, altho' 
I believe that Ambition & a high Opinion of Fame, makes 
many People endure hardships and pains with that fortitude 
we after times Observe them to do. On the other hand, 
a despicable opinion of the enjoyments of this Life, by a 
continued series of Misfortunes, and a long acquaintance 
with Grief, induces others to bear afflictions with becoming 
serenity and Calmness. 

It is not in the power of Philosophy however, to con- 
vince a man he may be happy and Contented if he will, with 
a Hungry Belly. Give me Food, Cloaths, Wife & Children, 
kind Heaven ! and I'll be as contented as my Nature will 
permit me to be. 

This Evening a Party with two field pieces were order'd 

1 Surgeon Waldo does not exaggerate the state of the commissary 
department of the army at this time. General Huntington, to whose 
brigade his regiment was attached, wrote to Washington on the subject, 
and his letter with a number of others the Commander-in-Chief for- 
warded to Congress. 

Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 311 

out. At 12 of the Clock at Night, Providence sent us a 
little Mutton, with which we immediately had some Broth 
made, & a fine Stomach for same. Ye who Eat Pumkin Pie 
and Roast Turkies, and yet Curse fortune for using you ill, 
Curse her no more, least she reduce your Allowance of her 
favours to a bit of Fire Cake, & a draught of Cold Water, k 
in Cold Weather too. 

December 23. — The Party that went out last evening not 
Retum'd to Day. This evening an excellent Player on the 
Violin in that soft kind of Musick, which ia so finely adapted 
to stirr up the tender Passions, while he was playing in the 
next Tent to mine, these kind of soft Airs it immediately 
called up in remembrance all the endearing expressions, the 
Tender Sentiments, the sympathetic friendship that has 
given so much satisfaction and sensible pleasure to me 
from the first time I gained the heart k affections of the 
tenderest of the Fair. A thousand agreeable little incidents 
which have Occurr'd since our happy connection, and which 
would have pass'd totally unnoticed by such who are 
strangers to the soft & sincere passion of Love, were now 
recaird to my mind, and filled me with these tender emo- 
tions, and Agreeable Reflections, which cannot be described, 
and which in spite of my Philosophy forced out the sym- 
pathetic tear. I wish'd to have the Musick Cease, and yet 
dreaded its ceasing, least I should loose sight of these dear 
Ideas, which gave me pain and pleasure at the same in- 
stant. Ah Heaven why is it that our harder fate so often 
deprives us of the enjoyment of what we most wish to enjoy 
this side of thy brighter realms. There is something in 
this strong passion of Love far more agreeable than what 
we can derive from any of the other Passions and which 
Duller Souls k Cheerless minds are insensible of, k laugh 
at — let such fools laugh at me. 

December 24. — Party of the 22 d not returned. Hutts go 
on Slowly — Cold k Smoke make us fret. But mankind are 
always fretting, even if they have more than their propor- 
tion of the Blessings of Life. We are never Easy, allways 
repining at the Providence of an Allwise k Benevolent 

312 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

Being, Blaming Our Country or faulting our Friends. But 
I don't know of any thing that vexes a man's Soul more 
than hot smoke continually blowing into his Eyes, & when 
he attempts to avoid it, is met by a cold and piercing Wind. 

December £-5, Christmas. — We are still in Tents — when we 
ought to be in huts — the poor Sick, suffer much in Tents 
this cold Weather. But we now treat them differently from 
what they used to be at home, under the inspection of Old 
Women and Doct. Bolus Linctus. We give them Mutton 
& Grogg and a Capital Medicine once in a While, to start 
the Disease from its foundation at once. We avoid Piddling 
Pills, Powders, Bolus's Linctus's Cordials and all such in- 
significant matters whose powers are Only render'd impor- 
tant by causing the Patient to vomit up his money instead 
of his disease. But very few of the sick Men Die. 1 

December ££.— Party of the 22 d not Return'd. The Enemy 
have been some Days the west Schuylkill from Opposite 
the City to Derby. Their intentions not yet known. The 
City is at present pretty Clear of them. Why don't his Ex- 
cellency rush in & retake the City, in which he will doubt- 
less find much Plunder ? Because he knows better than to 

leave his Post and be catch'd like a d d fool cooped up 

in the City. He has always acted wisely hitherto. His 
conduct when closely scrutinised is uncensurable. Were 
his Inferior Generals as skillfull as himself, we should have 
the grandest Choir of Officers ever God made. Many 
Country Gentlemen in the interior parts of the States who 
get wrong information of the Affairs & state of our Camp, 
are very much Surprized at G 1 Washington's delay to drive 
off the Enemy, being falsely inform'd that his Army consists 
of double the Number of the Enemy's — such wrong infor- 
mation serves not to keep up the spirit of the People, as 
they must be by and by undeceiv'd to their no small disap- 
pointment; — it brings blame on his Excellency, who is de- 
serving of the greatest encomiums; it brings disgrace on 
the Continental Troops, who have never evidenced the least 

1 Two thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight men were reported by 
the surgeons unfit for duty. 



Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 313 

backwardness in doing their duty, but on the contrary, have 
cheerfully endurd a long and very fatigueing Campaign. 
} Tis true they have fought but little this Campaign ; which 
is not owinsr to anv Unwillingness in Officers or Soldiers, 
but for want of convenient Opportunities, which have not 
offer'd themselves this Season; tho' this may be contra- 
dicted by many ; but Impartial Truth in future History will 
clear up these points, and reflect lasting honour on the 
Wisdom & prudence of G eal Washington. The greatest 
Number of Continental Troops that have been with his 
Excell 7 this Campaign, never consisted of more than Eleven 
thousand ; and the greatest Number of Militia in the field at 
Once were not more than 2000. Yet these accounts are ex- 
aggerated to 50 or 60,000. Howe, by the best, and most 
authentic Accounts has never had less than 10,000. If 
then, Gen 1 Washington, by Opposing little more than an 
equal Number of young Troops, to Old Veterans has kept 
his Ground in general, Cooped them up in the City, pre- 
vented their making any considerable inroads upon him, 
Killed and wounded a very considerable number of them 
in different Skirmishes, and made many proselytes to the 
Shrine of Liberty by these little successes, and by the pru- 
dence, calmness, sedateness & wisdom with which he facili- 
tates all his Opperations. This being the case, and his 
not having wantonly thrown away the lives of his Soldiers, 
but reserved them for another Campaign (if another should 
Open in the Spring) which is of the utmost consequence 
This then cannot be called an Inglorious Campaign. If he 
had risk'd a General Battle, and should have proved unsuc- 
cessfull, what in the name of Heaven would have been our 
case this Day. Troops are raised with great difficulty in 
the Southern States, many Regiments from these States do 
not consist of one hundred men. What then was the grand 
Southern Army before the N. England Troops joined them 
and if this Army is Cut off where should we get another as 
good. General Washington has doubtless considered these 
matters & his conduct this Campaign has certainly demon- 
strated his prudence & Wisdom. 

314 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

This Evening, cross'd the Schuylkill with D r Col al — eat 
plenty of Pessimmens which is the most lenient, Sub Acid 
& Subastringent fruit, I believe that grows. 

December 27. — My horse shod. A Snow. Lodg'd at a 
Welchman's this Night, return'd to Camp in the morning 
of 28 th . Snow'd last Xight. 

December 28. — Yesterday upwards of fifty Officers in 
Gen 1 Greene's Division resigned their Commissions — Six or 
Seven of our Regiment are doing the like to-day. All this 
is occasion'd by Officers Families being so much neglected 
at home on account of Provisions. Their Wage3 will not 
by considerable, purchase a few trifling Comfortables here 
in Camp, & maintain their families at home, while such ex- 
travagant prices are demanded for the common necessaries 
of Life — What then have they to purchase Cloaths and 
other necessaries with ? It is a Melancholly reflection that 
what is of the most universal importance, is most univer- 
sally neglected — I mean keeping up the Credit of Money. 

The present Circumstances of the Soldier is better by far 
than the Officers — for the family of the Soldier is provided 
for at the public expence if the Articles they want are above 
the common price — but the Officer's family, are obliged not 
only to beg in the most humble manner for the necessaries 
of Life, — but also to pay for them afterwards at the most 
exorbitant rates — and even in this manner, many of them 
who depend entirely on their Money, cannot procure half 
the material comforts that are wanted in a family — this pro- 
duces continual letters of complaint from home. When 
the Officer has been fatiguing thro' wet & cold and returns 
to his tent where he finds a letter directed to him from his 
Wife, filPd with the most heart aching tender Complaints, 
a Woman is capable of writing — Acquainting him with the 
incredible difficulty with which she procures a little Bread 
for herself & Children — and finally concluding with expres- 
sions bordering on dispair, of procuring a sufficiency of 
food to keep soul & Body together through the Winter — 
that her money is of very little consequence to her — that 

1 Probably Surgeon Noah Coleman, of the Second Connecticut Line. 

Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 315 

she begs of him to consider that Charity begins at home — 
and not suffer his family to perish with want, in the midst 
of plenty. "When such, I say — is the tidings they constantly 
hear from their families — "What man is there — who has the 
least regard for his family — whose soul would not shrink 
within him ? Who would not be disheartened from perse- 
vering in the best of Causes — the Cause of his Country, — 
when such discouragements as these ly in his way, which 
his Country might remedy if they would ? 

December 28. — Building our Hutts. 

December 29. — Continued the Work. Snow'd all day 
pretty briskly. — The party of the 22 d return'd — lost 18 men, 
who were taken prisoners by being decoyed by the Enemies 
Light Horse who brought up the Rear, as they Repassed 
the Schuylkill to the City. Our party took 13 or 14 of 
their Horsemen. The Enemy came out to plunder — & have 
strip'd the Town of Derby of even all its Household furni- 
ture. Our party were several times mixed with the Enemy's 
horse — not knowing them from our Connecticut Light 
Horse — their Cloaks being alike. 

So much talk about discharges among the Officers — & so 
many are discharged — his Excellency lately expressed his 
fears of being left Alone with the Soldiers only. Strange that 
our Country will not exert themselves for his support, and 
save so good — so great a Man from entertaining the least 
anxious doubt of their Virtue and perseverance in support- 
ing a Cause of such unparalleled importance ! ! 

All Hell couldn't prevail against us, If Heaven continues 
no more than its former blessings — and if we keep up the 
Credit of our Money which has now become of the last 
consequence. If its Credit sinks but a few degrees more, 
we shall then repent when 'tis too late — & cry out for help 
when no one will appear to deliver. We who are in Camp, 
and depend on our Money entirely to procure the comforts 
of life — feel the Importance of this matter — He who is 
hording it up in his Chest, thinks little more of it than 
how he shall procure more. 

December SO. — Eleven Deserters came in to-day — some 

316 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

Hessians & some English — one of the Hes" took an Ax in 
his hand & cut away the Ice of the Schuylkill which was 1 \ 
inches thick & 40 Rod wide and waded through to our 
Camp— he was J an hour in the Water. They had a 
promise when they engag'd that the war would be ended in 
one year — they were now tired of the Service. 

Sir W m Askins commanded the 8000 who were out over 
the Schuylkill the Other Day — but part of two Brigades 
were left in the City. Cold Weather. Hutts go on mod- 
erately — very cold lying in Tents — beyond what one can 

December SI, — Adjutant Selden 1 learn 'd me how to Darn 
Stockings — to make them look like knit work. 

Valley Forge, Dec. 3l3t, 1777. 
Doct. Waldo Surgeon of Col. Prentices Reg*, is recom- 
mended for a Furlow. 

J. Huntington, B. General. 

Apply'd with the above for a furlow, to Doct. Cochran, 
who reply'd — " I am willing to oblige every Gentleman of 
the Faculty, but some of the Boston Surgeons have by 
taking an underhand method of getting furlows, occasion'd 
a Complaint to be lodg'd with his Excellency, who has posi- 
tively forbid my giving any furlows at present. We shall soon 
have regimental Hospitals erected — and general Ones to re- 
ceive the superabundant Sick from them ; — if you will tarry 
till such regulations are made — you will have an honourable 
furlow, and even now — I will, if you desire it — recommend 
you to his Excellency for one — but desire you would stay a 
little while longer — and in the mean time, recommend to me 
some young Surgeon for a Regiment, and I will immediately 
appoint him to a chief Surgeoncy from your recommenda- 
tion — I shall remember the rascals who have us'd me ill." 

I concluded to stay — & immediately set about fixing ac- 
commodations for the Sick &c. &c. 

1 Ezra Selden, adjutant First Connecticut Line. Commissioned Jan- 
uary 1, 1777 ; promoted captain January 11, 1778. Severely wounded 
in hip at storming of Stony Point. Died December 9, 17S4. 

Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 317 

We got some Spirits and finish'd the Year with a good 
Drink & thankfull hearts in our new Hutt, which stands on 
an Eminence that overlooks the Brigade, & in sight of the 
Front Line. The Major and Commissary Little are to live 
with us which makes our Hutt Head Quarters. 

In the Evening I joyfully received a Letter from my good 
and loving Wife. The pleasure and satisfaction a man enjoys 
upon hearing of the health & peace of a Friend, and more 
especially of a Wife, on whose affections & peace his own 
happiness depends, is a greater pleasure than . . . 

1778, January 1. Neio Year. — I am alive. I am well. 

Hutts go on briskly, and our Camp begins to appear like 
a spacious City. 

A party of our Army at Wilmington took a Ship in the 
Delaware from New York tother day, in which were a 
Number of Officers Wifes and about 70 or 80 men. 

His Excellency Issued an Order this day that No one in 
the Army should have a new Coat made without first ob- 
taining a pattern. . . . 

Nothing tends to the establishment of the firmest Friend- 
ship like Mutual Sufferings which produces mutual Inten- 
tions and endeavours for mutual Relief which in such cases 
are equally shar'd with pleasure and satisfaction — in the 
course of this, each heart is laid open to full view — the 
similar passions in each, approximate themselves by a cer- 
tain impulsive sympathy, which terminates in lasting esteem. 

Bought an embroidered Jacket. 

How much we affect to appear of consequence by a super- 
fluous Dress, — and yet Custom — (that law which none may 
fight against) has rendered this absolutely necessary k com- 
mendable. An Officer frequently fails of being duly no- 
ticed, merely from the want of a genteel Dress ; — and if 
joined to this, he has a bungling Address, — his situation is 
render'd very disagreeable. Neatness of Dress, void of un- 
necessary superfluities is very becoming — and discovers a 
man at least to have some Ambition — without which he will 
never make any figure in life. A man Appears to much 

31 8 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

greater advantage, especially among strangers, with a gen- 
teel Dress, which will naturally prepossess the Company in 
his favour, before they hear him speak. In this way, — even 
the fool may pass for a man of consequence — A man ought 
always to dress according to his business let his Abilities be 
what they will ; — for if his Business is not sufficient to sup- 
port a Credible appearance in the world, let him discontinue 
it and undertake some other branch. But these are trifles 
not to be compared with Virtue and good Sense : by these 
is the road to true fame & Glory, — by these we walk thro' 
the world with the least hazzard — and obtain that peace of 
mind; that variety of agreeable Reflection — and that esteem 
among the Virtuous & Amiable, which the Vicious Fool is 
a stranger to. 

January 3. — Our Hutt, or rather our Hermits Cell, goes 
on briskly, having a short allowance of Bread this morning 
we divided it with great precision, eat our Breakfast with 
thankful hearts for the little we had, took care of the Sick, 
according to our dayly practice, and went to Work on our 
little humble Cottage. Now ye poets give me my Wife & 
Children, with your daisies, your Hoses, your Tuleps and 
your other insignificant poetical materials, & I believe I 
should be pretty contented in this humble Cottage which 
the muses have so often described. 

Another Ship was taken from the Enemy this Week, the 
lading taken out & the Ship burnt. The other Ship men- 
tion'd New Years day, was loaded with Officers Baggage 
and Medicines, with other valluable matters, & Cloathing for 
2000 men Compleat. 


The hint taken from the following line of Pope : 

" Gun, Drum, Trumpet, Blunderbuss & Thunder." 

Soldiers 1 would you acquire a lasting fame ; 

Would you be pleased with a Hero's name ; 

Have you a wish, to be a Martial Wonder ; 

Bush furious on your foes, & fearless blunder, 

Thro' Gun, Drum, Trumpet, Blunderbuss and Thunder. 

Valley Forge, 1777 -177 S. 319 

Fresh Beef and Flour make me perfectly Sick, especially 
as we have no Spirits to drink with it ; — but others stand it, 
so must I. 

To day his Excellency in Orders acquainted the Troop3 
of the Congress's high approbation of their spirited perse- 
verance and good Conduct this Campaign, that Rations 
should be raised monthly in proportion to the rise of the 
Articles of life, that the Congress were exerting themselves 
to supply the Commissary, and Cloathiers Departments, 
with a greater quantity of better Stores, than hitherto, that 
the Troops may be Supply'd with a greater quantity of 
Provision than they have been of late ; and that a Month's 
"Wages extraordinary shall be given to every Officer & 
Soldier who shall live in Hutts this Winter. 

Good encouragement this, and we think ourselves de- 
serving of it, for the hunger, Thirst, Cold & fatigue we 
have suffer'd this Campaign, altho' we have not fought 
much, yet the oldest Soldiers among us have called the 
Campaign a very severe & hard one. . . . 

Sunday, January £- — Properly accouter'd I went to work 
at Masonry, None of my Mess were to dictate me, and 
before Night (being found with Mortar & Stone) I almost 
compleated a genteel Chimney to my Magnificent Hutt, 
however, as we had short allowance of food & no Grogg, my 
back ached before Night. 

I was call'd to relieve a Soldier tho't to be dying — he ex- 
pir'd before I reach'd the Hutt. He was an Indian — an 
excellent Soldier — and an obedient good natur'd fellow. 
He engaged for money doubtless as others do; — but he 
has serv'd his country faithfully — he has fought for those 
very people who disinherited his forefathers — having fin- 
ished his pilgrimage, he was discharged from the War of 
Life & Death. His memory ought to be respected, more 
than those rich ones who supply the world with nothing 
better than Money and Vice. There the poor fellow lies 
not Superior now to a clod of earth — his Mouth wide open — 
his Eyes staring. Was he affrighted at the scene of Death 
— or the consequences of it ? — doubtless both ; — but he has 

320 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

doubtless acted agreeable to the dictates of Xature in the 
course of his whole life — why should he then be afraid of 
the consequences of Death. Where then is his immaterial 
part taken its flight — undoubtedly the scene Changes, and 
admits him into another State, — and there fixes him for- 
ever, — but what is that state — is it happy or miserable. He 
has been an honest fellow — has done his duty to his Maker 
and his fellow creatures as far as his Inclinations and Abili- 
ties would permit of, — therefore we'll suppose him happier 
now than ever. 

What a frail — dying creature is Man. We are Certainly 
not made for this world — daily evidences demonstrate the 

Ah I frail — vain man — ye jest of fortune Here 

Riches thy bane — and Poverty thy Curse 

All pleasures glutt thee — pain afflicts thy heart, 

Thy Body only food for Death & worms. 

Look upward then — O Man — the God of "Worlds 

Has form'd another World for thee — by far 

Superior to this Orb on which we dwell. 

The Marquis De la Fayette, a Volunteer in Our Army — 
& he who gave three Ships to Congress, is very agreeable in 
his person and great in his Character; being made a Major 
General — Brigadier Conway, an Irish Colonel from France, 
took umbrage thereat, and resigned — but is now made In- 
spector General of the Army — he is a great Character — he 
wore a Commission in the French Service when he was but 
ten years old. Major General Lord Stirling, is a man of a 
very noble presence, — and the most martial Appearance ot 
any General in the Service — he much resembles the Mar- 
quis of Granby — by his bald head — & the make of his face 
— and figure of his Body — He is mild in his private Conver- 
sation, and vociferous in the Field ; — but he has allways 
been unfortunate in Actions. 

Count Pulaski — General of the Horse is a Man of hardly 
middling Stature — sharp Countenance — and lively air; — 
He contended a long time with his Uncle the present king 
of Poland for the Crown — but being overcome he lied to 

Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 321 

France — and has now joined the American Army, where 
he is greatly respected & admired for his Martial Skill, 
Courage & Intrepidity. Gen 1 Greene & Gen 1 Sullivan are 
greatly esteemed. Baron De Kalb, a Major General is an- 
other very remarkable Character, and a Gentleman much 

January 5. — Apply'd for a Furlow, Surg n Gen 1 not at 
home — come back mumping & Sulkey. 

January 6. — Apply'd again — was deny'd by reason of In- 
oculations being set on foot — & because the Boston Surgeons 
had too many of them gone — one of whom is to be broke 
for his lying & deceiving in order to get a furlow — and I 
wish his cursed tongue was pulPd out, for thus giving an 
example of scandal to the New England Surgeons, tho ? the 
Connect* Ones are well enough respected at present. Came 
home sulkey and Cross — storm'd at the boys — and swore 
round like a piper and a fool till most Night — when I 
bought me a Bear Skin — dress'd with the Hair on : — This 
will answer me to ly on — Set on. 1 . . . 
Case; — it serves to keep off those melancholly Ideas which 
often attend such a person, and who loves his family and 
wishes to be with them. If I should happen to lose thi3 
little Journal, any fool may laugh that finds it, — since I 
know that there is nothing in it but the natural ilowings 
& reflections of my own heart, which is human as well as 
other Peoples — and if there is a great deal of folly in it — 
there is no intended 111 nature — and am sure there is much 
Sincerity, especially when I mention my family, whom I 
cannot help saying and am not asham'd to say that I Love. 
But I begin to grow Sober, I shall be home sick again. — 
Muses attend! — File off to the ris;ht errim melanchollv ! 
Seek no more an asylum in thine Enemy's breast ! — Waft 
me hence ye Muses to the brow of Mount Parnassus ! for 
to the summit, I dare not, will not presume to climb — . . . 

We have got our Hutts to be very comfortable, and feel 
ourselves happy in them — I only want my family and I 

1 Another hiatus occurs here in the manuscript. 

Vol. xxi.— -22 

322 Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 

should be as happy here as any where, except in the Article 
of food, which is sometimes pretty scanty. 

The Brigg taken from the Enemy (& mention'd Xew 
Year's Day) is the greatest prize ever taken from them — 
There is Scarlet — Blue — & Buff Cloth, sufficient to Cloath 
all the Officers of the Army — & Hats — Shirts — Stockings — 
Shoes — Boots — Spurs — &c. to finish compleat Suits for all. 
A petition is sent to his Excellency, that this Cloathing may 
be dealt out to the Regimental Officers only — at a moderate 
price — Excluding Commissaries — Bull Drivers &c. — there 
are 4 or 5000 Apelets of Gold & Silver— Many Chests of 
private Officers Baggage — & General How's Silver Plate — & 
Kitchen furniture, &c. This Cargo was sent to Cloathe all 
the Officers of the British Army. 

January 8. — Unexpectedly got a Furlow. Set out for 
home. The very worst of Riding — Mud & Mire. 

We had gone thro' Inoculation before this furlow. 

Lodged at— Porters £0 12 

Breakfasted at Weavers Jan y 9 th just by Bartholomews .050 

Grogg 040 

Hyelyars Tavern Z\ from Caryls, dined . . . .051 

Shocking Riding ! 
Lodged at a private house three miles this side Delaware in 

Jersey & Breakfasted 6 

Treat Serj. Palmer with Baggage 5 2 

Mattersons Tavern 13 m De War 4 

Matteiaons 020 

Conarts Tavern 10 M 5 

Sharps or M c Curdys, 4 M 13 

Capt. Porter's Cross Road 2 M. from M c Curdy's Lodged — 5 

Dol.l Sixth 1 11 

Breakfasted at the pretty Cottagers Jan- T 11 th . . .050 

1 M. from Porters, Horses 6 

Lodging &c 11 

Bullions Tavern (Vealtown) 5 

Morristown Din'd 050 

Poquonnack 10 M. from N. Y. at Jennings Tavern & a nar- 
row Bed — Lodg'd here. Landlady w l * Teethache, Chil- 
dren keep a squalling 19 

Roome's or Romer's Tavern, Good Tavern, 11 Mile from 
Jennings 20 

Valley Forge, 1777-1778. 323 

For 2 boles Grog & Phyal of Rum Vaulk's house — . . £0 

Honey & Bread & Oats 

Good Old squeaking Widow Ann Hopkins. 26 M. from Jen- 
ning's, fine Living, for Horse, Supp'r, Lodg'd, Break ,d . 

Satyr Tavern, Lodged & Supped 

Judge Coe's, 9 M. from King's Ferry Dinner, Oats . . 

Adams £4 9 9 Paid 
Waldo £4 9 9 

Jany. 14. — Alone. Lodged at Sherald's. Left Mr. Adams 

sick 090 

15. — On the road to Fredericksburgh 7 







324 The Family of William Penn. 



(Continued from page 160.) 

Three children of William Penn and Hannah Callowhill, 
as we have seen, were married, — Thomas, Margaret, and 
Richard. Of Margaret (Freame) we have already spoken. 1 
It remains, in this branch of the Founder's family, to speak 
of Thomas and Richard and their descendants. We there- 
fore take up Thomas and his line. 

At the death of his father, Thomas was in his seventeenth 
year, — an apprentice, as we have seen, with Michael Russell, 
in London. Apparently he resided in the city from that 
time until he came to Pennsylvania in 1732. Here he stayed 
nine years, and in 1741 returned to England. In 1751 he 
was married; in 1775 he died. About 1728 he appears 
to have been engaged in business of some sort in London, 
and to have had a partner. He writes to his brother John, 
April 26 of that year, and signs the letter " Thomas Penn 
and Company;" in it he speaks of " my business on part- 
nership, of which I some time since acquainted thee.'*' 2 

It is as the principal Proprietor of Pennsylvania for 
nearly thirty years that Thomas Penn has distinction. His 
influential connection with the Province was second only to 
that of his father. 

The will of the Founder remained in dispute for nine 
years, 1718 to 1727. A summary of the several steps in the 
case is given in the " Breviate in the Boundary Dispute," 3 
and the subsequent arrangements concerning the Proprie- 
tary estate are outlined in an article by the late Eli K. Price, 

1 Some further details concerning her may be given Inter. 

* MS. letter in Historical Society of Pennsylvania collections. 

s " Pennsylvania Archives," 2d series, Vol. XVI. 






' " *. /.. 

"** ■ vH r«>^»fc» ~~ - ' null i an '■ '• — 




The Family of William Penn. 325 

in the American Law Register for August, 1871. Probate of 
the Founder's will was granted at Doctors' Commons, No- 
vember 14-18, 1718. Hannah Penn then executed a " Deed 
Poll of Appointment," upon her powers under the will, by 
which she assigned half of Pennsylvania and the Delaware 
counties to her son John, and divided the other half between 
Thomas, Richard, and Dennis. In October, 1721, a suit was 
begun by Hannah Penn, in the Court of Exchequer, in her 
own right and for her five children (who were then all 
minors), to establish the will and her and the children's 
rights under it against all the other parties in interest, — 
the two earls to whom the powers of government were de- 
vised; Springett Penn, as heir-at-law of William Penn, Jr. ; 
the surviving trustees in Pennsylvania, named in Penn's 
will; and the younger children of William Penn, Jr. 1 
This suit in the Exchequer Court, after many delays, during 
which Dennis Penn, Henry Gouldney (one of the mort- 
gagees), the Earl of Oxford, and Hannah Penn all died, was 
decided favorably to the will July 4, 1727. The "family 
deed sextipartite," to which an allusion has been made, was 
then framed, by which it was agreed that John Penn should 
have half the Pennsylvania and Delaware property, Thomas 
one-fourth, and Richard one-fourth, and that John's share 
should be charged with certain money payments to Mar- 
garet (Freame). In 1729/30, January 13 and 14, " Indent- 
ures of Lease and Release" were executed by the two sur- 
viving trustees of the old Ford mortgage, Joshua Gee and 
John Woods, to the three brothers, in the shares agreed on, 
half to John, a quarter to Thomas, and the other quarter to 
John and Thomas, as trustees for Richard. June 24, 1735, 
Samuel Preston and James Logan, surviving trustees in 
Pennsylvania under the will, released the estates on their 
part. The will of the Founder was thus established, and 
the enjoyment of the Proprietary rights lodged in the pos- 
session of the three surviving sons of his second wife. 
There had been some question in the minds of the young 

1 The reference to Gulielma Maria, his daughter, in this suit, 9hows 
that she was then the wife of Aubrey Thomas. 

326 The Family of William Penn. 

Proprietaries what use to make of their inheritance. Prior 
to Springett Penn's death, in 1730 (? 1731), a negotiation 
with him had been on foot to sell to him and hi3 brother 
William a life-right in the Proprietorship, and there was an- 
other negotiation for the purchase by John, Thomas, and 
Richard of all Springett's claims. After his death the 
claims of William Penn, 3d, were extinguished by the 
payment to him of five thousand five hundred pounds. 1 

Thomas Penn's residence in Philadelphia covered nine 
years, — the later period of Governor Gordon's administra- 
tion, and his death; the interval, 1736-38, in which James 
Logan was acting Governor; and the first three years of 
Governor Thomas's perturbed administration. During these 
nine years the State-House, now Independence Hall, was 
built and Christ Church was given its present dimensions, 
the " Indian Walk" took place, and the great Indian Council 
of 1736 was held in the Friends' meeting-house at Second 
and Market Streets. This was the period when the " Pala- 
tine" German immigration was at full height, and the 
Scotch-Irish were also coming freely. 

Leaving England in the summer of 1732, Thomas Penn 
reached the Delaware in August, and landed at Chester 
on the 11th of that month. An express rode with a letter 
from him to Governor Gordon, at Philadelphia, and that 
official hastened to receive him with due honor. The Gov- 
ernor, "and all the members of the Council who were able 
to travel, accompanied with a very large number of gentle- 
men," set out next day for Chester, waited on him, and paid 
him their compliments in due form. That he was embar- 
rassed by the ceremonial, as the story attributed to Keimer 
the printer, cited in Watson, avers, is not very probable ; he 
does not appear to have been a person unequal to the de- 
mands of the station he occupied, whether it might be that 
of mercer's apprentice or something higher. The company 

1 This sum was secured to him by a mortgage, and on this he borrowed 
two thousand five hundred pounds of Alexander Forbes, his father-in- 
law. The mortgage was finally extinguished by the three Proprietaries, 
January 29, 1740/41. 

The Family of William Penn. 327 

dined at Chester, then set out for Philadelphia, and near the 
city the mayor, recorder, and aldermen, "with a great body 
of people," met the party and extended the civic welcome. 
There was general anxiety to see the visitor, for since the 
brief stay of William, Jr., twenty-eight years before, and 
his angry departure, there had been none of the family 
of the Founder seen here. There were crowds in the 
streets as the cavalcade entered, and women and children 
gathered on the balconies and door-stoops to see the new 
arrival, — "a son of William Penn !" That they found a 
personable man we may infer from the portraits of him. 

The stories which were told afterwards of Thomas Penn, 
the outcome of his stay here, are preserved by the omniv- 
orous Watson, and may be read in his " Annals." They 
represent his manners as cold. This may have been. I 
presume him to have been a self-contained and somewhat 
formal man, with little disposition to what in a later day has 
been called "gush." The democratic colonists doubtless 
tried him by the tradition, then still fresh among them, of 
his father's gracious and graceful manner, and they are said 
to have found his brother John, when he came two year3 
later, a more affable person. We may take from Watson 
the story of that worthy Welshman, descendant of the 
bards of Cambria, the Reverend Hugh David, who visited 
Thomas Penn to read him a congratulatory poem recalling 
the honorable connection of the Penns with the royal house 
of Tudor, and who retired from the presence much disap- 
pointed. Relating his experience afterwards to Jonathan 
Jones, of Merion, Hugh said with great disgust, " He spoke 
to me but three sentences : f How dost thou do V ' Fare- 
well V ' The other door !'" It is past denial that such brevity 
of speech and lack of poetic appreciation must figure poorly 
in the Welsh chronicle. 

Thomas Penn addressed himself with energy to the Pro- 
prietary affairs. The situation had greatly changed since 
the days of continuous outlay and no income in the first 
years of the settlement, and of perpetual struggle to balance 
income and outgo in the period when the Founder broke 

32S The Family of William Penn. 

down. There was now a large revenue from the sale of 
lands and quit-rents, and the expeuse of the government 
could be sustained by the increasing numbers of the 

In September, 1734, John Penn arrived at Philadelphia 
with his sister Margaret — the " Pegg" of the Ruscombe 
family life — and her husband Thomas Freame, 1 and now all 
the children of Hannah Callowhill but Richard — for Dennis 
had died in 1722 — were gathered at Philadelphia. John re- 
turned to London in a year, to carry on the controversy with 
Lord Baltimore over the Maryland boundary, but Thomas 
and the Freames remained at Philadelphia. 

Thomas Penn established himself at Philadelphia in a 
residence between Bush Hill and the Schuylkill, with 
grounds esteemed handsome in that day, and long known 
as the " Proprietor's Garden." A young Virginian, Daniel 
Fisher, who had come to Philadelphia to seek his fortune, 
and who walked late in the afternoon of the first day of the 
week in May, 1755, "two miles out of town," found the 
garden, though somewhat neglected, more attractive, he 
thought, than that of ex-Governor James Hamilton at Bush 
Hill. It was, he says, " laid out with more judgment." The 
house, of brick, was "but small," with a kitchen, etc., 
"justly contrived for a small rather than a numerous family," 
— a bachelor's establishment, plainly. " It is pleasingly situ- 
ated," says the writer, " on an eminence, with a gradual 
descent, over a small valley, to a handsome, level road, out 
through a wood, affording an agreeable vista of near two 
miles." The greenhouse, at that season empty, its plants 
and flowers disposed in the pleasure-garden, " surpassed 
everything of its kind" Daniel Fisher had seen in America, 
and he looked with pleasure on " a good many orange, 
lemon, and citron trees, in great perfection, loaded with 
abundance of fruit, and some of each sort seemingly ripe." 

1 Thomas Freame had come over earlier, probably in 1732, and had 
returned to England. With some persuasion his wife now accompanied 
him to Pennsylvania. She finally returned to Englaud in 1741 with 
her brother Thomas. 


The Family of William Penn. 329 

There was also a neat little deer park, but he was told that 
no deer were then kept in it. 

At the time of Daniel Fisher's visit to the Proprietor's 
Garden, Thomas Penn had been absent from Philadelphia 
fourteen years. He returned to England in 1741. He had 
taken a somewhat active part in the affairs of the Province, 
especially in the treaties and conferences with the Indians, 
and was occasionally present at the meetings of the Gov- 
ernor's Council. The Council's minutes record him as 
present March 26, 1741, and at a meeting October 14, that 
year, several Cayuga chiefs being present, Governor Thomas 
told them that " Mr. Penn had hoped to have seen the Chief 
of their Nations here this summer, but being disappointed, 
and being obliged to go for England, he had left the Gov- 
ernor in his place." 

The Pennsylvania Gazette, August 20, 1741, has this para- 
graph : 

" This Day the Honourable Thomas Penn, Esq., one of the Proprie- 
tors of this Province, attended by a Great Number of the Principal In- 
habitants of this City, set out for New York, in order to embark on 
board his Majesty's Ship Squirrel, Capt. Peter Warren Commander, for 
Great Britain." 

Apparently he did not sail from New York, however, but 
from a port in New England, and his ship did not get away 
until October. The following letter to Richard Hockley, 1 
who was about to sail from England for Pennsvlvania, to 
act as agent for Thomas Penn, gives the time and circum- 
stances of his arrival in England : 

" Dear Dickey : 

" As we have been in pain for you, hearing Privateers were off our 
Capes, and shoud have great pleasure in hearing you were safe, I con- 
clude it has fared so with you, and that you will be glad to hear my 
Sister [Margaret Freame], with her Children and myself are arrived, in 
perfect health, as wee have been ever since our departure, which was 
this day five weeks from New England ; wee expected after seeing the 
mast ship in the morning to have proceeded to Portsmouth, but the 
wind blowing hard at South our Captain judged propper to put in here, 

1 Penn MS3., Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

330 The Family of William Penn. 

where it blows hard, but as soon as the wind 13 fair wee propose to ?ail 
for Portsmouth, from where I shall be very glad to see you. Enclosed 
is a letter from my Brother which put in the Post if he is not in Town, 
and desire Joseph Freame to get the enclosed bill for £1000 accepted 
and take his receipt for it. Wee all affectionately salute you, and I am 

" Your Very Sincere Friend, 

" Plymouth Habbor, Nov 22d 1741." 

The death of John Penn, in 1746, left Thomas Penn the 
holder of three-fourths of the Proprietary and family land 
in Pennsylvania and Delaware. One-fourth had come to 
him in fee, as we have seen, and two-fourths had been left 
him in life-right by John. He thus became, prospectively 
if not already, a rich man. Thenceforward for almost 
thirty years, to his death in 1775, he was the chief of the 
Penn family and a figure of the first importance in the 
public affairs of Pennsylvania. Throughout the period fol- 
lowing his return to England he was continually in corre- 
spondence with the Lieutenant-Governors and other officials, 
and with his legal and business representatives in Pennsyl- 
vania, and the mass of letters from and to him, in the 
collections now owned by the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania, is so extensive that it has been fully examined by 
but few persons. 

Thomas Penn's letters bear the mark of an energetic, 
prudent, and capable man. His and the other Proprietary 
correspondence, Mr. TV". R. Shepherd says,, 1 after a fuller 
and more careful inspection than almost any one else has 
given, is creditable to the writers. " Our real cause for 
surprise," he thinks, " should be that in their voluminous 
correspondence with their officers in the Proviuce, so few 
harsh and unkindly expressions appear." 

The change in Thomas's financial condition made by the 
inheritance of John's half of the property was important. 
Down to that time, according to his own statement, in a 
letter of October 9, 1749, to Richard Peters, 2 he had spent, 

1 " Proprietary Government in Pennsylvania," by William Robert 
Shepherd. New York, 1896. 
2 Copy of letter in Historical Society of Pennsylvania collections. 

The Family of William Penn. 331 

year by year, almost the whole of his income. " People 
imagine, because we are at the head of a large province, " 
he says, "we must be rich; but I tell you that for fifteen 
years, from 1732 to 1747, I laid by [only] about £100 a 
year." He had been inclined to think, as is shown in a letter 
from Margaret Freame to their brother John Penn, in 1736, 
that he was doing in Pennsylvania the chief work for the 
united Proprietary interest, and should have corresponding 
compensation. He suggested, she wrote John, that he 
should be paid three thousand pounds for his expenses in 
managing the family affairs here, — two thousand pounds by 
John and one thousand pounds by Richard. 1 

While in Pennsylvania Thomas Penn engaged in some 

1 Extracts from this letter, dated Philadelphia, June 14, 1736 : 
" We [Margaret and Thomas Freame, no doubt] went up to Pennsbury, 
where we could not be long by ourselves ; at last we got an opportunity 
to speak to our brother." He was " pretty warm" over a proposal of 
John's, " but on thinking it over became more mild." He would not, 
however, send a proposed power-of-attorney (for the sale of some prop- 
erty, apparently), " for you att home [John and Richard] that dont love 
any trouble will dispose of it for what you can get. . . . He much 
wonders at my brother Richard's declining to come over. ... I heartily 
wish all your affairs were so well settled as the Family might enjoy life 
rather than suffer it." 

The Freames, at this time, were remaining in Pennsylvania for the 
purpose of selling their lands, some of which appear to have been at 
Tulpehocken, in what is now Berks County. Thomas Freame writes to 
John Penn that there are plenty desiring to buy, but they want small 
tracts and have little ready money, while he wishes to sell in large blocks 
and for cash. He says, writing from Philadelphia, March 22, 1736,7, " I 
met with a very great Disappointment, for those Dutchmen that I wrote 
you were about a large part of my Land went up with me to see it. 
They approved of the Land and agreed w lh me for a price, so that I 
began to think of seeing you this Summer, I having been informed that 
they had sixteen hundred pounds in Gold by them, but it proved other- 
wise, for they would pay but £150 this summer and the rest Six years 
hence. This would have done very well if I could afford to let my 
money lay at Interest, but that is not what I want, therefore I did 
nothing with them." Later, in September, 1736, he again writes to 
John that as soon as he is able to ride (he had been unwell) he is going 
to Tulpehocken "with some Palatines lately come in, to whom I have 
some expectation of disposing of half that tract." 

332 The Family of William Penn. 

commercial ventures. John Barclay — one of the sons of 
Robert Barclay, author of the famous Quaker book, the 
" Apology" — was a merchant in Dublin, Ireland, and to 
him Thomas consigned flaxseed and flour. 1 

After returning to England, Thomas Penn lived in London 
for a time. Letters in 1743 were addressed to him, " To the 
care of Mr. John Samuel, Merch't, in Three Kings Court, 
Lombard street," and in 1745 and 1746 " at Mr. Draper's, 
Apothecary, in Charles Street, Convent Garden." He was, 
however, much in the country with John, first at Feens, 
where John continued to live after returning from Pennsyl- 
vania in 1735, 2 and later at a place called Hurley, or Hurley 
Place, near Maidenhead, in Berks, to which John appears 
to have removed from Feens a year or more before his 
death. John's health had not been good. There are fre- 
quent allusions in the letters to his illness, and Bishop 
Yickris, writing to Thomas from Bristol, in October, 1746 
(near the time of John's death), much regretted the removal 
from Feens to Hurley. 3 

1 John Barclay signs himself in his letters " thy sincere friend and 
affectionate kinsman," but the relationship is not clear. It was John 
Barclay's niece, Christian Forbes, who had married William Penn, 
Jr.'s, son, William Penn, 3d, in 1732, but this could hardly be regarded 
as creating kinship with Thomas. 

* Feens was rented during John's absence, with its furniture, etc., and 
" three fields" to a Walter Fisher for £32 2s. a year. The housekeeper 
at the place was named Hannah Roberts. John Penn, after his return 
to England, writes, December 2, 1735, to Thomas Penn, his steward or 
agent (not of the family apparently, but a Penn, perhaps of Bucks ; 
there are several letters to and from him in the Historical Society's col- 
lections), "at Walgrave, near Twyford, Berks,'' thus: "I much want 
to know if the Gentleman is Returned to feen's & when he will leave it, 
for I should Like to come down next Week if the house is Clear, want 
to know also if you have gott me a man for the Garden & horses, & if 
you hear anything of a Person for the house that can Shave and Write 
pretty well. I shall likewise want a maid servt. I wish you could gett 
some good small beer brewed soon to be fitt to drink at Xmass. if Dick 
Wilkins or Underwood has a good Sober Easy troting horse, shall want 
one when I come down." 

3 "I find you have got him into a more healthy and dry air, but I 
fear ray Good Friend, tis too late in the day. Oh how I lament his 

The Family of William Penn. 333 

Thomas Penu had expected to return to Pennsylvania. 
In a letter to Richard Peters, at Philadelphia, March 13, 
1744, giving him a message for the Indians, he says to tell 
them, " And, as for myself, that I fully expected to return 
before this time, but some affairs have hindered me ; how- 
ever, I hope to be in America some time the next year." 
And in a letter a few weeks later, May 9, he says, " I can't 
think of seeing Philadelphia until the latter end of summer 

Thomas Penn married, August 22, 1751, Lady Juliana 
Fermor, fourth daughter of Thomas, first Earl of Pomfret. 
The Gentleman's Magazine for September, 1751, reports the 
marriage : 

" Aug. 22. Hon. Thos. Penn (one of the two proprietors of Pennsyl- 
vania) was married to Lady Juliana Fermor, youngest 1 daughter to the 
E. of Pomfret." 

And the Pennsylvania Gazette, November 14, 1751, has the 
following paragraph : 

"By Capt. Hinton [ship " Philadelphia," John Hinton, from London] 
there is advice that the Honourable Thomas Penn Esq; one of our 
Proprietaries, was married the 22nd of August last, to the Lady Juliana 
Fermor, youngest daughter of the Right Honourable the late ■ Earl of 

In a letter to Richard Peters, September 29, 1751, Thomas 
Penn wrote, — 

" As some of your letters are of a private nature, I shal now reply to 
such of them as I have not taken notice of in my letter of business, but 
first I shall tell you that for some time before I met with that unfortu- 

ever putting a foot in that baneful place at Hurley, I greatly feared the 
Consequences and often Dissuaded him from it." A bill for repairs at 
" Hurley Great House," up to October 17, 1746, a few days before John's 
death, was paid by the executors of his estate, William Vigor, Joseph 
Freame, and Lascelles Metcalf. 

1 There is an error, apparently, in the statement that she was the 
youngest daughter ; two others, according to the list in Burke, were 
younger than she. 

1 "Late" is an error; he was then living, and died two years after, in 

334 The Family of William Penn. 

nate, and what had like to have been fatal accident, I had determined 
on a change of life, and had settled all the necessary points and made 
visits to the lady, which I resumed on my return to Berkshire, and wee 
consummated our marriage the 22nd of last month. This necessarily 
engaged my mind as well as person til finished, that I could not sit 
down to write, but as my grand business is now finished, and I am 
happily settled with a companion possessed with those qualities that 
must render a reasonable man happy as well as of a Family remarkable 
for their affection to each other, and into which I have been received 
with marks of the greatest regard, I shall now sit down as a corre- 
spondent to answer all my friends' letters. 

"... Wee are turning our thoughts toward Pennsylvania, and if I 
should be prevented from embarking the very next summer, if I live till 
the spring after, I make no doubt of being ready then." l 

The " unfortunate" and nearly " fatal accident" alluded 
to above I have not found described in the Penn papers, 
though it is, I am told, referred to in some of them. It is 
said that Thomas and his brother Eichard were riding in a 
coach out of London, and having pistols with them, — for 
fear of highwaymen, probably, — one of the weapons, in 
handling, was accidentally discharged, causing a peculiar 
and serious wound upon Thomas's person. Evidently this 
occurrence was a few months earlier than August, 1751. 

Lady Juliana Fermor was born in 1729, and was there- 
fore much younger — some twenty-seven years — than her 
husband, being, in fact, a woman in her youth at the time 
of her marriage. There are several portraits of her pre- 
served, 2 and one of these, a small full-length, painted by 
Peter Yan Dyck (a descendant, it is said, of the great Van 
Dyck) about the time of the marriage, represents her as 
a well-looking lady in her wedding-dress of white silk, 
made in a style which illustrates strikingly the fashion of 
the time, the skirt being spread out by hoops to enormous 
dimensions sidewise. She stands near the fireplace of a 

1 He never realized these expectations ; he did not again come to 

a Most of them in the possession of her descendant, the Earl of Ran- 
furly, at Dungannon Park, Ireland. Cf. article by W. M. Conway, 
Pex^a. Mag., Vol. VIII. 

The Family of William Penn. 335 

handsome room, presumed to be in her father's house in 
Albemarle Street, London. 

This marriage was an event of high importance to Thomas 
Penn and to all of his family, most of whom, we may feel 
sure, had theretofore regarded him as a confirmed bachelor, 
— he was nearly fifty, — and had been not inconsiderate how 
his valuable estate as well as his present bounties would be 
ultimately bestowed. An agreement had been made in 
1732 between the three brothers, John, Thomas, and Rich- 
ard, " to devise their shares [of the Proprietary estate] to the 
eldest son in tail male, remainder to other sons in like man- 
ner," and upon failure of these to other members of the 
family in succession; this agreement was confirmed by 
Thomas and Richard in 1750, and meantime John, in his 
will, 1746, had left his estate to Thomas for life, with re- 
mainder to his first son, " in tail male," and then succes- 
sively, in like manner, to the other sons. By this will of 
John, the will of Richard Penn, and the marriage agree- 
ment of Thomas, to be mentioned presently, the descent of 
the Proprietary estates was fixed. 

The Fermors (Farmers, Farmars) were a family of 
greater social distinction, in the year 1751, than Thomas 
Penn. They accounted themselves as having had an 
ancestor among those Norman invaders of England who 
were enriched at Saxon expense in the Conqueror's time, 
and they had reached knighthood in 1586, baronetcy in 
1641, and the peerage in 1692. 

Their seat was at Easton Neston, in Northamptonshire, 
where Sir George Fermor (knighted by Elizabeth in 15S6) 
had entertained James I., in 1603, so acceptably that his son, 
Hatton Fermor, was also made a knight by that charming 
and generous monarch. 1 In 1641, the family being then 

1 Robert Fermor (or in after-spelling Farmer and Farmar),a younger 
son of Sir George of Easton Neston, went to Ireland in the army of Eliza- 
beth, received confiscated Irish estates in Cork and Tipperary, and was 
"slain" in that island in some of the fighting there. His grandson. 
Major Jasper Farmar, a neighbor of William Penn's at Shangarry, be- 
came a purchaser of land in Pennsylvania at the early settlement, and 

336 The Family of William Penn. 

staunchly royalist, Charles I. made a baronet of Sir William 
Fermor, and in 1692 his son Sir William, being then 
equally in favor with William III., was made a peer, with 
the title of Baron Lempster. Lord Lempster married three 
times, his third wife being Sophia, daughter of Thomas, 
Duke of Leeds, and one of his children by her was Thomas 
Penn's father-in-law, the second Baron Lempster, who was 
made by George I. Earl of Pomfret (Pontefract, in York- 
shire, pronounced Pomfret) in 1721. He married, 1720, 
Henrietta Louisa, daughter of John Lord Jeffreys, and had 
a large family, — Burke gives a list of eleven children. The 
eldest, George, succeeded to the peerage on the death of his 
father in 1753. Four died young. One daughter, Henri- 
etta, married, 1747, John Conyers, Esq., of Copt House, 
Essex; Sophia married John Carteret, Earl Granville; 
Charlotte married William Finch, Esq., and died in 1813. 
These were older than Lady Juliana; the two younger, 
according to Burke's list, were Louisa, who married Sir 
Thomas Clayton, Bart, and Anne, who married, July 15, 
1754, Thomas, first Viscount Cremorne, the husband, later, 
of Philadelphia Hannah Freame. 1 

The Earldom of Pomfret, it may be here mentioned, be- 
came extinct June 8, 1867, by the death of the fifth Earl, 
George William Richard (born December 31, 1824), who 
was unmarried. He was the great-grandson of Thomas, the 
first Earl, father of Lady Juliana Penn. 2 

coming over in the ship " Bristol Merchant," in 1685, died on the voyage. 
Major Farmar*s son, Edward Farmar, was later a prominent citizen at 
Whitemarsh, near Philadelphia. 

1 Philadelphia Hannah, born at Philadelphia in 1740 (not 1746, as is 
twice by mistake stated in preceding pages of this essay), was married 
to Lord Cremorne, May 8, 1770, and had a son and a daughter who both 
died young. 

3 John Jay Smith, in his address (" Penn-Logan Correspondence," Vol. 
I.), cites some information as to this last Earl. Granville John Penn 
(Thomas Penn's grandson) had been his guardian. He left two sister-. 
one married to Sir Thomas George Hesketh, M. P., of RuffordHall, 
Leicestershire, and the other to Colonel Thomas W. Ogilvy. Portions 
of his property descended to these sisters and to his cousin, Sir George 
William Denys, of Draycott Hall, Yorkshire. 

The Family of William Penn. 337 

The marriage with Lady Juliana was preceded by elabo- 
rate property arrangements. The settlement made upon 
her and the children whom she might have was drawn up 
with great care and a prodigious expenditure of legal 
phraseology. August 14, 1751, eight days before the mar- 
riage, the bridegroom expectant executed a " Lease for a 
year in order to the Settlement upon the marriage of Thomas 
Penn with Lady Juliana Farrnor," and later the settlement 
was executed, quadripartite, Thomas Penn being of the first 
part; "the Right Honourable Thomas, Earl of Pomfret, 
Baron of Lempster, and Knight of the most Honourable 
Order of the Bath," of the second; Lady Juliana, of the 
third; and Messrs. Barclay 1 & Hyam, the Quaker merchants 
of London, of the fourth part. It can hardly be supposed 
that any one but the lawyers — and possibly Thomas Penn — 
ever read in full this latter extended document, much less fol- 
lowed intelligently all its repetitious details. The original, 
on eight skins of parchment, each twenty-six by thirty-four 
inches, is in the collections of the Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania. Printed in the private volume prepared in 
1870 by the late William Henry Rawle, American counsel 
for the family, 2 it covers sixty-four pages octavo, in solid 
array, without the relief of one paragraphic break. 

The effect of this settlement was to leave Thomas Penn's 
property, including the Proprietary estate in Pennsylvania, 
to (himself) the settler's use for life, with remainder to his 
eldest son by Lady Juliana, " in tail male," with remainder 
then to their second son, then to the third and every other 
son successively, then to his first and other sons successively 
by any other wife, then to his brother Richard Penn, then 
to his nephew John Penn, 2d, eldest sou of Richard, then 
to the first and every other son successively of John Penn, 
then to Richard, 2d, son of Richard (brother of John, 2d), 

1 This was David Barclay, another son of Robert of Ury, the " Apolo- 
gist," and brother to John of Dublin, already mentioned. 

1 "Articles, Wills, and Deeds creating the Entail of Pennsylvania 
and Three Lower Counties upon Delaware in the Penn Family." Phila- 
delphia, 1870. 

Vol. xxl— 23 

338 The Family of William Penn, 

then to Kichard Penn, 2d's, eldest son, then to Richard, 
2d's, second son, then to Richard, 2d's, third and other sons 
successively, — all these being " in tail male." Finally, all 
these failing, — which as a matter of fact they all did by the 
year 1869, something over a century after this extended en- 
tailment in the male line, — the property was to descend to 
the heirs of Thomas Penn " in tail general." It is by virtue 
chiefly of this last clause in the settlement that the present 
and recent heirs of the Penn property in Pennsylvania, in 
the line of the Founder's second marriage, are the Stuarts 
of Bedfordshire (of whom we shall speak later), descend- 
ants of Thomas Penn's daughter, Sophia Margaretta. 

Some idea of the presents bestowed by the bridegroom 
at Ms marriage may be suggested by the bill of Jame3 Cox, 
a London silversmith, which accompanied a letter, Septem- 
ber 2, 1751. 1 The list of articles furnished by Mr. Cox 
includes a brilliant hoop ring, a gold watch chain, a " gold 
seal for Mr. Hockley," " an onyx [word illegible] in gold, 
complete," a " double coat engraved," etc., all to the cost of 
£56 165. 6d., while, as the letter explains, there was some 
other article of greater value preparing by artists of the 
highest skill. 

A complimentary letter on his marriage, addressed him 
by Cossart de St. Aubin, agent in London for the Mora- 
vians (from 1746 to 1755), is preserved. It is addressed to 
Thomas Penn, at Hitcham, near Maidenhead, and proceeds : 

" Permit me Sir to congratulate you on your happy marriage. I can 
assure you it has given me great joy and also to our good Mr. Spangen- 
berg [Moravian bishop], who joynes with me in warmest wish for your 
happiness. . . . May you live long and happy, to the Comfort of all 
that are dear to you. I flatter myself our people [the Moravians] are 
included in the number, and that they desire nothing more but to enjoy 
your protection, and that of your Descendants to the remotest ages. 

" (P. S.) Mr. Spangenberg and Company set out for America the end 
of the week. He should have been exceeding glad to wait on you. He 

1 The letter apologizes for delay in waiting on T. P., as the writer had 
been suddenly called to attend H Mr. Whiteneld," on account of his 
"sudden and unexpected departure," and could not fail to respond 
without disobliging him. 

The Family of William Penn. 339 

goes with Capt. Bryant, who falls down the river today or Monday, 
bound for N. York." 

What changes in his religious connections took place in 
consequence of Thomas Penn's marriage, and the social 
position which he now assumed, are uot very clearly defined. 
He had hardly considered himself one of the Friends for a 
long time, and yet he had not very definitely abandoned 
association with them. 1 In 1743, when Governor Thomas 
was contending with the Pennsylvania Assembly, and war 
with France was impending, Thomas Penn wrote him, " I 
felt obliged to solicit the ministry against the Quakers, or 
at least I stated that I did not hold their opinions concern- 
ing defence. I no longer continue the little distinction of 
dress." 2 After his marriage he went regularly to church, 
but down to 1771 certainly, 3 and probably all his life, he 
never took the sacrament. A deposition made in 1753 
showed that he considered himself a member of the Estab- 
lished Church from about that time. "His son John, born 
1760, was baptized at the church of St. Martin's in the 
Fields. In a letter to Governor James Hamilton, 1760, 
alluding to the visit to England of William Logan (son of 
James Logan), Thomas said," You may be assured I shall treat 
him with regard, and shew him I have no disregard to those 
of his profession [the Friends], except on their levelling re- 
publican System of Government so much adopted by them." 4 

1 His brother John, as already stated, was buried in the old ground of 
the Friends, at Jordans, with his father and mother. In 1736* Margaret 
(Freame), writing from Philadelphia to John, says, " Your appearance 
among Friends was, I hear taken very kindly, and your behaviour just 
like yourself." John not only appeared among the Friends, however, 
about that time, but elsewhere as well, for in the same letter Margaret 
says, " I am glad to find you had so kind a reception at Court, and if 
you were to go often now the ice is broken I believe it would be of 

* " Letter-Book of Thomas Penn," Vol. II., in Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania collections. 

s See statement made for him, May, 1771, post. 

4 He might have done well, when in this frame of mind concerning 
systems of government, to read some of his father's writings on the sub- 
ject, of the period 1680 to 1690. 

340 The Family of William Penn. 

Before his marriage Thomas Penn had settled in a town 
house. Letters in 1747, and perhaps earlier, were addressed 
to him " at his house in the I^ew Street, Spring Gardens, 
near Charing Cross/' This continued to he his city resi- 
dence until his death. In 1750 letters were addressed to 
him " at Hitcham, near Maidenhead Bridge, Bucks." Nine 
years after his marriage (1760) he acquired the handsome 
and valuable estate of Stoke Poges, in Bucks, where for 
over eighty years the family home remained, and where 
the name of Penn, through himself, his sons, and grand- 
children, acquired new and honorable distinction. October 
18, 1760, in a letter to Governor Hamilton, at Philadelphia, 
he wrote, — 

" You will be pleased to hear the others [children] with their mother, 
[are] well at Stoke, to which we are removed, I having bought it: it is 
a very large old house, that we passed when I went with you to see the 
Duke of Marlborough's, and was then my Lady Cobham's." 

Stoke Poges is most famous as having the church-yard 
which Gray's immortal " Elegy" describes ; in this yard the 
poet's remains are buried. The residence, Stoke, belonged 
to Sir Edward Coke in Queen Elizabeth's time, and here 
he entertained that difficult female but vigorous monarch, 
his royal mistress, in 1601. Later it became the property 
of Anne, Viscountess Cobham, and at her death it was sold 
to Thomas Penn. The old manor-house furnished the 
place and, in part, the subject for Gray's humorous poem, 
" The Long Story," whose descriptions may interest us in 
this connection if not in any other. 1 

1 "The estate haviDg been seized by the Crown for a debt, James I. 
granted the manor in fee to the celebrated lawyer, Sir Edward Coke, 
who in 1601 (being then Attorney-General) entertained Queen Elizabeth 
here very sumptuously. Upon the death of Sir E. Coke, at Stoke Foges, 
in 1634, the manor came to his son-in-law, Baron Villiers of Stoke 
Poges and Viscount Purbeck. Stoke House was in 1647, for a short 
time, the residence of King Charles I., when he was a prisoner in the 
power of the army. Lord Purbeck died in 1656, and about 1720 the 
manor was sold by his heirs to the family of Gayer. In 1724 it was 
purchased by Edward Halsey, Esq., whose daughter and heir married 

The Family of William Penn. 341 

At Stoke Thomas Penn, with his family, continued to 
live, except when in the city, and there he is buried. The 
alterations and new erections made by his son John have 
materially changed the appearance of the place since 1775 ; 
but then, as now, it was a costly and elegant residence. 

The children of Thomas Penn and Lady Juliana seem to 
have been eight in number, of whom four died in infancy 
or youth, while four grew up, and three of these married. 
The first child was named William. He was born June 21, 
1752, and died February 14, 1753. He was buried at Penn, 
in Bucks. A daughter, Juliana, was born May 19, 1753, 
and lived to grow up and marry. A second son, Thomas, 
was born July 17, 1754, but died September 5, 1757, and 
was buried at Penn. Twin children, William and Louisa 
Hannah, were born July 22, 1756, and both died young, 
the former April 24, 1760, and the latter June 10, 1766. 
Both are buried at Penn. 

In the parish church at Penn, under the northeast corner 
of the nave, there is a large vault, made in the last century, 
in which there are six small coffins. Four of these contain 
the remains of the children who are named above as dying 
young, — William, Thomas, William, and Louisa Hannah, — 
one contains those of a son of Richard Penn, and the other, 
simply marked " P," is not identified. 

The grief of the parents at the loss of all but one of their 
first five children is expressed in letters from Thomas Penn. 
The death of William, the third son, who lived to be nearly 
four years old, especially affected him. In a letter to 
Richard Peters, at Philadelphia, March 8, 1760, he had men- 
tioned the birth of " a fine boy" (John) " this day fort- 
night," and quickly following, in other letters, appear the 
following paragraphs : 

Sir R. Temple, afterwards Lord Cobhara. This lady (then a widow) 
died here in 1760, when this estate was conveyed to the son of William 
Penn, Esq., founder of Pennsylvania. In 1S48 the manor was pur- 
chased from the Penn family by the Right Hon. Henry Labouchere, 
who was created Baron Taunton in 1S59." — Sheaharis History of Bucks. 
London, 1862. 

342 The Family of William Penn. 

To Governor Hamilton, April 10,1760: "I am in a very anxious 
state. My son William was attacked with a slow fever about two 
months ago; at first it was thought intermitting, but has since been 
almost always upon him, and affected his Breathing, so that his situa- 
tion is very doubtful." 

To Richard Peters, April 11 : " [He] has slow fever, and some appear- 
ance of knots and obstructions in his flesh, which are said to be the cause 
of it. . . . His mother having taken him to Marybon, for the benefit of 
the Air, and not to be without the reach of advice, makes my journeys 
to and from that place several times in the day absolutely necessary." 

Another letter to Governor Hamilton, May 10, announces 
the death of the little boy on the 24th of April, and adds, 
" [it is] an irreparable loss to me, as I had, from the opinion 
of my friends, as well as from what I myself observed in 
the Child, great reason to believe that both his Capacity and 
Disposition were such as would have rendered him a valu- 
able and useful man/' Writing to Peters the same day, he 
said the boy was a good scholar and had a " disposition 
sweet, though very lively." " My hopes now," he added, 
"are on a child not three months old, who very provi- 
dentially came before this dreadful time, or his Mother 
might have suffered greatly under it." And writing also 
to Richard Hockley the same day, he said the death " leaves 
my only hope [as to a son] in one less than three months 
old, a very slight dependence, and yet many such have 

This child (John) lived to grow up and to attain ripe 
years. Two other children — Granville, born in December, 
1761, and Sophia, born in December, 1764 — also grew up 
and died at an advanced aere. 

Thomas Penn was in declining health for some years pre- 
ceding his death. In December, 1769, his brother Richard 
writes to him at " Westgate Buildings, Bath," saying he 
hears he is in better health than he had been. In May 
Thomas was again at Bath, returning to Stoke Park June 
9. On July 4 Richard, writing to him, refers to " the Doc- 
tor's orders for you to proceed immediately to Tunbrulge 
Wells." To that place Thomas went, and a little later 
(August) tried the coast air at Margate. 

The Family of William Penn. 343 

A statement filed among the Penn papers, under date of 
May 17, 1771, a memorandum, apparently, submitted for 
a legal opinion, presents a number of interesting bio- 
graphical data at this point. Thomas Penn, it seems, had 
been nominated by the Lord Mayor of London "to be a 
Sheriff of the Citj of London and County of Middlesex." 
The statement thereupon says, — 

"Mr. Penn was 40 years ago admitted a freeman of the City of Lon- 
don, and has twice voted for a Member [of Parliament], once for Sir 
John Barnard, and lately for Mr. Trecothick. Mr. Penn has no property 
whatever within the City of London, and never lived within the city, is 
near, if not quite 70 years old, has had a stroke of the Palsy, and cannot 
walk without help. Mr. Penn was originally bred a Quaker. Since his 
marriage, which is many years ago, he has gone to church regularly, but 
he has never received the Sacrament. However, having gone regularly 
to church, I don't think he can be looked upon as a Protestant Dissenter. 
Mr. Penn desires to be advised what he can do to prevent serving this 
disagreeable office, or being fined for not serving the same." 

The opinion of "Ja: Eyre, Lincoln's Inn Fields," — evi- 
dently the counsel consulted, — is placed upon the same 
sheet as the foregoing. His opinion is that nothing can be 
done at present. Mr. Penn will have to await the election, 
— he may not be elected ; then, if seventy years old or over, 
he might resist a suit for the fine on the ground that he is 
not physically a " fit and able person," as required by the 
law. 1 

By the opening of 1775 Thomas Penn's strength was 
evidently far spent. His wife was now conducting the 
Pennsylvania correspondence. She writes from Stoke to 
Governor John Penn, January 7 of that year, ;i Mr. Penn 
is going to London for the winter." Then follow, in suc- 
cessive letters, same to the same, the following passages : 

1 " Pricking" influential persons for high sheriff appears to have been a 
device of politics in that day. The Duke of Newcastle, in his vast elec- 
tioneering schemes, practised it, obtaining the favor of the person who 
desired to escape the office by securing for him the King's "gracious 
permission" to be excused. Cf. " English Historical Review," Vol. XII. 
p. 455. 

344 The Family of William Penn. 

Stoke, January 10 : " Mr. Penn has no particular complaint, but I 
think the winter does not agree with him, and that he is weaker, 
though he goes out every day." 

London, February 21 : "I am 3ure that he rather loses than gains 
strength. As I know your affection for him, I cannot write without 
giving you some account of his health." 

London, March 1: "I think Mr. Penn is visibly worse the last two 
months, tho' he still looks well at times, and goes out in the Coach as 

Finally there comes this announcement, — 

"I know the news I have to communicate will affect you, But the 

consideration that poor Dr Mr. Penn had long since been no Comfort to 

himself will I hope make the hearing it is at an end less painful to you. 

It pleased God to release him yesterday, March 21, in the evening. . . . 

" Spring Gardens, March 22." 

He was taken to the country for burial. In the church 
at Stoke Poges is a tablet with the following inscription: 

In a Vault 

In this Church are 

deposited the Remains of 

Thomas Penn, 

of Stoke Park in this Parish 

(Son of William Penn 

Founder of Pennsylvania), 

Born 1701. Married 1751. Died 1775. 

And of his wife the R l Hon. Lady Juliana Penn, 

Born 1729. Married 1751. Died 1801. 

Also the remains of their Sons 

John Penn of Stoke Park. Born 1760. Died 1834. 

And Granville Penn of Stoke Park. 

Born 1761. Married 1791. Died 1844. 

Also Isabella, wife of the above Granville Penn, 

eldest daughter of Gen 1 Gordon Forbes. Col. 29 th Regiment. 

Born 1771. Married 1791. Died 1847. 

And of their Sons 

Granville John, late of Stoke Park. Born 1802. Died 1867. 

Thomas Gordon, in Holy Orders. Born 1S03. Died 1869. 

William, Born 1811. Died 1848. 

Also their Daughters 

Sophia, 1" wife of F. M. Sir W m Gomm G.C.B. Col. Coldstream Guards. 

The Family oj William Penn. 345 

The character of Thoma3 Penn has perhaps been suf- 
ficiently suggested. It is not easy to conclude that, on the 
whole, he was other than a just man, according to his light. 
He was undoubtedly kind and considerate to many different 
members of his family who desired his assistance or 
favor. He was guardian for TVilliam Penn, 3d's, son, 
Springett, the last male Penn in the elder line ; he inter- 
ested himself energetically to save some of her estate to the 
widow of his spendthrift cousin, Walter Clement; he edu- 
cated and assisted his nephew John, the Governor; and 
from the day when we found him a lad in London, doing 
errands for his mother at Ruscombe, he certainly was hon- 
estly serviceable to many persons. Much severity has been 
bestowed upon him ; these approaches to praise are no more 
than his due. 

Thomas Penn's portrait, in the possession of the Earl of 
Ranfurly, painted at the time of his marriage (a copy of 
which was added, March, 1896, to the collections of the 
Pennsylvania Historical Society), is " a small full-length of 
a perfectly dressed and somewhat precise gentleman, in the 
costume of the middle of the eighteenth century. He wears 
an embroidered grayish lilac silk coat and breeches, and a 
long white satin waistcoat. He stands at the open door of 
a wainscoted room, with uncarpeted wooden floor. Through 
the doorway an antechamber can be seen, with a window 
opening upon a pleasant country view." l 

A painting by Sir Joshua Reynolds, 1764, shows the four 
children of Thoma3 and Lady Juliana Penn, then living : 
Juliana, a girl of eleven; Louisa Hannah, eight; John, 
four; and Granville, three. It is a fine example of Sir 
Joshua's work; a criticism which might be suggested is 
that the two girls appear too mature for their years. This 
painting was in possession of Colonel Stuart, at Tempsford 
Hall, Beds, in 1884. A "splendid mezzotint,''* made by 
Charles Turner in 1819, dedicated to John Penn (one of 
those in the picture), and probably executed by his order, 

1 Article by W. M. Conway, PsHiri. Mag., Vol. VIII. p. 357. See 
it also for details as to other portraits of Thomas Penn. 

346 The Family of William Penn. 

is described by Mr. Conway as then (1884) in the possession 
of the Earl of Ranfurly. 


1. William, born June 21, 1752; died February 14, 1753 ; 
buried in the vault at the parish church at Penn, in Bucks. 

2. Juliana, born May 19, 1753. She married, May 23, 
1771, William Baker, Esq., of Bayfordbury, Herts, and 
died April 23, 1772, and was buried at Stoke Poges. She 
left one child, a daughter, Juliana (surname Baker), who 
married, January 18, 1803, John Fawset Herbert Rawlins, 
Esq., and died s. p., September 11, 1849, at Gunters Grove, 
Stoke Courcy, Somerset. 

3. Thomas, born {Gentleman's Magazine) July 17, 1754; 
died (plate on coffin at Penn) September 5, 1757. The 
coffin-plate says his age was " 2 years and 1 month," and 
apparently there is an error here ; probably the figure 2 
should be 3. 

4. William, born July 22, 1756, and died April 24, 1760 ; 
buried at Penn. Details concerning him, in letters of his 
father, have been given. 

5. Louisa Hannah (twin with William), born July 22, 
1756; died June 10, 1766; buried at Penn. 

6. John, born February 23, 1760 ; baptized March 21, 
1760, at the church of St. Martin's in the Fields ; died un- 
married June 21, 1834. Details will be given of him later. 

7. Granville, born at the city residence, New Street, 
Spring Gardens, December 9, 1761 ; married, June 24, 1791, 
Isabella Forbes ; died September 28, 1844, leaving issue. 
See later. 

8. Sophia Margaretta, born December 25 (? 21), 1764 ; 
married Archbishop William Stuart ; died April 29, 1847 ; 
buried at Luton, Beds, leaving issue. See later. 

(To be continued.) 

The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. 347 



In 1796, when Jenner was making his first vaccinations, 
and dandies were introducing the chimney-pot hat, the phi- 
lanthropists of a small town in New Jersey were founding 
one of the earliest charitable organizations in the country. 
Burlington has seen its days of peace and plenty and its 
days of glory, even, when the Assembly met there, and the 
governor and council came on from Amboy with all the 
pomp then attending the progress of the king's representa- 
tive through his loyal colonies. It was in the time of the 
transition from these colonial glories to the monotony of 
later days that the " Friendly Institution" was founded. 

One hundred years ago Burlington still retained some of 
its earlier interesting features. The fine shade-trees still 
line its streets; but its old colonial mansions, its box-lined 
garden walks, its tiny and well-patronized shops, its fire- 
buckets and its market-baskets, its stage-coach and the 
doctor's gig, — all are gone. 

A shady, unpaved highway, then, as now, called High 
Street, with two " general stores" interrupted the rows of 
substantial houses that extended on each side to the river. 
Many of these houses were adorned by a wide porch or 
" stoop" before the door, the whole protected by a pent- 
house extending across the entire front between the first 
and second stories. Governor Bloomfield's house stood 
almost in the suburbs, beyond it being only the two old 
English-brick houses, in one of which Fenimore Cooper 
was born. The little old library stood near by in an alley 

1 Extracts from an address delivered December 14, 1S96, on the cen- 
tennial of its foundation. 

348 The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. 

which dow runs in to Mr. Birch's factory; the only survival 
is in its name, — Library Street. Daniel Smith, Jr., one of the 
founders of the "Friendly Institution," lived in the large 
mansion built by his father at the corner of High and Broad 
Streets, where children now wonder at the mysterious letters 

j5^ with the date 1733 (a badly restored 1703, by the by), 

in the gable opposite the station. Nathaniel Coleman, 
in whose house our interest to-day centres, lived across 
Smith's Alley, opposite his friend and relative by marriage, 
Robert Thomas, the second treasurer, whose low, quaint 
house made way in 1880 for the present Saving Fund 
building. Between the houses of Daniel Smith, Jr., and 
Robert Thomas stood the present new meeting-house, then 
open to the street, with several old frame houses opposite. 
Farther down, on the corner of Union Street, and on the east 
side, where 1731 in the gable proclaims its age, stood William 
Allinson's gambrel- roofed house, where he and his five sisters 
lived ; and the painters were putting the finishing touches 
to the new market-house, just built in the middle of Union 
Street, fronting High, between William Allinson's house and 
the inn opposite named for Washington. 

The gardens below Union Street were some of them 
famous for their products, and Smiths and Morrises and 
Hoskinses lived in the houses extending to the river ; while 
on the corner of Pearl and High Streets stood the little old 
English-brick house, originally the office of Governor 
Samuel Jennings, and then of Benjamin Franklin for the 
printing of Continental currency — at the date of which we 
speak, the dwelling-house of one Hugh Huddy ; now, un- 
fortunately, pulled down. 

St. Mary's Church — the old church, of course — stood as 
it stands, we rejoice to think, to-day, though with more 
space about its ample and picturesque graveyard. Three 
streets ran east and west and four ran north and south ; 
while Green Bank was a sloping lawn, where stood a few 
old colonial mansions, surrounded by magnificent trees, and 
where a beauty and refinement and dignity were possible, 

The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. 349 

uninvaded by sound of screeching saw-mill or puffing ferry- 

Life moved slowly in 1796, and times were hard. The 
Revolutionary war had recently shaken the town's founda- 
tions, and pocket-books were snapped together and sighs 
were drawn over the state of things in a manner to win 
sympathy from a financier of to-day. Property had seri- 
ously shrunk, but those who chiefly suffered were the people 
without property, — the respectable poor, — who could obtain 
the necessities of life in a time of peace, but to whom war 
meant loss of employment and consequent beggary. The 
wealthier class of patriotic sympathizers had given much to 
the cause, and those whose conscientious scruples would not 
permit them to contribute goods or money had been obliged 
to stand aside while large quantities of their possessions 
were confiscated by the government, nearly every Quaker 
family in town having thus suffered. Prices in 1779-80 for 
all the necessities of life had been most extravagant ; and 
ten years later, although much improved, they still ruled 
high, along with the unpaid debt of the war. Elias Bou- 
dinot wrote at the former period that in Philadelphia " beef 
was 15 s., lb., butter 30 s., lb., §8.00 was the cost of an 
earthen quart mug, and the gauze for fashionable ladies' 
caps cost §3.00 per yard, yet I never saw so much gaiety in 
dress in this city before. Common dress caps of the ladies 
take 1J yards of gauze! Mutton was 10 s., lb., a pair of 
women's shoes §25.00 and §30.00. Boots §75.00." Mr. 
Boudinot adds, " I was obliged to hire a clerk the other 
day, and I gave him eight dollars per day, and he wrote but 
about seven hours in the day, and yet he grumbled and 
wanted ten." But the war was now at an end. Washing- 
ton had yet three years to live before his death on the anni- 
versary of the " Friendly Institution's" birth; and patriotic 
Burlington set itself to right the damage done. 

On the evening of Wednesday, the 14th of December, 
1796, a number of " select Friends," to quote the earliest 
minute, met to organize what proved to be one of the first 
charitable institutions in the State. The M ISew Jersey 

350 The " Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. 

Association for helping the Indians" had drawn up a consti- 
tution, with a membership limited to the Society of Friends. 
in 1757, and possibly one or two similar associations may 
have existed in the northern part of the State. A " Society 
for promoting the Abolition of Slavery" was formed at 
Trenton in 1786. Its constitution was altered and adopted 
at Burlington, Joseph Bloomfield, president, in 1793, and 
the last form of this document was printed and is still ac- 
cessible. 1 We must not forget that a large slave population 
had made the work of New Jersey philanthropists even 
more necessary than if this class had not existed. In 1800 
there were twelve thousand four hundred and twenty-two 
slaves in New Jersey. 2 The State had the largest slave 
population in the United States, north of Maryland, except 
New York ; a saving clause, however, being the fact that 
Burlington, Gloucester, and Salem Counties, 3 containing 
twenty-three per cent, of the total State population, com- 
prised less than three per cent, of slave population. As these 
negroes, owing to the anti-slavery efforts of such people as 
the Boudinots, Bloomfields, and the Quakers, were liberated, 
these societies had plenty to do in caring for them. 

The " Newark Female Charitable Society" is but seven 
years the junior of the "Friendly Institution," having been 
founded by some charitably disposed ladies, in the parlor of 
ElishaBoudinot's hospitable mansion at Newark, in January, 
1803 The home of Elias Boudinot, Elisha's distinguished 
elder brother, was known to modern Burlington as the 
" Bradford Mansion," until within a few years it has fallen 
from grace and gracefulness. Eye-witnesses have told us of 
the state-coach of Mrs. Bradford, the last to drive in old- 
fashioned splendor through Burlington, with its two foot- 
men behind in silver lace and powder. Mr. Boudinot died 
in 1821, and his daughter for many years preserved the 

1 New Jersey Historical Society pamphlets, Vol. VI. Quoted by H. S 
Cooley, " A Study of Slavery in New Jersey." Johns Hopkins Hiator 
ical Series. 

1 United States Census Reports for 1800. 

* The three great Quaker counties of New Jersey. 

The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. 351 

formalities that had been observed by the first President of' 
Congress. Both there and in Governor Bloomfield's larsre 
house the " Friendly Institution" held many meetings ; and 
a friend has told me of the awe with which, when a child, 
she peered through the high fence at the dignified ladies, 
in high head-dress and flowing sleeves, who passed along 
the box-lined garden walks of those days. 

There were present upon the occasion of which we speak 
ten women and four men, besides their host and hostess, the 
Quaker silversmith Nathaniel Coleman and his wife. The 
large brick house in which they lived has now become a 
drug-store. All of the company were Friends. There 
were Elizabeth Coleman; Daniel Smith, Jr., and Hannah 
his wife ; Martha Barker ; Mercy Wetherill, wife of Joseph ; 
and Theodosia Craig, wife of Andrew, who was a wealthy 
woman at the time of her removal from Burlington, in 
1807, and who lived where now stands Mr. Dubell's estab- 
lishment. She owned much of the land where is now East 
Union Street, and left provision in her will for the purchase 
of books for use in the public schools, or, failing that, for 
blankets for the poor. There were also Amy Rogers, wife 
of Samuel, who was a "Public Friend ;" Mary Xewbold; 
Rachel Hoskins, daughter of John; Mary D. Smith, who 
remained a member for thirty years; Sarah Smith, wife of 
Solomon ; and Margaret Smith, who lived on High Street, 
where now stands Mr. Shaw's store. The three other 
favored men in addition to Daniel Smith, Jr., just named, 
were William Allinson, Robert Smith, Jr., and John Gris- 
com. 1 The latter was the young teacher in the brand-new 

1 Daniel Smith, Jr. (fourth of the name), was the son of the third 
Daniel, of Burlington, who always signed himself "Jr." also. The 
mother of Daniel fourth was Sarah, daughter of Joshua Rapier (or 
Kaper), son of Hon. Thomas Rapier, member of the New Jersey 

William Allinson was the son of Samuel Allinson (author of " Frag- 
mentary History of New Jersey Indians," etc.), whose wife Elizabeth was 
a sister of Robert Smith, Jr. Their father, Hon. Robert Smith, was 
Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, 1737-1769, and Recorder of the 
city of Burlington. He died in 1781. 

352 The " Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. 

school-house at the corner of York and Penn Streets, the 
centennial of whose opening passed unobserved in 1894. 

"We know the house exactly as it stood in that day, and 
can picture the candles in the bright silver sconces that 
added their soft light to the wood fire upon the hearth, — 
the candlesticks wrought by the host, the candles dipped 
by the hostess. The men are in large skirt coats and small 
clothes, with hats wider but a degree less fiercely cocked 
than those of the "world's people;" for although some of 
them do not even know it, the Quakers have followed the 
fashions in spite of themselves, and the Quaker of the 
Revolution and the period immediately following is a far 
different figure from the Quaker of to-day, and far more 
picturesque. The snuff-boxes, long canes, and silver shoe- 
buckles that attended the early meetings of the u Friendly 
Institution" still exist. The women wore gowns of plain 
colors, with a tendency in the less severely plain to higher 
stays, a larger circumference in the skirt, and a more jaunty 
touch to the cap, copied from their English cousins, and 
perched at a high angle on the top of the head, with a 
decidedly perky effect when seen from behind. The gowns 
were full and straight and cleared the ground well ; were 
cut low in the neck and worn with a kerchief of fine mus- 
lin or lawn, with sleeves extending only to the elbow, there 
being joined by silk gauntlets or mitts for protection to the 
arm. The pointed waist descended upon the petticoat, 
which was of quilted silk, satin, or wool, and over which 
the gown opened for its better display. The sister of one 
of the early members was in England about this time, and 
wrote that people were giving up the green and blue silk 

Dr. Griscom, the well-known educator, founded our present public 
school system, and was the first man in this country to give popular 
lectures in chemistry. Fitz-Greene Halleck, in " Fanny," thus refers to 

" It remains 
To bless the hour the Corporation took It 
Into their heads to give the rich in brains 
* The worn-out mansion of the poor in pocket, 

Once 'the old almshouse,' now a school of wisdom, 
Sacred to Scudder's ahells and Dr. Griscom." 

The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, Xew Jersey. 353 

aprons that had been so much worn, and that the fashion- 
able were adopting white ; also that the skimming-dish hat 
prevailed ! On this particular night they probably wore 
their calashes, since the occasion was informal. We know 
they were discreet and dignified, though some of them were 

The hour was the early one of seven, and the knocking 
of snow from shoes and warming of hands and tapping of 
snuff-boxes and much theeinsr and thouins: were soon fol- 
lowed by the suggestion that " we get to business," and to 
John Griscom, the school-master, naturally fell the office of 
temporary clerk. The fifteen — to quote now from the first 
minute — took into consideration " the expediency of form- 
ing a society for the relief and assistance of poor and needy 
persons within this city and neighborhood, which after de- 
liberating thereon, was unanimously agreed upon and they 
accordingly have associated themselves under the denomi- 
nation of the 'Friendly Institution.' An essay of Rules 
and Regulations for the government of the Society being 
previously prepared, was produced and read, the general 
purport whereof was approved of, but some amendments 
and additions being suggested as necessary to be made, the 
following persons are appointed to take the said Rules and 
Regulations into consideration and produce the same with 
the alterations proposed, together with such other matters 
as may appear to them proper, at the next meeting of the 
Society ; to wit : Margaret Smith, Mary Newbold, Elizabeth 
Coleman, Mary Smith, Theodosia Craig, William Allinson 
and Robert Smith, Jr. 

" Adjourned to meet at the house of Robert Smith, Jr., 
next Seventh Day Evening at six o'clock." 

This second meeting was the first, but far from the last, 
occasion when the " Friendly Institution" went out to tea. 
After proceeding to business, the revised constitution was 
read and adopted, and John Griscom requested to tran- 
scribe said instrument in a suitable book to be procured for 
the purpose. They then elected for their first orlieers : 
William Allinson, Treasurer; Theodosia Craig, Steward; 
Vol, xxi. — 24 

354 The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. 

Robert Smith, Jr., Clerk; and Margaret Smith, Mary Xew- 
bold, Martha Barker, Elizabeth Coleman, and William 
Allinson their first Committee of Distribution. 

The book was bought (for four shillings), the constitu- 
tion transcribed, and most, but not quite all, of the sig- 
natures attached. At some future day when chirography 
is again revived as a fine art, the copper-plate hand in 
which the school-master transcribed the constitution, and 
the selection from Cowper with which he opened, will be duly 

The Society, which at once limited its membership to 
twelve women and four men, was accommodated with a 
store-room by Theodosia Craig. Daniel Smith, Jr., and 
John Griscom made the first draft of a subscription paper 
which was circulated by Margaret Smith, Mercy "Wetherill, 
Sarah Smith, John Griscom, and Robert Smith, Jr. This 
committee worked for eight months ; " excited to action" 
twice, and the first new member, Mary Bloomfield, added 
to their number, they were released in August, 1797, when 
the treasurer's report shows that they had collected £30 
135. The disbursements had been £28 55. 6c?., leaving a 
balance of £2 7s. 6d. For several years the subscriptions 
remained irregular, but in 1801 they were " specified to be 
annual." The regular subscribers of that year — the first 
on record — are : 

Abigail Griffith $ 1.50 

James M. Benoist 10.00 

Rachel Coxe 1.50 

Maria Mcllvaine 3.00 

Francis Durdin 4.00 

Tace Wallace 2.00 

LydiaRiche 4.00 

Catharine French 2.00 

Mary Mcllvaine 3.00 

Ann Wharton 1.00 

Mary Coxe 4.00 

Mary Bloomfield . . ... . . . 3.00 


The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. 355 

There have been in the history of this institution but 
three treasurers, the first, William Allinson, serving in that 
capacity for forty-four years. Upon his resignation in 1841, 
the books show the following assets of the " Friendly 
Institution," viz. : 

Bond and warrant, Bishop Doane, $600.00 to F. I. 

(dated Twelfth month 14, 1838) .... $600.00 
Two certificates of Loan B. Aqueduct Co., $100.00 200.00 
Ten shares of stock in do., $20.00 each . . . 200.00 
Eight shares of stock in do., $20.00 each . . 160.00 
Balance in cash ....... 79.00 


Thirty-eight years later, the second treasurer, Robert 
Thomas, upon his death in January, 1879, left to the care 
of his successor a largely increased property, as will be 
seen by the following inventory : 

Bond and mortgage, A. Perkins, Beverly . $600.00 $600.00 $600.00 

One certificate Lehigh Navigation Loan . 1000.00 880.00 940.00 

One certificate Lehigh Navigation Loan 

One certificate Lehigh stock, 8 shares . 

One certificate C. & A. R. R. bond, 'S3 . 

One certificate C. & A. R. R. 1st mtg., '89 

One certificate C. & A. R. R. stock, 9 shares 

One Mechanics' Nat. Bank stock, 8 shares 

One U. S. registered bond, 4 per cent. . 

$5400.00 $5214.00 $5509.75 

The present faithful and appreciated treasurer is Row- 
land J. Dutton, whose services have now lasted for seven- 
teen years. His report is an evidence of the care with 
which the funds have been invested and of the growing 
influence of the Society in this community. The invest- 
ments now amount at their par value to 38950, and at 
their market value to §9780. 

The first donation to the new institution occurred Tenth 
month 7, 1797, when the following minute states that a 
11 person having a sum of money in his hands which is a 
legacy to be applied in the tuition of poor black children — 






















356 The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, Neio Jersey. 

at his request this meeting agrees to take the charge of find- 
ing worthy objects of said charity. The Committee of Dis- 
tribution is requested to use the necessary care and report to 
next meeting." 

This is the first of many generous donations, subscrip- 
tions, and legacies placed in the hands of this Society, which 
has for so long been a faithful almoner. 

The average monthly expenditure for a long time by the 
early Committees of Distribution was from twelve to twenty 
shillings; but their work was not to be represented by any 
equivalent in pounds or dollars. The Society's labors in- 
cluded the collection and disposal of clothing partly worn 
and the making up of new (at certain afternoon meetings 
held for the purpose), the securing of work for the unem- 
ployed, the disposal of children at school or elsewhere, 
besides the distribution of various sums of money, large 
and small. 

The original committee of five, including one man, was 
soon found unnecessarily large, and since 1800 two women 
have been appointed monthly, with power to act, the one 
man eventually disappearing in silence after 1801. The 
store-room was kept liberally supplied, as was necessary in 
the days of our grandmothers, when what one wanted had 
to be made from the beginning or gone without. Early 
committees bought the flax in bulk, which was eventually 
disposed for loan in the store-room as sheets. This meant 
the care of the raw material through its entire career. 
During the war times of 1812, flax cost one shilling and 
three pence the pound. A minute dated First month 7, 
1828, reads : " The committee appointed in the 1st mo. last, 
for that purpose, purchased 100 weight of flax, @ 9c. = 
$9.00. The whole expense, including hatcheling, spinning, 
cleaning the thread and weaving 90 yds. sheeting at 12Jc. 
and making, $42.28J." This record is of value, as showing 
the cost of such items compared with to-day. Several small 
spinning-wheels were kept for loan to those who could spin 
and who desired the employment, and a great deal of spin- 
ning was given out in the early quarter of this century. 

The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. 357 

Bedding and blankets were loaned in cold weather, and an 
easy chair was left the Society in 1805 by Mary Coxe. 
Cupping and leeching were in the province of the commit- 
tee; and in Twelfth month, 1801, Milcah Martha Moore 
made a donation of some " very valuable medicines," many 
of them, no doubt, home-made, " which Doctor Nathaniel 
W. Cole agrees to dispense." Dr. Cole was early made a 
member of the Society, and signed its constitution in 1802; 
and the physicians of the town for many years occupied a 
semi-official position on the board. 

The membership in 1798, Eleventh month 8, was enlarged 
from twelve women and four men to eighteen women and 
four men, and so continued until Sixth month 3, 1805, when 
it was again increased to twenty-four women ; nothing 
whatever said this time about the men ! In 1870, Twelfth 
month 5, the limit of membership was again increased from 
twenty-four to thirty, which is the present number. Seven 
men, besides the three treasurers, have been active mem- 
bers, and have signed the constitution. 

The last meeting in the eighteenth century saw a fine 
imposed of " J- of a dollar" for each absence from meetings, 
in addition to the monthly due of the same sum ; and thir- 
teen cents remains the inconvenient sum to pay, as was 
shown by Caroline Watson, in 1838, when the careful sec- 
retary reports that she paid two and one-half cents over, — 
i.e., fifteen cents ! The thirteen cents has now become a 
sufficiently historic sum to remain unaltered for a century 
longer. In the early days of the civil war it is noted that 
members paid for several meetings in advance when they 
had the cash, "on account of the scarcity of silver." 

The century closed with a good resolution, dated Eighth 
month, 4, 1800 : 

"To avoid the inconvenience arising from private conversation during 
the deliberations of the company — 

"Resolved, That in future, no members be admitted to enter into pri- 
vate conversation with one another, either on subjects relating to the 
concerns of the Institution or any other, until after the minute of ad- 
journment is read." 

358 The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, New Jersey. 

Eighth month 3, 1818, a gift of twenty dollars is reported 
from " two benevolent strangers to the southward/' prob- 
ably Philadelphia. Many people had their summer resi- 
dences in Burlington at this time, and so late as 1850 there 
are annual subscribers on the list " whose half-yearly resi- 
dence is Burlington." 

On Fifth month 7, 1827, a note in the minute-book re- 
cords a resignation as follows : " Mary D. Smith's health 
not permitting her performance of the services of this 
Society, she requests a releasement from membership, which 
request we accede to with regret, as she has been not only 
a very useful member, but is the last surviving original 
female member of this Institution." 

In 1838 a mortgage bond for six hundred dollars was 
assigned to Bishop Doane for the Society, having been 
made upon property belonging to Charles Fletcher, who 
had removed. " The Treasurer is ordered to affix to it the 
seal of the late (and now disbanded) Rancocas Toll Bridge 
Company, which (being offered to us for the purpose) we 
now adopt for this occasion as our common seal." 

Afterwards — in 1880 — it became necessary, upon the ac- 
ceptance of a legacy, to " adopt a red wafer," and this 
exigency occasioned the evolution of the present seal, al- 
though the " Friendly Institution" had become an incorpo- 
rated body in 1837, that it might be authorized to receive 
legacies and bequests. 

In Ninth month, 1838, the committee reported no case of 
suffering or want known to them, although they had in- 
quired of Dr. Cole, and their only expenditure was for 
medicine, — twenty-five cents. This is a fine record in a 
town of nearly nineteen hundred population. There were 
three hundred houses in Burlington in 1834. 

The "Friendly Institution" has come closely in touch 
with the tragedy and occasionally with the comedy of human 
life. The gratitude felt and expressed by some of the poor 
folk has gone far to atone for unpleasant experiences with 
the inevitable cases of fraud that will sometimes force 
themselves forward. Here is a funny but perfectly sincere 

The "Friendly Institution" of Burlington, Neic Jersey. 359 

letter sent in 1881 to a member of the Distributing Com- 
mittee : 

" Mrs. , Madham : 

"I have maid for thee a Tidy that my heart desires, such as should 
never fade, but prove sweet emblems of my purest love, the standard of 
my deepest fondness and Ti-uth, such as I would have thee wear ever 
nearest thy heart in remembrance of me : nor shouldst thou e'er lament 
my faith untrue. If you please, if any body should see this Tidy, tell 
them that an old English woman maid it, and I have such poor eye- 
sight, and my age is between sixty and seventy. I remain with my duty 
to you, 

" Madham, 

" Mrs. M. L. Ashton." 

It would be possible, but unpleasant, to wear a tidy 
next one's heart ; but it is something to be asked to do so ! 

The " Friendly Institution" has in a rare degree the con- 
fidence of the people, both high and low, the former of 
whom make it their almoner. It comes in direct contact 
with those members of the community who, as individuals, 
count for so little, and who as a class are making themselves 
felt as a factor that must be counted upon in our American 
life, whether we will or not. Altruism of this sort is of the 
worthiest type ; and the good that has been accomplished 
by unseen hands and in quiet ways through one hundred 
years of honorable history is sure to tell on those who come 
after, donor, and beneficiary alike. 

In these latter days we are losing much of our feeling of 
personal responsibility towards our poor. The " Friendly 
Institution," however, still preserves the personal element 
in its administration, and much of its vitality and energy 
are due to the true spirit of philanthropy among its devoted 
members. It has lived to distribute the funds of two 
moribund charitable organizations that have made it their 
legatee, — i.e., the "Soup-House Committee, " Rowland 
Jones, treasurer, who in 1844 turned over seventy dollars 
to the u Friendly Institution," and the " Union Relief Com- 
mittee," which in 1866 handed over forty-five dollars and 
twenty-seven cents for distribution. 

360 The "Friendly Institution 11 of Burlington, Neio Jersey. 

Although organized by Friends, the Society became most 
wisely undenominational at its second meeting, when Mary, 
the wife of Governor Bloomfield, was unanimously elected 
to membership, and it has remained undenominational ever 
since ; while outside St. Mary's walls lie many of the early 
members whose activity made this Society one of the first 
institutions for organized charity in the Middle States. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 361 



(Continued from page 184.) 

The years 1778 and 1779 having been provided for, and 
the publications proving satisfactory, no more attention was 
paid to the subject during that year, beyond adding, on 
August 26, Houston, Peabody, and Partridge to the print- 
ing committee. 1 Early in 1780 the question of printing 
the Journal again came up, for the year's work had to be 
looked after. To speak in the words of the original record, 
on January 18, 1780, " A motion was made by Mr. Gerry 
seconded by Mr. Sherman, That, in the Journals of Con- 
gress for later date than the 31st of December 1779, the 
yeas and nays, and the names of the members calling them 
be not printed; but that the same together with the re- 
spective propositions on which they are taken, be printed 
in pamphlets at the end of every three months ; and that 
ten copies thereof as soon as completed, be sent to each 
state. A division was called for and on the question to 
agree to the first part, the yeas and nay 3 being required, It 
was resolved, that in the Journals of Congress of a later date 

1 Journal of Congress MS. and monthly sheets August 20, 1779. On 
October 20, November 5, November 29, and December 14 of that year 
Claypoole was ordered to be paid various sums for printing and binding 
the Journals, aggregating nearly twenty thousand dollars in the currency 
of that time. On October 30, 1779, the Commissioners of the Chamber 
of Accounts reported to Congress that they had examined the account of 
Claypoole, and that they had found he had overcharged in every article. 
" They know not how the matter can be remedied unless Congress ad- 
vertise for proposals for printing" every three months or any other 
stated time, the preference to be given to the most reasonable. How- 
ever, as there was no way out of the matter, they recommended that Clay- 
poole be paid twelve thousand dollars on account; this was done on 
November 5. See Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 35, p. 55. 

362 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

than December 31st, 1779, the yeas and nays and the names 
of the members calling for them be not printed.'*' The 
second part of the resolution was then voted on and de- 
feated, and it was resolved instead " That the Journals of 
Congress for the current year (1780) be published monthly,. 
and agreeably to the foregoing resolution."* Accordingly 
we find here and there in public libraries and in private 
collections a few of these monthly parts bound up with a 
regular title-page and index to the whole, the latter being 
entitled Index to Volume VI. 1 

Like its predecessor for 1779, this varied greatly from the 
volume containing the proceedings of 1780, with which we 
are most familiar, and is also almost, though not quite, as 
scarce. The variations in the text will be spoken of at 
length below. We may note in passing that as a result of 
the resolution just read the yea and nay votes which are 
recorded in the MS. in profusion have never at any time 
been printed. 

By the middle of the year 1780 the Journal of 1779 had 

1 Journals | of J Congress, | From | January 1st, 1780, | To | January 
1st, 1781. | Published by Order of Congress. | Philadelphia: Printed 
by David C. Claypoole, | Printer to the Honorable the Congress. 8vo, 
pp. 403. Some copies contain, besides the above pages, an index, pp. 
xxxviii, and appendix, pp. (3). The sheets were issued as printed 
monthly, with the following sub-titles : 

Journals of Congress, | For January, 1780. pp. (3) to 38. 

* * * j For February, 1780. pp. (41) to 73. 

* * * | For March, 1780. pp. (75) to 106. 

* * * | For April, 1780. pp. (106) to 131. 

* * * j For May, 1780. pp. (132) to 162. 

* * * j For June, 1780. pp. (164) to 198. 

* * * 1 For July, 1780. pp. (199) to 237. 

* * * j For August, 1780. pp. (239) to 274. 

* * * I For September, 1780. pp. (275) to 314. 

* * * | For October, 1780. pp. (315) to 349. 

* * * j For November, 1780. pp. (351) to 384. 

* * * | For December, 1780. pp. (385) to 403. 

Mistakes in pagination occur as follows : pp. 106 and 200 are repeated ; 
p. 236 is printed 256. No account is taken of the blank page between 
pp. 384 and 385. The sheets were also issued bound, with title a* 
above, and later with the index and appendix. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 363 

become scarce, and so on June 20 of that year the com- 
mittee on printing the Journals were empowered to Lave 
the Journal of 1779 immediately reprinted in one volume, 
omitting the yeas and nays. Claypoole was kept so busy 
with the work then on hand that he was not able to carry 
out this resolution till 1783. But the committee, acting 
under the authority to omit the yeas and nays, went still 
further, and made omissions in such number that their 
handiwork, which is the volume for that year ordinarily met 
with, and has been followed in all subsequent reprints, i3 
but an unsatisfactory abridgment of the whole. 1 Similarly 
a volume containing a part of the proceedings of 1780, and 
published by order of Congress by John Dunlap, made its 
appearance, probably during 1787, bearing the title of 
"Resolutions, Acts and Orders of Congress." This seems 
to have been authorized in order to follow in the footsteps 
of Claypoole's abridgment of the Journal for 1779. It con- 
tains little more than its title implies, and, in spite of its 
imperfections, has been the volume followed in the republi- 
cations of 1800 and 1824, and is generally known as Volume 
VI. of the set. Although bearing the authorization of Con- 
gress upon its title-page, no resolution ordering such a pub- 
lication has been met with. As Dunlap had his day again 
in 1784-85, when Claypoole was superseded, it is safe to 
assume that it was not printed earlier than that date, and 

1 Sundry matters pertaining to the printing of the Journal came up 
during 1780, which may be inserted here. On January 13, 1780, Fran- 
cis Bailey, of Philadelphia, wrote to Congress (received on January 20) 
that he contemplated printing an edition of the Resolves of Congress, 
and asked that Congress patronize the work, furnish the paper, etc., 
without which the cost would be too great for him to undertake it. (See 
Bulletin of Department of State, No. 3, p. 27.) It was referred to the 
committee on printing the Journals and by them buried. On February 
8, July 25, August 25, and October 21 sums aggregating thirty thousand 
dollars were ordered to be paid to Claypoole. On November 2S the com- 
mander-in-chief of the army and sundry officers were ordered supplied 
with copies of the Journals for the use of the army. From September 
19 on the Journals and other public papers were ordered to be sent to 
the administrative powers of the States free of postage, and the Secretary 
was empowered to frank them accordingly. 

364 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

possibly, as Mr. Ford suggests, under the resolution of 
September 13, 1786. 1 

We have now reached the year 1781. By that time 
the pinch of poverty had been sorely felt, and the Con- 
gress was unwilling to contiuue the costly experiments of 
the preceding two years. Accordingly we have no more 
weekly or monthly issues. But the seventh and eighth 
volumes of the Journal were both printed by Claypoole. 
The first of these contained the whole of the proceedings 
for 1781 as well as those of 1782 down to and including 
November 2, 1782. 2 After the adoption of the Articles of 
Confederation in November, 1781, the Congressional year 
began with the first Monday in each November, and the 
title given to Congress was that of the " United States in 
Congress Assembled." I have seen at the Pennsylvania 
Historical Society the proceedings from April 21 to May 
21, 1782, in signatures and bound, but there is nothing to 
indicate the date of its appearance. It is, however, quite 
possible that as parts of the Journal came from the printer 
they were distributed among the members without waiting 
for the whole to be completed. Nothing need be said about 

1 Resolutions, | Acts and Orders | of | Congress, [ For the Year 1780. 
| Volume VI. | Published by Order of Congress. | Printed by John 

Dunlap. [n. d. n. p.] 8vo, pp. 257 ; index, pp. xliii. Ford's No. 296. 

2 Journals | of | Congress | And of the | United States | In Congress 
Assembled, | For the Year 1781. | Published by Order of Congress. | 
Volume VII. | Philadelphia: | Printed by David C. Claypoole. | 
M,DCC,LXXXI. | 8vo, pp. 522; appendix, pp.4; index, pp. lxxix. 
Ford's No. 321. This volume contains all the proceedings for 17S1 as 
well as those down to November 2, 1782, inclusive. For this reason 
the date of publication given in the title-page is false, as it could not 
have appeared before the end of the year 1782, and probably did not 
until 1783 or 1784. The appendix contains the rules of Congress adopted 
May 4,1781. The index is incorrectly entitled: General Index \ ToVolume 
VIII. This mistake is corrected in the following volume : Journals I of 
| Congress | And of the | United States | In Congress Assembled, | For 

the Year 1781. | Published by Order of Congress. | Volume VII. j New* 
York: | Printed by John Patterson. | MDCCLXXXVII. Svo, pp. 5:22 ; 
appendix, pp. (4), (13) ; index, pp. lxxix. The additional appendix con- 
tains the report of the Committee on Debts due the United States, dated 
April 18, 1781. Ford's No. 322. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 30 5 

the eighth volume beyond that it contained the proceed- 
ings for the Congressional year 1782-83. 1 Both of the vol- 
umes just mentioned were issued under the supervision of 
Charles Thomson, the Secretary of Congress, for the stand- 
ing committee was abolished in January, 1782, when the 
office of Secretary was regulated, and among the duties 
assigned to him was that of superintending the printing of 
the Journals and other publications of Congress. 2 It 13 
quite likely that under his orderly supervision the printer 
was directed to furnish the Journal in signatures a3 soon a3 
made ready. 

In September, 1783, by reason of some indiscreet publi- 
cation in his paper, the Pennsylvania Packet, Claypoole fell 
under the ban and was dismissed from the position of 
printer to Congress. His successor was the man who had 
preceded him, for in October 3 of that year, upon motion of 
Mr. Mercer, seconded by Mr. Williamson, the Secretary was 
instructed to employ John Dunlap to print for Congress, 
and " to inform him, that Congress expect he will keep his 
office at the place where they may reside." In the spring 
of 1784 (April) Congress decided to adjourn on the third 
day of June until the following November, intending to 
leave the management of the country's affairs during the 
interval in the hands of the Committee of the States, ap- 
pointed in accordance with the provisions of the Articles of 
Confederation. The powers with which they v-ere invested 
and the directions for their conduct in office were agreed to on 
May 29, 1784. They were instructed, among other things, 
to keep a Journal, which was to be published monthly and 
transmitted to the executives of the several States, and 

1 Journal | of the | United States | In Congress Assembled. | Con- 
taining | The Proceedings | From | The First Monday in November 
1782, | To | The First Monday in November 1783. | Volume VIII. | 
Published by Order of Congress. | Philadelphia: | Printed by David C. 
Claypoole. | M,DCC,LXXXIII. | 8vo, pp. 483. Most copies have, in 
addition, an index, pp. xxxvi, although some were issued in boards 
without it. Ford's No. 345. 

2 See Journal of Congress, January 28, 1782. 
8 Ibid., October 31, 1783. 

366 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

whenever desired the yeas and nays were to be entered. 1 
In keeping with their resolutions, Congress adjourned on 
the day appointed. The Committee of the States met at 
Annapolis on the next day, 2 and among their first acts were 
those crrantins: Secretary Thomson leave to return to Phila- 
delphia, and directing the clerks in the Secretary's office 
to attend the committee " and make the entries. n But 
Thomson did not lose sight of what was going on during 
his absence. Letters to the clerks, Bankson and Remsen, 
were written by him nearly every day of the brief session 
of the committee, and they for the most part have to do 
with the printing of the Journal. In a letter 8 to Adams, 
Franklin, and Jefferson, dated June 18, 1784, he says he 
incloses " a copy of the Journal of the last session of Con- 
gress as far as printed," and in another, written at the same 
time, he qualifies this statement by adding that the Journal 
sent to the above came " up to 28 May." 

Three days later 4 he says he is sorry to find that there will 
likely be a delay in printing the Journal, which, in accordance 
with the resolution of Congress of October 31, 1783, was 
being printed at Annapolis. Thomson adds that when 
Dunlap, who is out of town, returns, he will press him to 
send down another hand to finish the work. 

By the 20th July the Journal of the last session is finished, 
and Thomson hopes that the printer will then take up and 
print what remains of 1783 and complete it as speedily as 
possible. 5 He writes at the same time criticising the manner 
in which the Journal of the Committee of the States has 
been kept, a copy of which had been sent for his inspection, 
and makes suggestions for its improvement. Other letters 

1 Journal of Congress, May 29, 1784. ■ June 4, 17S4. 

* See MS. in possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

* Letter to B. Bankson, ibid. 

5 Exactly what Thomson means by " last session" is not clear. It may 
have meant the session from November, 1782, to November, 17S3, or it 
may have referred to that from November, 1783, to June, 17S4. As 
he speaks of finishing " what remains of 1783" in his letter of 20th 
July, it is probable that he means the session of 1782-S3 when he 
speaks of " last session." 

Tlie Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 367 

written during July indicate that Thomson was doing his 
all to hasten the publication, and on August 10, when the 
Committee was about disbanding for lack of a quorum, he 
wrote Bankson, "I am sorry the printer makes no better 
progress. I wish you would stimulate him and urge his 
completing the journal of 1783 with, all possible expedi- 
tion." 1 

Before the end of the year 1784 Thomson succeeded in 
getting out not only all of the Journal of Congress for that 
year, but the Journal of the Committee of the States as 
well, both of which bear the imprint of John Dunlap. 2 

In March, 1785, the Secretary's office was further regu- 
lated, but the duties of looking after Congressional publica- 
tions still fell to his lot. 3 From a resolution enacted a month 
later 4 directing the Secretary to furnish the delegates of 
each State with six copies of the Journal of Congress, com- 
mencing with the session of November, 1784, " in the order 
in which they are published," it would seem that the Journal 
must have been issued in signatures or possibly in monthly 
parts. None of these separates has been traced. In the 

1 From these letters it would appear that while the eighth volume of 
the Journals bears the date 1783, it was not completed till 1784. 

2 In Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 32, p. 63, is found the fol- 
lowing: " Ordered that the Secretary revise the Journals of the States to 
be printed forthwith," and endorsed, " Passed August 2d 1784 Motion 
that the Secretary cause the Journal of the Com 6 * of the States to be 
printed." The Journal of the Committee for August 2, 1784, has such a 
resolution entered upon it. 

Journal J of the | United States | In Congress Assembled : | Contain- 
ing | The Proceedings | From | The Third Day of November, 1783, | To 

| The Third Day of June, 1784. | Volume IX. | Published by Order of 
Congress. | Philadelphia: | Printed by John Dunlap, | Printer to the 
United States in | Congress Assembled, [n. d.J 8vo, pp. 317. This was 
issued also in another form with an index, pp. xviii, and bound up with 
the following: Journal | of the | Committee of the States: | Containing 

| The Proceedings | From | The First Friday in June 17S4 | To | The 
Second Friday in August 17.84. | Published by Order of Congress. | 
Printed by John Dunlap, | Printer to the United States in Congress 
Assembled. | M,DCC,LXXXIV. Svo, pp. 47. 

3 Journal of Congress, March 31, 1785. 

4 Ibid., April 29, 1785. 

368 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

spring of this year (1785) the question of reprinting the 
Journals came up in Congress on several occasions. The 
matter was finally referred to a committee, 1 and on June 1, 
1785, they reported it as their opinion that the whole of the 
Journal ought to be reprinted and published, " And that 
such part of the secret Journals as are marked for that 
purpose by ye Committee and which have not heretofore 
been printed and published be incorporated in their order 
agreeably to their dates." They further recommended 
that the Secretary advertise for bids for their publication 
in quarto. 2 This report was taken up on June 21 3 and 
referred to the Secretary to take order, and on August 29 
Thomson inserted the following advertisement in the New 
York Packet:* 

By November, Thomson had received bids from Dunlap, 
Oswald, and the Cists, of Philadelphia ; from Childs, Lon- 
don, and Kollock, of New York; from Adams, of Wil- 
mington; from Wheeler, of Providence; and from Collins, 

1 They were Houston, Howell, Hindman, Grayson, and Ellery. 

2 Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 23, p. 281. 

3 Journal of Congress, June 21, 1785. 
* New York Packet, August 29, 1785. 


" The United States in Congress assembled intending to have a new, 
correct and complete edition of their Journals ; the Printers in the several 
States are hereby requested to [send to] this office, on or before the first 
Monday in November next, the terms on which they will engage to 
publish the said Journals, and to deliver one thousand copies thereof. 

"The person or persons contracting, must engage to have a complete 
index made for the whole, from the beginning to the first Monday in 
November, 1785, and inserted in the volume ending at that time. 

"The proposal must mention the time when the work can be entered 
upon, and the quantity which can be composed daily ; and be accom- 
panied with specimens of the paper and types. 

" The work to be carried on at the place where Congress resides or 
within such distance thereof as shall be determined by the Secretary ot 
Congress, who is to superintend the printing, and revise the proof sheets. 

" Charles Thomson, Secretary. 

" (The Printers in the several states are requested to give the above a 
place in their papers.)" 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 369 

of Trenton. 1 Thomson reported the results of his adver- 
tisement to Congress, and they referred the matter to a 
committee, who reported on January 1, 1786. 2 The com- 
mittee mentioned above recommends obliging the printer, 
who may be appointed, " entering into Articles to print 
500 copies at his risk and cost for sale," and also that the 
Journal of the Stamp Act Congress be included in the 
edition. But before their report was given consideration, 
Dunlap's edition of the Journals for 1784-85 made its ap- 
pearance, bearing date of 1785. 3 

The question did not come up again until September, 
1786, 4 when Mr. Bloodworth moved that the " Secretary 
have printed and bound, in the usual manner, 300 Vols, of 
the Journals of Congress for each of the years 1777, 1778, 
1780, 1781 & 1782," which motion was carried a week later. 5 

There is no evidence that all of the volumes here author- 
ized were ever printed ; or, if they were, they have all been 
destroyed. As mentioned above, it may be that the " Reso- 
lutions, Acts & Orders" of 1780 made their appearance 
under this act. John Patterson, of "New York, published, 
by order of Congress, Volume III. of the Journal, containing 
the proceedings for 1777, but it bear3 no date. He also 
published in 1787 Volume VII, containing the proceedings 
of 1781, which is an almost exact copy of Claypoole's vol- 
ume for that year. Although no bids from him for doing 
the work authorized by resolution of September 13, 1786, 
have been found, it is altogether probable that Thomson 
made an arrangement with him for publishing these two 

1 These proposals are all to be found in Papers of the Continental 
Congress, No. 46, p. 181 el seq. 

2 Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 23, p. 235, dated January 30, 

s Journal | of the | United States | In Congress Assembled : | Con- 
taining | The Proceedings | From | The First Monday in November 
1784. | Published by order of Congress. | Printed by John Duulap, | 
Printer to the United States in | Congress Assembled. | M,DCC,LXXXV. 
8vo, pp. 368 ; index, pp. xxvi. Ford's No. 402. 

4 Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 23, p. 305. 

5 Journal of Congress, September 13, 1786. 

Vol. xxi. — 25 

370 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

volumes, and stopped there because signs were pointing 
too forcibly to the supersession of the old Congress by the 
new. Dunlap was meantime retained as printer of the later 
proceedings, and the last three volumes (XI., XII., and 
XIII.) bear his imprint. 1 

But one more occasion arose whereon a question of print- 
ing and publication was discussed by the Continental Con- 
gress. This time Yarnum, of Rhode Island, is the moving 
spirit, and his proposition, w r hich had conferred on it the 
dignity of a Congressional report, and no other, was that, in 
addition to publishing the Journal and other documents, the 
United States should publish a bi-weekly paper. It was to 
be known as The North American Journal, was to appear on 
Tuesdays and Saturdays of each week, was to be published 
"under the inspection of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs," 
or such other person or persons as Congress might direct ; 
was to contain foreign and domestic information, " Senti- 
ments, moral, philosophical and elegant; strictures, po- 

1 Journal ] of the | United States [ In Congress Assembled : | Contain- 
ing the | Proceedings | From | The 3d Day of November, 1785, | To | 
The 3d Day of November, 17S6. | Volume XII. | Published by Order of 
Congress. | Printed by John Dunlap. [n. d.] 8vo, pp. 267 ; index, pp. xvi. 
Ford's No. 435. This volume begins with the proceedings of November 
7 instead of November 3, as the title indicates. The imprint Volume 
XII. is a mistake for Volume XL, as the next volume is Volume XII. 

Journal | of the | United States | In Congress Assembled : | Contain- 
ing | The Proceedings | From | The Sixth Day of No 'ember, 17S6, | To 
| The Fifth Day of November, 1787. | Volume XII. | Published by 
Order of Congress. | M,DCC,LXXXVII. | Svo, pp. 220 ; appendix, pp. 
221-255 ; index, pp. (9). Ford's No. 436. The last entry in this volume 
is under date of October 30, 1787, and reads, " Four states assembled. 
The remainder of the week no house was formed." The index is erro- 
neously entitled: Index \ For Vol. XIII. , but all the references are to 
Volume XII. 

Journal | of the | United States | In Congress Assmbled: | Contain- 
ing The | Proceedings | From | The 5th Day of November, 17S7, | To | 
The 3d Day of November, 1788. | Volume XIII. | Published by Order 
of Congress. | Priuted by John Dunlap. [n. d.j Svo, pp. 170 ; appendix, 
pp. xcviii. Journal of Congress November 3, 17S8, to March 2, 1789, 
(1) p.; index, pp. xi. The index is erroneously entitled Index to Vol. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 371 

litical, literary and historical ;" and from it were to be ex- 
cluded " all advertisements not immediately connected with 
the public interest, and also, whatever may tend to scandal 
and detraction." Nothing ever came of this suggestion, 
but we see here but another evidence of the desire on the 
part of persons elected to office to convey to their constit- 
uents a knowledge of the transactions in which they have 
played a part. 1 

If we may judge by the number of publications of its own 
Journal that made their appearance, although the power of 
the Continental Congress dwindled as years wore on to but 
a shadow of its earlier substance, the interest in its doings 
never ceased. It is not to be wondered at that the members 
themselves characterized their own labors with an exagger- 
ated importance. But it is hardly possible that they would 
have published what were large editions of the Journal for 
those days unless they were supported by a popular desire 
to know what was taking place within Congressional walls. 
And the demand for them ceased not, even after the old 
Congress went out of existence. It then became the cus- 
tom to supply incoming members of Congress with com- 
plete sets of the Journals, not only of the Congress under 
the Constitution but of the entire Congress. By the begin- 
ning of 1798 the supply became exhausted and, as Mr. 
Sitgreaves put it, " they had become so scarce that gentle- 
men elected to serve in Congress, and who were entitled to 
them, were not able to obtain them." 2 As these volumes 
contained many ordinances and resolves which were then 
the laws of the land, he proposed a resolution appointing a 
committee to report on the expediency of reprinting such 
volumes of the Journals of the old Congress as were then out 
of print. The resolution was agreed to, but the matter 
slumbered until the following June, when the scene is trans- 
ferred to the Senate. There Mr. Bingham, of Pennsylvania, 
presents a memorial of Chief-Justice Thomas MeKean and 
others, members of the bench and bar, praying for the 

1 Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 23, pp. 311-312, 315-316. 
* Annals of Congress. Fifth Congress, Vol. I. p. 846. 

372 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

printing of the Journal. 1 After the usual commitment, 2 
on July 14 a resolution was agreed to authorizing the Sec- 
retary of the Senate and the clerk of the House of Rep- 
resentatives to subscribe for four hundred copies of the 
Journal of Congress, which it is learned is to be published 
by Richard Folwell. 3 On the same day the resolution was 
sent to the House, but consideration of it was postponed 
till the succeeding session. 4 Rutledge called the matter up 
at the beginning of the third session of that Congress, 5 
stating, among other things, that several printers had made 
proposals for printing the Journals, but were unwilling to 
undertake the work without Congressional subvention. He 
thereupon offered a resolution much like that mentioned 
above, but giving authority to subscribe for blank copies of 
the Journals on such terms as might be found suitable. 

More than a month later 6 the committee to whom the 
resolution was referred reported that the reprinting of the 
Journals was highly desirable, and as Folwell had opened 
subscriptions in Philadelphia for the work, they recom- 
mended, as had the Senate, that four hundred copies of 
his edition be subscribed for. This was made into an 
act of Congress by the agreement of the Senate and by 
Presidential approval, received March 2, 1799, 7 and the 
well-known Folwell edition which appeared at Philadelphia 
in 1800-1801 was the result. 8 

1 June 20, 1798. Annals of Congress. Fifth Congress, Vol. I. pp. 
5 Ibid., pp. 607, 611. 
8 Ibid., p. 613. 

4 Annals of Congress. Fifth Congress, Vol. II. pp. 21S0-21S1. 

5 Ibid. Third Session, Fifth Congress, Vol. III. pp. 2564-2565, Jan- 
uary 17, 1799. 

• February 26, 1799. The committee were Rutledge, Nichols, and 
D. Fowler. Loc. cit, p. 2572. 

7 Annals of Congress. Fifth Congress, Third Session, Vol. III. pp. 
3045, 3970. Also Ibid., Vol. II. pp. 2, 239-240. 

8 Journals | of | Congress : j Containing Their | Proceedings | From 
September 5, 1774, To January 1, 1776. | Published by Authority. | 
Volume I. | From FolwelPs Press. | Philadelphia. | 1S00. Svo. Author- 
ization, p. (1), pp. (3)-289; index, pp. (12). 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 373 

For twenty years nothing more in the way of publication 
was done, and then, as if to mark the half-century of the 
government, and mainly through the influence of Jared 
Sparks and to some extent of Peter Force, a wave of desire 
for placing before the world the doings of the founders of 
our government swept over the country. In consequence 
many volumes of valuable contributions to American his- 
tory, and consisting for the greater part of what we would 
call documents, now first began to appear. 

* * * | From January 1, 1776, To December 31, 1776. | * * * | Volume 

II. | * * *. 8vo. pp. (1), (3)-480 ; index, pp. (22). 

* * * | From January 1, 1777, To January 1, 1778. | * * * | Volume 

III. | * * * 8vo. pp. (1), (3)-468 ; index, pp. (16). 

* * * j From January 1, 1778, To January 1, 1779. | * * * | Volume 

IV. | * * *. | 8vo. pp. (1), (5)-537; index, pp. (42). 

* * * | From January 1, 1779, To January 1, 1780. | * * * | Volume 

V. | * * * 8vo. pp. (1), (3)-349 ; index, pp. (34). 

* * * | From January 1, 1780, To January 1, 1781. | * * * | Volume 

VI. | * * * 8vo. pp. (1), (3)-176 ; index, pp. (22). 

* * * | From January 1, 1781, To November 2, 1782. | * * * | Volume 

VII. | * * *. 8vo. pp. (3), (5)-396 ; index, pp. (36). 

* * * | From November 2, 1782, To November 1, 1783. | * * * | Volume 

VIII. j * * *. 8vo. pp. (3), (5)-337 ; index, pp. (16). 

* * * | From November 3, 1783, To June 3, 1784. | * * * | Volume 

IX. | * * *. 8vo. pp. (3), (5)-227; index, pp. (5). 

This is followed by (half-title) : Journal | of the | Committee of the 
States | Containing the Proceedings from the first Friday in June, 1784, 
to the second Friday in August, 1784. pp. 29. 

* * * | From November 1, 1784, To November 4, 1785. | * * * | Vol- 
ume X. | * * * | 1801. 8vo. pp. (3), (5)-256; index, pp. (14). 

* * * | From November 4, 1785, To November 3, 17S6. | * * * | Vol- 
ume XI. | * * * | 1801. 8vo. pp. (3). (5)-193 ; index, pp. (10). 

* * * | From November 6, 1786, To November 5, 1787. | * * * | Volume 

XII. | * * * | 1801. 8vo. pp. (3), (5)-145; appendix, pp. (147)-169; 
index, pp. (5). The appendix is entitled : " Powers to the Board of 
Treasury to Contract for the Sale of | the Western Territory." 

* * * | From November 5, 1787, To November 3, 1788. | * * * | Volume 

XIII. | * * * j 1801. 8vo. pp. (3), (5)-127; appendix, pp. (129)-1S9, 
189-192, 193; index, pp. (5). The first appendix contains matter re- 
lating to the Constitutional Convention, the second a contract for a Dutch 
loan, and the third the votes and proceedings from November 3, 17SS, to 
March 2, 1789. 

374 The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 

Preceding all these, however, was the resolution of March 
27, 1818, which provided for printing, under the direction 
of the President of the United States, the Journal of the 
Constitutional Convention, with its acts and proceedings, 
and the Secret Journal and the foreign correspondence 
of the United States down to the date of the ratification 
of the peace of 1783. This was followed by the passage 
of the resolution of April 21, 1820, which provided for the 
publication, under the direction of the President of the 
United States, of the Secret Journal, " together with all the 
papers and documents connected with that Journal, and all 
other Papers and Documents, heretofore considered confi- 
dential, of the Old Congress," beginning with the year 
1783 to the formation of the present government. Under 
the provisions of these two Resolutions appeared the two 
series of diplomatic correspondence, the first under Sparks's 
supervision in 1829-30, and the Secret Journal of the old 
Congress, published by Thomas Wait, of Boston, in four 
volumes, in 1820-21. 1 

Congress has lent its encouragement to but one other 
publication of the Journal of Congress. As a private 
enterprise, Messrs. Way and Gideon, of Washington, in 
1823, brought out a four-volume edition of the Journal. 
Failing to receive the public support anticipated, they ap- 

1 Secret Journals | of | The Acta and Proceedings | of | Congress, | 
From the First Meeting thereof to the Dissolution | of the Confedera- 
tion, by the Adoption | of the Constitution of the | United States. | 
Published under the direction of the President of the United States, 
conformably to | Resolution of Congress of March 27, 1818, and April 
21, 1820. | Vol. I. | Boston: | Printed and Published by Thomas B. 
Wait. | 1821. Bastard title: Secret Journals | of the J Congress of the 
Confederation. | Domestick Affairs. | History of the Confederation. 8vo. 
Authorization, pp. (v)-vi ; advertisement pp. (vii)-viii, pp. (9)-279, 
(283)-464. Pages (283)-464 contain the History of the Confederation. 
The half-title on p. (283) is: History | of | The Confederation. 

* * * | Vol. II. | * * * | Bastard title: Secret Journals | of the | Con- 
gress of the Confederation. | Foreign Affairs. | pp. (4), (5)-474. Half- 
title: "Supplement," pp. (475)-587. 

[Ibid.] Vol. III. | 1821. pp. (6), (7)-614. 

[Ibid.] Vol. IV. pp. (4), (5)-454. 

The Journals and Papers of the Continental Congress. 375 

pealed to Congress to come to their assistance. The matter 
came up in the Senate in February, 1825, 1 when a motion 
to purchase six hundred and thirty copies of Way and 
Gideon's edition was negatived by a substantial majority, 
and I have not been able to find tbat it was ever again 
given consideration by that branch of the government. In 
the House they had a better fortune, for on the 24th of 
the same month 2 a resolution was passed authorizing the 
purchase of three hundred copies for the use of the House, 
" Provided the price shall not exceed $2.25 per volume full 
bound and lettered." 3 

1 February 18, 1825, Congressional Debates, I. 624. 

* Ibid., 681. 

3 Journals | of | The American Congress: | From 1774-1788. | In Four 
Volumes. | Volume I : | From September 5, 1774, to December 31, 1776, 
inclusive. | Washington: | Printed and Published by Way and Gideon. 
| 1823. 8vo, pp. 588 ; index, pp. xxviii. 

[Ibid.] Volume II : | From January 1, 1777, to July 31, 1778, inclu- 
sive, j * * * | 8vo, pp. 639 ; index, pp. xxxviii. 

[Ibid.] Volume III : | From August 1, 1778, to March 30, 1782, inclu- 
sive. |***| 8vo, pp. 740 ; index, pp. lviii. 

[Ibid.] Volume IV: | From April 1, 1782, to November 1, 1788, in- 
clusive. J Also the Journal of the Committee of the States, From the 
1st Friday in June, to the 1st Friday in August, 1784. | With An Ap- 
pendix. |***| 8vo, pp. 880 ; appendix, pp. 62, containing : M Journal 
of the Committee of the States," pp. 16 ; " Appendix. | Powers to the 
Board of Treasury to Contract for the Sale of | the Western Territory," 
pp. (17)-19; "Contracts for Monies Borrowed in Europe," pp. 19-28; 
Resolves of Congress, etc., relating to Constitutional Convention, etc., 
pp. 28-61 ; Contract for the Dutch loan, pp. 61-62 ; Journal of Con- 
gress, November 1, 1788, to March 2, 1789, p. (63) ; index, pp. lxvii. 

(To be continued.) 

376 Extracts jrom the Letter-Booh of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 



(Continued from page 256.) 
[Letter 226.] 

"On the morning of the 7 th I moved on alone for this 
place ; the road was good, the horse went tolerable, and I 
wa's in a good frame of mind. I had nothing to do, but 
reflect and meditate on past adventures. In my mind I re- 
turned to thee my friend, and passed thro' all our different 
amusements. I paid a visit to the lass with the Golden 
Hair in Jersey and took an agreeable round among all my 
acquaintance there ; and could not but regret the happy 
moments past ; which in all probability was never to return 
in the same place. Newark, Elizabethtown, Connecticut 
Farms — was reviewed over. The Doctor's agreeable family 
there, and the only hope of it — my pretty Little Polly Cook 
Holstead, the happy child of two happy parents. To 
Shrewe3bury among that agreeable circle, ai d there with 
my good old friend. Let me never forget the name of Tole, 
who out of pure friendship and regard offer'd to be my 
treasurer, banker, proprietor and all, if I should be so un- 
fortunate as to fall into the hands of a cruel and merciless 
enemy — " Go my friend'' said he, " call upon M r Walton in 
New York for what money you may want." A tear of 
gratitude started in my eye, 'twas followed by one of friend- 
ship from each of theirs, from a consciousness of doing 
good. Happy ! happy people ! that from a desire to befriend 
a stranger can enjoy so much of supreme felicity. Sure the 
satisfaction of doing good, even in this World, richly re- 
pays a heart of true sensibility. May the God of good 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 377 

shower down his blessings upon thee, and thy seed forever 
and ever ! He that puts his trust in him shall not he de- 
ceived ! And as it is obvious that I have been a child of 
thy peculiar care, from my cradle to this time, raising up 
friends for me in the midst of strangers; and truly veri- 
fying thy word, that thou wilt be a father to the fatherless, 
and a friend to those in distress. Oh ! Grant me a heart to 
be truly sensible of the innumerable Blessings received at 
thy all Bountifull hand; 'tis all the tribute an insolvent 
Debtor can pay. Amen ! 

" I then was carried to Reading and ranging thro' the dif- 
ferent habitations of my well known acquaintances, I was 
transported in the full force of imagination, to thee, thou 
Metropolis of America, fair seat of Commerce, where the 
collected Wisdom of the American States sits in important 
deliberation, for the security and honour thereof. Fair 
City! transported to Friendship and Love, happy hour! 
After the tribute due to the first, with what eager heart did 
I hurry from place to place till I found my Dear. The 
quick motion of my pulse at this instant, the palpitations at 
heart; the agreeable thrill thro' all my veins, from the bare 
recollections of the fancey'd scene, can witness the happi- 
ness I felt. What unspeakable satisfaction I felt, to see a 
tear of joy start in the eye, and when I had the fair, lovely 
maid folded in my arms, and held to me all that was dear ! 
With her head reclined on my shoulder, I felt her little 
heart, like a bird fluttering in its cage ; as if it wanted to 
beat itself to death, and lisping out with a faulteriug accent, 
Oh! My dear, dear E neaa ! are you once more returned! 
and held me fast. There is a pleasure in the bare repetition, 
that is almost painfull. Happy morning ride ! — a most 
agreeable sixteen Miles ! that too soon passed away. De- 
lightfull frame of mind ! that makes retirement agreeable, 
and is an over balance for the want of company. Would to 
Heaven I could always command thee ! When I arrived 
at Colonel Long's, where I put up, about a mile from Hali- 
fax, several ladies residing in the town were out on a visit, 
with whom I spent the afternoon and drank tea. The gen- 

378 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Beeves. 

tlemen had walk'd to Town. I found them verv agreeable 


M Halifax, N. C. 
" Jany 7 th 1782." 

[Letter 227.] 

" In the evening of the sixth Co 1 Long arrived, who is an 
agreeable gentleman, about the age of 45, of a fine consti- 
tution and of good countenance. By him I was introduced 
to Co 1 Ashe, who commanded one of the regular regi- 
ments of this State to the northward, with him I soon 
made an acquaintance, and with him I breakfasted on the 
morning of the 7 th Inst. He has a very agreeable, cheerfull 
young lady for his wife. After breakfast we walk'd to 
the^town, which is near half a mile from his house, and re- 
turned to dinner. The town is pleasantly situated on the 
banks of the Roanoke River ; it has one main and some 
cross streets, and contains about twenty-five dwelling-houses. 
When the ports were open, it was a good place of Trade ; it 
has at present three stores, but they sell extravagantly dear. 
Such linens as formerly sold for three shillings, is now sold 
here for two dollars and a half, hard money per y d , Salt 
three dollars per bushel, and other things in proportion. I 
supped and spent the evening with Col. Ashe and his lady, 
atcards and backgammon, and staid all night. Breakfasted 
at Colonel Long's on the eighth, and set off on mv return 
about 11 o'clock. 

" I was treated very genteely at Col. Long's, and had an 
invitation if I should return. The inhabitants of the town 
and neighbourhood seem to be a free, sociable, genteel set of 
people, the ladies of the place dress very gay, and are re- 
mark'd for their sociability. I arrived at Colonel Alston's 
to dinner, and put up for the day. This is a very agreeable 
family ; he is a man of few words but exceeding kind ; his 
lady who has been almost a beauty, is handsome yet ; has 
five children, two of the number twins, and so exact a re- 
semblance they bear to each other, that for my life I could 
not tell them apart, tho' this was the second night I lodged 

Extracts from the Letter- Boohs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 379 

in the family. But what most surprised me, was to see their 
father, once or twice mistaken. 

"On the morning of the 9 th , I set out for a forty-five miles 
ride; I however got lost before I got into the main road. I 
took the first path that I supposed led the right way and 
found myself wound up in such a labyrinth, that I was 
much afraid I should not be able to extricate myself out of 
it. In the midst of a thicket I came to a little genteel 
house belonging to a Scotchman, who came out to meet 
me; almost insisted on my stopping to take some Brandy 
and breakfast with him. He had a genteel address, and 
looked as if he deserved a better Tenement He wanted to 
send a servant to show me the way, but when I refused, he 
repeated his directions several times, walked with me a con- 
siderable distance and seemed to express so much anxiety 
for fear I should miss my way, that I found myself greatly 
attached to him. Here is a specimen of that virtue which 
costs a man very little and yet is all; or as some authors 
define it — That which makes a man happy in himself and 
agreeable to others. I mean true Politeness. How much 
unlike the man who is forever at variance with himself, and 
quarreling with everything that comes near him ; he would 
have sat in his house 'till I called and then scarcely deign 
me an answer. His deportment told me at first sight what 
he was, God has wisely order'd, that every man's counte- 
nance should be as a window, through which you may look 
into his very soul. I soon after came into the main road at 
an Ordinary, which looked so much worse than the one I 
have lately given you a description of, that I durst not ven- 
ture in. About three in the afternoon I came to the one 
before mention'd (to get my horse fed), the only two be- 
tween Halifax and this place fifty-six miles. What with 
the delay I met with in having it done, and the time I spent 
in looking over some Philadelphia newspapers, I had not 
daylight enough to bring me here, and took up my abode at 
a Major Bullock's, who I had seen before, and was treated 
very kindly. I arrived about noon on the tenth, and found 
the Doctor so uneasy about my stay, that in another day I 

380 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

should have had an express sent to find out what was the 
cause. My business to Halifax was to get necessaries for 
the sick, in which I was entirely disappointed, as the Comis- 
sary General was absent. The Doctor was somewhat more 
fortunate at home, for he came this way, he got an order for 
a small quantity of sugar and a few gallons of Rum. I 
however, was not displeased with my ride as I had an oppor- 
tunity of seeing the country. 


"Jan r 11 th 1782." 

[Letter 228.] 

" A few days ago I received an invitation to dinner, from 
Col. Williams, who is Justice of the Peace, Chief Judge of 
the Court ; and Proprietor of this town, from whom it take3 
its name. He is about 50, has a good constitution, great 
flow of spirits and can drink and swear with any man of 
thirty. He served some time as a Member of Congress, 
and is here in high repute. We had a genteel dinner, and 
spent the afternoon cheerfully ; toward the evening it began 
to snow and hail severely, which caused me to remain all 
night. After dark Lieut. Governor Martin, of this State, 
arrived, with whom I supped and spent the evening. He at 
present bears the weight of government, and has done so 
since the unfortunate Governor Burke was made prisoner 
by a party of Tories and carried to the enemy, who at that 
time was in possession of Wilmington. He was taken in 
the heart of the State and convey'd thro' bye ways to the 
enemy. Indeed the situation and quantity of woods, and 
the cultivated land in this country, would make it practical 
for a small party to travel to the farthest extremity of the 
State and return in safety. 

" I found the Governor to be free and easy of Address 
and exceeding good company. After Breakfast the next 
morning, I returned home. But the snow had retired 
before me — the Sun here has such power, that if it shines, 
the snow is gone immediately. 



Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 381 

[Letter 230. 1 ] 

"Not long since I was introduced to Mr. William Kin", 
who I found to be much of the gentleman ; from him I 
received an invitation to accompany him down to Ports- 
mouth and Norfolk in Virginia. I promised myself a great 
deal of pleasure from the journey and thence was deter- 
mined to go. Accordingly, after making preparations, I 
set off on the morning of the 31 8t ult°. I had not got far 

before it began to snow. I arrived at M" J about 10 

o'clock, but the company that was to go with me to Bruns- 
wick, gave it up (M r Geo King and Lady), as the day proved 
so bad, and M™ K — g was very unwell. I had a previous 
invitation to an Entertainment at Colonel Eaton's, and to 
Lose no time set out immediately for that place. I had 
eight miles to ride in the snow and arrived there just be- 
fore Dinner. The company was collected before I arrived ; 
among them was a number of gentlemen of my acquaint- 
ance, and by them I was introduced to the remainder of 
any note. The company consisted of about twenty ladies 
of the first Rank, and about three gentlemen ; had it not 
have been for the snow-storm there would have been as 
many more. We had an elegant dinner, of such things as 
the country here affords, but no great rarities. 

" In the evening the Ball was opened by a Minuet with 
each lady in the room ; which is the custom here ; that done 
we stood up for Country Dances; from that to Keels, and 
then to Jiggs. In the Minuet the Ladies here excell ; Coun- 
try Dances they don't understand well ; Reels they Dance 
well enough, but Jiggs is their favorites. 'Tis customary 
for the gentlemen after the Jigg to Kiss their Partners, and 
nothing but that could have induced me to dance the 
Jiggs ; for you know I'm not fond of them. We continued 
dancing 'fill about 4 o'clock in the morning, when the 
Ladies retired and the gentlemen set in for drinking and 
mischief, making a noise that kept the whole house awake, 
pulling those out of bed who attempted to sleep. Toward 

1 Letter 229 is omitted, as it contains nothing of interest. 

382 Extracts from the Letter- Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

day we set in for Cards, and play'd till breakfast time. We 
by degrees had the whole company at the same sport — and 
Lambs-skin, at another table. During the night it snow'd, 
haiPd, rain'd, and froze, all at once. "We had the Ladies 
out on the ice sliding, falling and playing, as it is a thing 
very unusual in this part of the world, to have such a sleet. 
There remained none of the company now but the particular 
acquaintances of the family ; we set in for Dancing again 
and dane'd 'till dinner-time, and after dinner till ten o'clock 
at night, and had much more satisfaction than the day 
before as now we had plenty of room which before we 
wanted. And the Ladies being better acquainted, was 
much more sociable, and less on the reserve. On the third 
morning of the frolic we again began with drinking and 
cards, which always hold till breakfast ; after which we 
again danced several Country Dances, and a great number 
of Reels and Jiggs, Minuets etc., and about twelve o'clock 
began to prepare to depart. About two, the most of the 
company set off. I rode in company with Co 1 Barton, and 
waited on Miss Henderson to Co 1 "Williamson's, where we 
dined, spent the evening and stay'd all night, and break- 
fasted on the morning of the 3 rd Instant. 

" W m buerough N. C. 
"Feb* 5 th 1782." 

[Letter 231.] 

" The Late snow and sleet here was very heavy, it laid on 
the trees, and broke down large limbs with its weight, and 
young Pines as thick as a man's thigh, were bent to the 
ground: and during the storm, (which was five days) it 
was exceeding cold. Tho' it was five or six inches deep, 
the Sun carried it off in two days. . . . 

" But my intended journey to INanceymound, in Virginia, 
I am Obliged entirely to lay aside on account of my men's 
want of provisions. I sent some men for ten Bullocks at 
my departure, belonging to the public, but they had all 
died some time before, except two that got a distemper, 
through the neglect of the keepers. 

Extracts from Uie Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 383 

" On this provision I relied to save them till my return, 
and Fni like to want, as there is no supply laid in, nor 
money in the hand of the Commissioners to purchase. 'Tis 
his place to Impress when occasion requires, but not with- 
out a special order from the Executive authority, which is 
not to be had in time, as the Seat of Government is at a 
great distance. Matters thus stated, I suppose I shall have 
to perform the disagreeable task myself. I see no alterna- 
tive. A disagreeable task indeed ! but does it reflect on 
me ? My men cannot, nor shall not starve in a plentiful 1 
Country. No, the reflection will fall where it ought, on the 
mismanagement and broken Policv of the State. But in 
the meantime Individuals must suffer. It distresses me 
very much. 

"Feb* 5 th 1782 
" w*burrough." 

[Letter 232.] 

" On the morning of the sixth instant I set out for Har- 
risburg, with an intention either to persuade Vos3 to im- 
press the necessaries for me, or endeavour to quarrel him 
into the measure. I thought if I could obtain my object in 
view, I should be a great gainer, as it would be paying a 
number of quarrels with one. 

" As I pass'd M r I. Taylor's in the town, I saw a large 
retinue, a number of servants, horses, and Dragoons — I had 
just gone through the persuasive part of the story, without 
effect : — and was drawing a plan of attack, in the quarrel- 
ing part of my embassy, as a Dragoon arrived with the 
Governor's Compliments, and an invitation to dine with 
him immediately — which immediately ended the dispute, 
as the remedy was at hand. On my arrival I was intro- 
duced to the Governor, and all the company severally, by 
a gentleman in Military Dress, who ended with, — and I am 
Lieut. Colonel Jack Stewart, of the Maryland Line. I then 
discover'd who I was and the matter was settled. 

" The company consisted of the Governor, Co 1 Stewart, 
Gener 1 Parsons (of the Militia of this State) Colo 1 Taylor, 

384 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

Comd fc of this County of Grauville, two Members of As- 
sembly, and two private gentlemen. The above is Gov- 
ernor Burke mentioned in Letter 228, — who has lately- 
made his escape from the enemy, and has taken the reins 
of Government. He is of middle stature, thin visage, much 
marked with the smallpox and has lost his right eye ; he is 
an Irishman born, by profession a Lawyer, is quick of 
apprehension, great presence of mind, and a great speaker. 
I immediately represented my situation and how I was 
treated by these understrappers of the Government. He 
sent for Voss, gave him a reprimand, and a private Order 
to supply me with the quantity of Provisions I ask'd for. 

"L* Co 1 Stewart is one of the greatest oddities in Nature, 
he is six foot high, well made, and a fine presence for an 
Officer. It would be endless to recount the many extraor- 
dinary stories that are told of him. I'll just mention one 
or two in order to give you an idea of his Character. 

" At the taking of Stoney Point he commanded one of 
the advance Guards ; in crossing the Marsh his boot was 
filled with mud and water, he kicked it off and marched on 
with only one on. When he got in to the works he came 
to some pieces of Artillery and ask'd who commanded this 
artillery, ' I do,' said a British officer. * ~No by G — d, I do,' 
says he, and stab'd him on the spot. 

"At a time when he was challenged to fight a Duel 
and of course might chuse his weapons, he enter'd the 
appointed field, with his knapsack on his back, with three 
days provisions, a Musquet and Bayonet, with 60 rounds of 
ammunition, and as soon as he came within sight of his 
antagonist, he began to fire and advance, and so continued, 
and his opponent was obliged to leave him the field. We 
dined and set off for Williamsborough just before sundown, 
I did not intend to return the same night, but as I had more 
business with the Governor, I rode with him and made one 
of his Suite for the evening. 

w On the morning of the 7 th I got an Order from him for 
a sufficient quantity of Leather to supply my men, who 
were in want of shoes. 

Extracts from tlie Letter- Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 385 

" One of the Burgesses was very pressing with me to 
accompany him home to Edenton, on a party of pleasure, 
but my business would not permit. 

" The Leather not being ready I was delay'd some time 
before I got my man at work, and lucky it was for me, 
indeed, that I had a shoemaker in my party, or we might 
have went without them. I wrote to Camp a few days ago 
by a Doctor Vaughn — who stop'd here on his way thither. 


"Feb 18 th 1782." 

[Letter 233.] 

" I have been keeping it up for these five Days without 
intermission ; for three at home in Comp y with a Cap fc Peace, 
father-in-law of the Doctor, who is a fine healthy fellow 
and scorns to be behind hand with the best of us. And 
two at Co 1 Burton's, but these in a more moderate way, as 
there were Ladies in the case — Miss Henderson and a Miss 
Ridley. We likewise had the company of a Cap* Erskine, 
of Co 1 White's Cavalry, now on his way to join Gen 1 
Greene's Army, before Charleston. By him I wrote to 

" I wish I could take myself there, for I'm about tired 
of this place. 

" Willg* N. C. 
"Feb 25 th 82." 

[Letter 234.] 

" In this Country the tenth day of this month is the day 
appointed by Law for the Election of the Senate and Com- 
mons of the State. This Legislature is composed of two 
bodies, a House of Commons and a Senate, and the Execu- 
tive of a Governor and Council, who are chosen by the 
Assembly, either of the members in or out of the House, as 
shall be thought most requisite for the good of the Public. 

11 Doctor King is about to set up as a Candidate for the 

Senate, at the ensuing Election. For to make interest for 

that purpose, I took a ride with him among his friends in 

the upper part of the County, on the first Instant. We was 

Vol. xxi.— 26 

386 Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

at what is call'd a Petty Muster, where the whole was in 
his favour. The Militia here is under no kind of order, 
they may appear or let it alone, as they think Proper, 
without any danger of fines or any other Penalty. 

"We spent two or three days with Co 1 Dickinson, who 
is a man of great property. He is a Sportsman, and 
entertains all kinds of Company : he is without a child in 
the World, yet is so craveing that he keeps a Tavern in 
his own house. The first thing I saw on my entrance 
was a Free Mulatto and a White man seated on the hearth, 
foot to foot, playing all fours by firelight, at a Dollar a 
game. We as guests retired into one of the rooms and 
Laid siege to his Brandy. 

" On the 2nd, in the morning, there fell a severe snow ; 
on the 4 th I returned home, and intended to go to Halifax : 
the water courses proved so high, that I was obliged to 
wait another opportunity. 

" On the 11 th we went to the Election ; the weather proved 
bad and but few people appeared. We retired to Major 
Potter's, where the Doctor, Col. Hawkins and Col. Gill, 
two of the candidates spent the evening. On the 12 th , 
there was a large concourse of people : when this Co 1 Gill 
was Elected for the Senate and Gen. Parsons and Col. 
Hawkins for the Commons. The Doctor was thrown out 
by about 20 votes, by reason of Tar River being past ford- 
ing from the freshets, and his interest lay chiefly on that 

"We again spent the evening at the same place, with 
several strangers and Co 1 Hawkins, who I found to be a 
sensible, clever fellow and much of the Gentleman. 

« W^ttSGH N. C. 
"March 13 th 1782." 

[Letter 235.] 

" On the morning of the 14 th instant I set otf for Halifax 
once more, and rode on by myself; I arrived at Co 1 Willis 
Alston's just in the evening where I was genteely enter- 
tained and proceeded on to Halifax on the 15 th . I put up 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 387 

at Co 1 Long's, where I was very politely received ■ and 
entertained with their accustomed or more than ordinary 
Civility. In the town I met with a number of the officers 
of the North Carolina Line, with whom I was formerly 
acquainted, who were very happy to see me and seem'd to 
take a particular pleasure in introducing me to the principal 
families of the place. 

" I met with several of the Ladies with whom I made an 
acquaintance, the last time I was in the Town, and was 
exceeding genteely entertained. Drank tea with Miss 
Dudley, dined and breakfasted at Co 1 Long's. Dined the 
next day with some of the officers, drank Coffee at Mr. 
Kidd's, sup'd and spent the evening with Co 1 Ashe, in 
company of several young Ladies. I found the place the 
most agreeable of any that I have been in in this State, and 
I believe had I have had the same acquaintance before that 
I' should have spent the most of my spare time here. I 
likewise met here Lt. Blewer, of the 4 Penna. Regt. and 
an officer of the Maryland Line, with a party on their way 
to the Southern Army. They intended to go the Lower 
Road, but upon a representation of the difficulties they 
would meet with on the account of the scarcity of pro- 
visions that way, changed their purpose and have promised 
to join me at Hillsborough. My men not being properly 
armed I apply'd to Governor Burke for arms, who denied 
me, giv-ng as a reason that the arms belonged to the State, 
therefore he could not give them to Continental Troops, 
rather letting me and my men run the chance of being 
captured by some inconsiderable party, than part with a 
few stand. 

"You must know that a Certain Mr. Fanning, an active 
Tory Chief in the Southern part of this State, has been 
doing considerable mischief, and the most of my men being 
in a bad state of health when left behind, had given up 
their arms that at present I can muster but ten stand to 
thirty-three men. However, if the aforesaid gentlemen 
don't again change their mind, we shall be sufficiently 
strong. I wanted some clothing for my men who are about 

388 Extracts from the Letter-Booh of Lieutenant Enos Beeves. 

naked, and some Camp-Kettels, but was disappointed in 

" On the 18 th I returned to Alston's, where I spent the 
evening. On the morning of the 19 th , I set off for this place. 
I came by the small house in the road, mentioned in Letter 
227, which turned out to be the nearest way I could take. 
He again pressed me to dismount and take breakfast and 
a glass of Brandy, and was so much prepossessed in his 
favour, that I could not refuse. The gentleman is called 
Colonel Palmer, a most amiable character. I was however, 
mistaken in his Country, which was very easy, he is an 
Englishman, educated in Scotland. Every thing in his 
house appeared genteel ; the furniture rich. I breakfasted 
and spent an hour very agreeably. I found him to be a 
man of education, and who was almost a universal traveler; 
and knew the "World and had read mankind well. He was 
easy in address and had a great flow of spirits ; he has an 
agreeable wife and a fine son about ten years old. He lives 
here retired and has improved the place much. 

"I arrived at Doctor King's just after dark, and found 
that agreeable family well, — with the addition of the com- 
pany of Capt Pearce. 


"March 20 th 1782." 

[Letter 236.] 

" I took a walk to the town in order to recreate myself, 
and when I drew near I heard a man crying out ' one hun- 
dred pounds ! who bids any more V I drew near the circle, 
there stood a mulatto slave for sale; he was about forty 
years of age, of a good presence, but his countenance fallen. 
One hundred and five pounds, God help thee thought I ! 
'Are you strong/ says one — he looked down at his legs 
and thighs — he seemed to have been half starved. His lip 
quivered ; my heart sympathized with him. ' One hundred 
and ten pounds ! What, no body give any more for this slave 
who may live these twenty years.' God knows, he looked 
much more likely to die in five. 'Twas not sutfieient to sell 

Extracts from the Letter- Booh of Lieutenant Earn Reeves. 389 

him like a brute ; he was jeered and insulted in his distress. 
He seemed to have a feeling for his own situation, the tears 
ran trickling down his cheeks 'till his rags in front was quite 
wet. The most of the slaves in this part of the World 
seem to be clothed in rag3, if you can call it clothing. They 
have but one suit a year given them ; — I mean those that 
are the best clad, — some have not that. It is a shirt-jacket 
and breeches made out of coarse cotton, 111 spun, badly 
wove, and worse made. It commonly lasts about a month. 
Heavens ! is this Liberty ? — is this the Land of Liberty, I've 
been fighting for these six years ? 'Tis but the name. 
Where so many thousands are held in perpetual slavery 
and what is worse no measures taken to alter it — The 
slaves are kept in total ignorance, they hardly know there 
is a God, a great sin in a country so enlightened as our3. 
But I am of the opinion that it would be somewhat difficult 
to alter it at present. 

" I am now in readiness to move ; and expect to march in 
a day or two after a stay of three months and as many 
weeks. My next packet I expect will be on the road or 
perhaps not till I arrive at the Southern Army. 


" March 21 st 1782." 

[Letter 237.] 

" I am once more on my march and should be exceeding 
happy if I had company. I left Williamsborough and all 
my friends there on the 22nd instant, and arrived at Major 
Potter's. On the morning of the 23 rd bid adieu to that kind 
family and proceeded to Hillsborough ; had some difficulty 
in getting five days provisions. I myself crossed Tar River 
and lodged with an honest, plain old gentleman, of the 
name of Gauze who had three or four awkward daughters. 
I rode with two of them as far as their church on the morn- 
ing of the 24th, and arrived at Col. Stephen Moore's in the 
afternoon. I was highly diverted with their coarse sim- 
plicity. Col. Moore is a plain man, but one who knows the 
World, and is a man of business, he is D. Q r M r to the State 

390 Extracts from the Letter-Boolcs of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 

of !North Carolina. His house is beautifully situated on a 
hill, which commands a view of the whole Country round. 
On the morning of the 25th, I was surprised to find it was 
snowing very hard, which continued all the day and caused 
me to halt. The peach-trees were in full blossom, and cov- 
ered with snow, you could see a blush of red through it, 
which to me was a lively resemblance of beauty in distress, 
and in distress they truly were, for a like accident happened 
them about a week before I marched and killed the most of 
them. It is a mere accident in this Country to have a good 
fruit year, on account of the changeable weather, which is 
some days like Summer, and the next perhaps as cold as 
Winter — a very hard frost followed in the evening. 

" On the 26 th we marched on, crossed Flat River and 
Little River, at fording places, and took Hillsborough in my 
way, according to promise with expectation of meeting with 
Lieut. Blewer and company according to appointment made 
at Halifax. This being a day after the time, I began to con- 
clude they had again changed their mind, which had before 
veered like a weather-cock with every wind. It would not 
have troubled me in the least had they not deceived me with 
regard to my arms and ammunition. I spent the evening 
with Co 1 Few, a member of Congress from Georgia, and 
several 2sorth Carolina officers, and gentlemen of the town. 
I retired to bed soon, as I had been very unwell for several 
days and still continued. 

" Hillsborough takes its name from its situation, being sur- 
rounded with hills on all sides. It is built on the declivity 
of a hill and contains about 40 houses, some of which are 
tolerable genteel; there is a good Church and a small 
Market house, which is stockaded at present and a guard 
kept in it, to secure the town against one Fanning, an out- 
law, horsethief, murderer, and a British Colonel ; 'tis such 
men as these they have employed and commissioned, to 
carry their favorite scheme of reducing this Country ; and 
not only employed the Savages, but do encourage our own 
slaves to run away from their Masters, and then arm them 
to cut their throats. I believe no power ever fell upon such 

Extracts from the Letter-Books of Lieutenant Enos Reeves. 391 

low methods to carry on a war and reduce a Country as 
England has since the commencement of this. This fellow 
has a range of forty miles, and the most of the inhabitants 
within it are his friends, (a poor ignorant set) : and he was 
himself a servant in thi3 neighborhood, and always a noted 
villian. He can muster upon occasions forty odd men, men 
who have deserved the gallows, (the most of them), and 
have joined him and become desperate, knowing if they are 
taken, they will be hung. Their cruelties exceed anything 
I have heard of, for where they have a pique, they murder 
men and women. A few days ago he came to a place where 
there was a wedding, called a young fellow out, shot him on 
the spot, and endeavoured to make his horse trample on the 
dead body, but the horse being less of the brute than his 
master, could not be prevailed upon to do it. He has the 
advantage of any party that is sent against him, having 
stolen the fastest running horse in the country, which he 
keeps always ready for himself and minions. 

(To be continued.) 

392 Foi~mation of Washington's Farewell Address. 


[A paper read before the State Society of the Cincinnati of New Jer- 
sey, February 22, 1S97, by Rev. George S. Mott, D.D., First Vice- 
President of the New Jersey Historical Society.] 

The weary and painful struggle of the Revolutionary con- 
test awakened in the heart of Washington the warmest love 
towards the whole country, and at the close of the war 
arose deep emotions of patriotic solicitude for the continu- 
ance of the gains of victory. These feelings expressed 
themselves in three special addresses or deliverances. 

The first was a circular letter addressed to the Governor 
of each State, on June 8, 1783. The immediate subject was 
the difficulties connected with the dissolution of an army of 
unpaid soldiers. But he proceeded to press upon the con- 
sideration of the Governors four points, which he pro- 
nounced " The pillars of the Nation." First, an indissolu- 
ble union of the States under one federal head of increased 
energy. Second, a sacred regard to public justice in dis- 
charging the obligations assumed by Congress. Third, 
adoption of a proper peace establishment for the whole 
country. Fourth, the cultivation of a friendly policy among 
the people, which should lead to mutual concessions for the 
general prosperity. This was an admirable preparation for 
the trying ordeal to which he foresaw they would be sub- 

The second paper was his Farewell Address to the army, 
when he withdrew from the command thereof, November 2, 
1783. This is a paternal farewell to his comrades in arms, 
full of sympathy, and designed to render them patriotic 
and patient citizens, even as they had been faithful soldiers 
amid the privations of many campaigns. 

The third notable address is that which is known as 
" Washington's Farewell Address to the American People," 

Fomiation of Washington's Farewell Address. 393 

and which was put in print September 19, 1796. The in- 
tention to issue a patriotic appeal as a farewell was formed 
in Washington's mind towards the last of his first presi- 
dential term; for he desired to retire to private life, and 
the question had been mooted in political circles whether a 
President should serve more than one term. 

In a long communication, dated May 20, 1792, Washing- 
ton unbosomed his mind to Madison upon the subject, who 
was then his trusted friend, one upon whose opinion he 
placed great reliance. He writes, requesting that, " If the 
measure in itself should strike you as proper, or likely to 
produce public good, or private honor, that you would turn 
your thoughts to a Valedictorv Address from me to the 
public, expressing in plain and honest terms my leave of 
them as a public man : and I take the liberty at my departure 
from civil life, as I formerly did at my military exit, to in- 
voke a continuance of the blessings of Providence upon it." 
"Washington then proceeds to outline the thoughts he had 
embodied, and propounds several queries. He asked Madi- 
son to " Consider first, the propriety of such an address. 
Second, the time when it should appear, and the mode. 
Third, several matters which should be contained in it, e.g. 
whether to touch specifically any of the exceptional parts of 
the Constitution." For the Constitution issued out of con- 
fusion and sectionalism, and the swell of the compromise 
had not yet subsided. This compact did not please the 
strong Colonies and it did not satisfy the weak Colonies. 
The best statesmen regarded it with distrust and anxiety. 
When Washington sent a copy of it to Lafayette, he accom- 
panied it with so timid an endorsement as this : " It is now 
a child of fortune, to be fostered by some and buffetted by 
others. What will be the general opinion or reception of 
it, is not for me to decide, nor shall I say anything for or 
against it." John Adams wrote, " We have made a Con- 
stitution which will keep us from cutting each other's throats 
for a few years." But of this same Constitution the most 
eminent statesman of England, Gladstone, has remarked, 
" The American Constitution is the most wonderful work 

394 Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 

ever struck off, at a given time, by the brain and purpose 
of man." 

To this communication Madison replied June 20. He 
hopes that Washington "will reconsider all the circum- 
stances and consequences/' and that he will consent to 
" one more sacrifice, severe as it may be, to the desires and 
interests of your country." And then Madison states that 
he will give, as Washington requested, his opinion on the 
queries propounded. He writes that such an address is 
" most desirable." He advises that the time be delayed as 
long as possible, " to the middle of September." Also that 
the mode of giving it to the public should be " through 
the Newspapers." He then formulates a draft of a valedic- 
tory address, This draft consists mostly of personal mat- 
ters, in which Washington is made to express himself in a 
manner not justified by the suggestions which had been 
laid down by Washington. He makes Washington dwell 
on the increasing weight of years, as though he might not 
be competent for the duties required. His language consti- 
tutes a covert excuse of the men who were secretly plotting 
against Washington. It must be remembered that this 
draft was prepared when the controversy between Hamilton 
and Jefferson was approaching the irrecoverable conflict it 
soon assumed, and Madison was veering towards Jefferson. 
He touches upon important matters in hypothetical outlines, 
according as Washington might regard certain subjects from 
this or that stand-point. (For a comparison of Washing- 
ton's memoranda and the proposed substitutes of Madison, 
see John C. Hamilton's " History of the Eepublic," Vol. VI., 
Chapter CXXXI.) 

But the state of the country was so critical during the 
summer of 1792 that Washington yielded to the entreaties 
of those eminent and trusted patriots who predicted dire 
disaster if he withdrew from public life, and he consented 
to be nominated again. The infant nation needed the 
father's fostering care yet longer. 

Four additional years passed away, — years of vexatious 
trial, of perilous complications, and of bitter strife, to such 

Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 395 

an extent that the survival of the Union was imperilled. 
Indeed, only the commanding authority of Washington, 
his discreet and firm management of public matters, his rare 
forecast, and the unbounded confidence of the people in hi3 
wisdom and unselfish patriotism, prevented such a catas- 
trophe. But now a condition had been reached when Wash- 
ington believed that he could retire to the sweets of private 
life with safety to his country. So he expressed it, " The 
step was compatible with patriotism and long cherished 
personal desire." And the conviction returned with even 
greater strength than before, that a Farewell Address to the 
people would be a proper mode of retiring from office. 

The paper of Madison and his own memoranda had lain 
before Washington during those four eventful years, and 
we may presume that, from time to time, he had noted 
thoughts which might be appropriate for this Farewell 
when he should send it forth. It seems to have been his 
original intention to retain the substance and form of Madi- 
son's draft, and to make such an addition as events and cir- 
cumstances required, because dangers which lurked on the 
horizon had developed and assumed a perplexing and 
threatening aspect during his second administration. But 
Washington was not clear in his own mind to what extent 
it would be wise to refer to these, and precisely what points 
to introduce or to amplify. 

Again, therefore, he sought a counsellor. Madison wa3 
alive and very influential, but the relations between them 
were not as confidential as aforetime. Madison was sympa- 
thizing with Jefferson, and Jefferson's ideas were so in- 
harmonious with those of Washington that he had retired 
from the cabinet. Naturally, therefore, Washington turned 
to the wisest and most generally esteemed statesman of 
the country, Alexander Hamilton. His judgment Wash- 
ington highly regarded, and their relations were intimate. 

About a month before Congress adjourned, which was 
June 1, 1796, Hamilton was visiting in Philadelphia: and 
then Washington, in a conversation with him, disclosed his 
purpose to issue a Farewell Address, and showed Hamilton 

396 Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 

a draft in its rough state, asking him to " redress it." On 
May 10 Hamilton wrote to Washington from New York, 
"When last in Philadelphia, you mentioned to me your 
wish that I would redress a certain paper which you had 
prepared. As it is important that a thing of this kind 
should be done with great care and much at leisure, touched 
and re-touched, I submit a wish, that as soon as you have 
given it the body you mean to have, it may be sent to me/' 
In this correspondence Hamilton always refers to the draft 
as a " certain paper." 

"Without waiting to give this a " body," Washington 
transmitted, May 15, to Hamilton, Madison's draft prepared 
in the summer of 1792, and with it a series of memoranda 
of his own. He stated what he proposed to do, and re- 
quested Hamilton to prepare a paper based on his own sug- 
gestions, with such modifications as he thought desirable. 
In this letter Washington also gave full permission to Ham- 
ilton to "throw the whole into a different form;" but he is 
anxious it should be known that four years earlier he had 
begun the preparation of a Farewell Address, and that he 
had continued in office against his inclination. " If vou 
form one anew, it of course will be predicated upon the 
sentiments contained in the enclosed paper." The paper 
thus transmitted consisted of three parts. First, an introduc- 
tion, in which Washington states his resolution to retire at 
the close of his first term, and the reason he did not. Sec- 
ond, Madison's draft quoted in full. Third, hints or heads 
of topics by Washington, which are the same in substance 
as in the paper to the governors. This document had not a 
" body" which Hamilton desired, for it was not written out 
in full ; but it contained in substance the sentiments Wash- 
ington desired to place before the American people. It 
will be noted that Washington does not ask Hamilton's 
opinion respecting the issuance of this address, because 
that was already fixed in Washington's mind. 

Hamilton discouraged Washington's idea of incorporating 
Madison's draft in its explicit form, because the significance 
had largely passed away in the rush of the eventful years, 

Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 397 

and some of the sentiments, in Hamilton's opinion, were 
" most too personal" to Washington. He, therefore, pro- 
posed and sketched two forms, the one on the basis of a 
combination, and the other an original plan. In the first, 
which was an attempt to incorporate part of Madison'3 
paper and Washington's heads or hints, Hamilton prepared 
an abstract of twenty-three points. The first ten of these 
were derived from Madison's draft; the remainder were 
points that Washington had made in 1792 in the paper to 
Madison, and the points presented in 1796 in the request to 
Hamilton. This combination was unsatisfactory to Wash- 
ington. It was sent August 10 from Xew York. In the 
other paper, which was the original draft by Hamilton, and 
which, so far as known, is the only paper preserved by 
Hamilton, he fused in his own mind this abstract of points, 
leaving out some and modifying others. He embodied the 
sentiments of Washington with few exceptions, and in the 
very language of Washington where it could well be em- 
ployed, and at the same time he raised the tone of the 

These points are in substance what Hamilton had written 
and advocated for years. But this similarity, and almost 
identity, are not to be construed into proof that Hamilton 
was the author of the Farewell Address in " body, feature, 
and spirit," as was the contention by some at the beginning 
of this century, because these two men had been in complete 
harmony on national questions for four years. Washington 
Deeded not to learn statesmanship from any man. The 
whole people followed him rather than Congress. Such was 
the complaint of Jefferson. The noblest in the land were 
his willing disciples. It is far more probable that Hamil- 
ton's ideas were formed by his contact with his chief. He 
was built up to the lofty ideas of Washington. This paper 
Washington adopted as his guide. It was sent July 30. 

Washington, in a letter to Hamilton dated June 26, ex- 
presses his regret that he did not publish his valedictory the 
day after the adjournment of Congress, which was June 1. 
He writes that it might have prevented the remark that " I 

398 Formation of Washington's FareiceU Address. 

waited to see that the current was against me." As the 
election was to be in autumn, his opinion was that his de- 
cision not to serve a third term should be made known at 
an early date. He then asked Hamilton's opinion as to the 
date, and declared that it should not be delayed later than 
the middle of September. To this Hamilton replied, July 5, 
that the question should remain " undecided till the last 
moment;" and adds, " If a storm gathers how can you re- 
treat ? This is a most serious question. The proper period 
for your declination will be two months before the meeting 
of the electors. The parties will in the mean time elec- 
tioneer conditionally, that is, if you decline ; for a serious 
opposition to you will I think hardly be risked." This 
opinion of Hamilton so far influenced "Washington that he 
postponed issuing the Address later than he intended. 
Hence each of them proceeded more slowly in its forma- 

"Washington now had before him the paper prepared by 
Madison in 1792, his own views contained in memoranda, 
and the two sketches prepared by Hamilton, — the one in the 
form of a combination, and the other an original paper. 
He now proceeded to prepare his Farewell Address, following 
largely, if not wholly, the original paper of Hamilton. 
This, when finished, was transmitted to Hamilton, August 
25, from Philadelphia, with the request that he should con- 
sult John Jay. Hamilton wrote to Jay that he had " re- 
ceived a letter from Washington and with it the draft of a 
farewell address" which the President had prepared, and 
" on which he requests our opinion." Hamilton asked for 
an interview at Jay's house, New York City, and a day was 

When they came together, Hamilton remarked that, " after 
examination, it appeared to him that the draft (of the Presi- 
dent) was susceptible of improvement ; that he thought the 
best way was to leave that draft untouched and to write a 
new draft, with such amendments, alterations, and correc- 
tions as he thought advisable, and that he had done so. He 
proposed to make it the subject of our council," which they 

Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 399 

did. " We proceeded deliberately to discuss amendments ; 
but they were not of much importance. The President's 
draft remained as delicacy required, and was not obscured 
by interlineations." Mr. Jay suggested that, as the "paper 
was of great consequence, a further critical examination 
should be bestowed upon it ; but Mr. Hamilton declined, 
saying that he was pressed for time and was anxious to 
return the draft to Washington." " It afterward occurred 
to me, that a certain proposition was expressed in terms too 
general and unqualified, and I hinted it in a letter to the 
President." So wrote Mr. Jay in a letter in 1811, when the 
discussioD waxed warm as to wmether Washington or Ham- 
ilton prepared the Farewell Address. 

This original draft prepared by Hamilton and revised 
at this interview, together with Washington's manuscript, 
was sent to the President. These two patriots, Jay and 
Hamilton, carefully and critically, with the spirit of states- 
men, the taste of scholars, and of affection for the man, 
had gone over the documents paragraph by paragraph; 
indeed, word by word. This draft, matured so fully, 
Washington adopted by conforming his own to it; for 
he took his own manuscript and compared it carefully 
with this new draft by Hamilton and Jay, and made the 
alterations and corrections which are so notable a feature of 
that manuscript, which is in good preservation to-day. Be- 
fore making this revision, he wrote to Hamilton in a letter 
dated August 25, 1796, "I prefer it greatly to the other 
draft [i.e., he preferred that sent by Hamilton], being more 
copious on material points, more dignified on the whole, 
and with less egotism. It goes as far as it ought with respect 
to any personal mention of myself. ... I shall expunge all 
that is marked as unimportant in the paper; and, as you 
perceive some marginal notes written with a pencil, I pray 
you to give the sentiments so noticed material consideration. 
After which and in every other part, if change or alteration 
takes place in the draft, let them be so clearly interlined, 
erased, or referred to in the margin, as that no mistake may 
happen in copying it for the press." 

400 Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 

A week later, September 1, Washington wrote to Hamil- 
ton, " Since revolving on the paper, I have regretted that 
another subject was not touched upon also, I mean educa- 
tion generally, as one of the surest means of enlightening, 
and giving just ways of thinking to our citizens; but par- 
ticularly the establishment of a university." The letter 
proceeded to give reasons for the establishment of such an 
institution at the "Federal Capital," and his purpose to 
contribute towards its endowment. (This letter is marked 
private.) To this Hamilton replied, on September 4, " The 
idea of a University is one of those which I think will be 
most properly reserved for your speech at the opening of 
the session. A general suggestion respecting education will 
very fitly come into the Address." This advice was followed. 
Hamilton also considered carefully the " marginal notes," 
as requested in the letter of August 25, and returned the 
manuscript with his suggestions. This was September 5. 
The correspondence closed September 8 by a letter from 

Washington then subjected his Address to another re- 
vision, and on the loth of that month consulted the printer; 
so that almost to the last day he kept the Farewell Address 
open to amendments. On Thursday, September 15, Wash- 
ington, who was then in Philadelphia, sent for Mr. Clay- 
poole to inquire when he could print the document. Mr. 
Claypoole replied, whenever the President desired. Mr. 
Claypoole states in a letter respecting the interview, " The 
following Monday was fixed. He then told me that his sec- 
retary would call on me with a copy of the Address on 
the next morning, Friday." After the proof-sheet was 
printed and compared with the copy (which Mr. Claypoole 
himself did), he carried the revision to be examined by the 
President, who made few alterations except in punctuation. 
(Claypoole's letter to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 
February 22, 1826.) There seems to have been two proof- 
sheets, — one revised, and the other as it first came from the 
press. One of these i3 said to be at Mount Vernon. The 
Farewell Address appeared on Monday afternoon, Septem- 

Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 401 

ber 19, 1796 (which date the manuscript bears), in Claypook's 
American Daily Advertiser, of Philadelphia. 

This original manuscript, entirely in the handwriting of 
Washington, Mr. Claypoole craved the honor of keeping. 
This was granted. It was retained as a precious relic in 
Mr. Claypoole's family until about 1848, when an oppor- 
tunity enabled Mr. James Lenox, of Xew York, to purchase 
the autograph, and it is now one of the treasures of the 
Lenox Library of that city. It is carefully protected in a 
glass case. The trustees propose shortly to issue fac-simile 
copies. The manuscript consists of thirty-two pages, quarto 
letter-paper, written on both sides and sewed together, and it 
is in excellent preservation. Pages 10, 11, and 16 are almost 
wholly expunged. On every page lines are erased and cor- 
rections made ; yet most of them do not change the meaning, 
and are verbal. 

An examination of this manuscript starts the inquiry 
Inasmuch as these alterations and amendments are so nu- 
merous, why did not Washington rewrite the draft? We 
do not know any reason assigned, but we will venture to sug- 
gest a cause. Washington was impatient to return to Mount 
Yernon. He had gone to Philadelphia for the purpose of 
receiving the ministers from Spain and Holland, and " for 
the despatching of other business, which could not so well 
be executed by written communication between himself and 
heads of departments." He states in the letter of August 
25 his intention to hand the Farewell Address to the pub- 
lic before leaving the city; that he expected " to return by or 
before the tenth of next month, for the purpose of bringing 
up my family for the winter." He also was convinced that 
the anxiety of the public mind should be relieved as quickly 
as possible with reference to the rumor that he would not 
serve another term, and in those days of slow travel two or 
three weeks would be required for the Farewell to reach 
distant parts of the land. He had much business to arrange, 
and he felt that he could not spare the time to rewrite so 
long a document; and probably he believed it was not in- 
dispensable that he should so burden himself. He left the 
Yol. xxi. — 27 

402 Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 

city on Monday morning, and the Address came from the 
press in the afternoon. 

The publication of the Address produced a profound sen- 
sation. Several of the State Legislatures ordered it to be 
inserted in their Journals. At once the severe and vituper- 
ative invectives that prevailed were hushed. It commanded 
the highest admiration of the statesmen of Europe. Alison, 
the eminent historian, declares of it, " He bequeathed to his 
countrymen an address on leaving the government, to which 
there is no composition of uninspired wisdom which can 
bear a comparison." 

The foregoing is a full delineation of a question that for 
half a century provoked much discussion. Those who may 
desire to be informed of the arguments will find an ex- 
haustive presentation of the subject in " An Inquiry into the 
Formation of Washington's Farewell Address," by Horace 
Binney, Philadelphia, 1859. Edward Everett, whose mag- 
nificent oration on Washington was the admiration of the 
last generation, stated in a letter to James Lenox, " One of 
the most interesting questions relating to the life of Wash- 
ington is the authorship of the Farewell Address." 

In order to a clearer idea of this question we may trace 
it thus concisely. The conception of such an Address origi- 
nated solely with Washington. The idea proceeded out of 
his fatherly love to the people whom he had led in their 
struggle for independence. He consulted Madison nine 
months before the close of his first presidential term as to 
the advisability of such an Address, and concerning some 
ideas that should be incorporated in it. These initial ideas 
Madison expressed a vague opinion of. Four years later 
Washington entered in earnest upon the preparation of his 
Farewell, and consulted Hamilton. Between them a pro- 
tracted correspondence ensued for four months, in which 
there was a frank interchange of opinion, and towards the 
end the judgment of John Jay was sought. The sagacity of 
Jay's statesmanship was exemplified in the treaty with Eng- 
land, which has been called " A Masterpiece of Diplomacy." 
Meanwhile the ideas of Madison had so faded away that 

Formation of Washington's Fareicell Address. 403 

only a few thoughts of his are retained, which are to he 
found in the introduction. This document, which was the 
result of frequent and careful revisions hy the three wisest 
men in the nation, Hamilton, Jay, and Washington, at last 
went through the final alembic of Washington's supreme 
consideration. In this process it is manifest that, with the 
self-sacrificing spirit which from youth was his conspicuous 
and noble characteristic, he was seeking to secure the best 
and wisest counsels, expressed in the calmest and most per- 
fect manner. So that the term authorship should be broad- 
ened into a question of formation. Washington was the author 
in the sense of the originator, and he was the author also in 
that he adopted and completed the subject-matter. It was the 
inspiration of Washington passing through the facile pen of 
Hamilton. As the document lies before us, it is not a joint 
work to the extent that Hamilton is responsible for some 
specifications and Washington for other topics. All are the 
sentiments of Washington as originating in his own mind. 
Some were omitted at the suggestion of Hamilton, in order 
to avoid the imputation of affected modesty, as Washington 
notes over against these ; others were modified, not in pur- 
port, but in phraseology; while yet others were subjected 
to slight verbal changes. 

Chief-Justice Jay wrote in 1811, when this question of 
authorship was agitated, " Washington, although always 
relying ultimately on his own judgement, was most solicitous 
to obtain light on every question and measure which he 
had to decide." This is confirmed by the advice of Wash- 
ington to a friend, " Submit your sentiments with diffidence. 
A dictatorial style, though it carry conviction is always ac- 
companied with disgust." And Mr. Binney remarks, " Two 
men were never better fitted for just such a joint work : 
fitted by different, and even by contrasting qualities, and by 
reciprocal trust and respect." Hamilton's constructive and 
analytical mind and training enabled him to formulate a 
document out of Washington's ideas; but that document 
was subjected, in the last analysis, to the accurate survey 
and searching scrutiny of Washington's singularly discreet 

404 Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 

judgment, as that was enlightened by the wisdom of 

It is very interesting to have these omissions and altera- 
tions preserved in the original autograph, because they 
reveal the spirit of Washington. They touch his pulse, to 
record the throbs of his heart as aroused by righteous in- 
dignation or stirred by patriotic memories. He had been 
irritated beyond endurance at the base calumnies of his 
traducers and at the indifference of many of his professed 
adherents. Hence a resolution had been formed to enter 
upon a partial defence of himself in an asseveration of the 
purity of his motives, a recalling of his life-long services, 
and a declaration of the affection he bore to his native land ; 
but, by the advice of Hamilton, all such references were 
omitted because there was no call for a vindication. It was 
an exhibition of rare insight that Hamilton could discern 
that he who was first in the hearts of his countrymen needed 
no appeal nor defence. His deeds, his patience, his magna- 
nimity, afforded superabundant evidence. 

This Farewell Address is not an official announcement, 
nor a state paper. It is enthroned on a higher position 
than any such document. It was a personal matter. As 
"Washington says, " It is to be the closing act in my admin- 
istration.^ It was more. It contains his last words to the 
American people. He lived only three years and three 
months afterwards. And so it has become a national classic, 
like Lincoln's Address at Gettysburg, which derived its in- 
spiration and spirit from this Farewell. After an introduc- 
tion expressing his cordial and thankful retirement from 
public position, he devotes the remainder to sundry patriotic 
admonitions and noble sentiments, the like of which are 
interspersed all through his letters and addresses. The 
policy he inculcates is founded on the same principles which 
he had always advocated. Every thought can be traced to 
special experiences in his connection with public affairs. 
When he left Mount Vernon to be inaugurated he wrote in 
his diary that his mind was " oppressed with more anxiety 
and painful sensations than I have words to express,'' and 

Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 405 

that be had little hope of answering the expectations of the 
country. But Washington never wavered in his purpose of 
maintaining the Constitution. With calm fervor he de- 
clared, u Union is indispensable. If you have a strong 
Union the nation will be strong. Do you want a nation? 
This constitution is the only way to have it. The Union or 
ruin." Thus bravely did Lincoln take the same position in 
the dark days of our civil w T ar. " Everything to save the 

The Address contains solemn admonitions against section- 
alism and against combinations to obstruct the enforcement 
of the laws of the United States. Insubordination was then 
rife. There was intense excitement in relation to the 
judiciary. Two decisions of the Supreme Court were 
openly declared to be void. The Legislature of Georgia 
had passed an act subjecting to death any marshal of the 
United States who should attempt to serve process against 
that State at the suit of an individual, according to a deci- 
sion of the Supreme Court. He also points out the perils 
of fostering a fierce party spirit. And never has that spirit 
been quite so savage and unscrupulous as it was during that 
second administration. 

A consideration of this Farewell would be incomplete 
without calling especial attention to Washington's views 
respecting the education of the people. As has been stated, 
he was extremely solicitous to insert in the Address a section 
on the importance of establishing a National University. 
He w r as dissuaded from this purpose by the advice of Hamil- 
ton, and contented himself with these brief sentences : 
" Promote then, as an object of primary importance, insti- 
tutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In propor- 
tion as the structure of a government gives force to public 
opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be en- 
lightened." The pet scheme of his old age was the found- 
ing of a National University. He wrote earnestly in 1704 
of establishing such an institution in the " Federal City." 
His project was to create a distinctively American college, 
so that young men could be fully educated away from for- 

406 Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 

eign influences. He desired to have the sons of the United 
States imbued with that same love of country which burned 
in his own breast. He proposed to bequeath to such an insti- 
tution a large tract of land that had come into his possession. 
In his last message to Congress he urgently presses on them 
to consider this scheme ; but it has never obtained favor. 

This deep appreciation of the importance of education 
began in Washington's boyhood. His own advantages in 
this respect were limited, and he realized his deficiency. 
He was particular about style, and especially in regard to 
punctuation. Later he studied the best English authors, 
and was fond of history; hence in this Farewell he relied 
much on the literary taste of Hamilton to improve his 
rhetoric. His standard in regard to general education was 
beyond his time and far in advance of his own State. In 
Virginia there had not been that love of learning which pre- 
vailed in the New England Colonies and in New Jersey. 
At an early day one Governor of Virginia taxed school- 
masters twenty shillings a year. Others opposed education 
because it would arouse a spirit of rebellion; but Washing- 
ton's views were far broader and nobler. He wrote on 
one occasion, "Fully apprised of the influence which sound 
learning has on religion and manners, on government, 
liberty, and law, I shall only lament my want of abilities 
to make it still more extensive. " 

Washington bestowed constant care on the education of 
his own family. His letters to his wife's son and grandson 
disclose his broad and practical views. Young men whom 
he knew to be earnest were generously aided by him in ob- 
taining an education. He was especially interested in 
securing school advantages for children of indigent parents. 
He wrote in December, 1785, " It has long been my inten- 
tion to invest at my death, 1000 pounds, the interest of which 
is to be devoted to educate orphan children. " By his will 
he bequeathed four thousand pounds for such a school in 
Alexandria, Virginia, the interest of which alone was to be 
used. Like Alfred the Great, who has well been eulogized 
as the "Father of the English nation/' Washington, the 

Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 407 

"Father of his country," was the friend and patron of 
learning. Surely we may claim that he was the first states- 
man of America who advocated the essential principles of 
our invaluable system of public schools. Hi3 standard for 
the education of all classes was indeed ahead of his age. 1 

This Farewell Address so breathes the lofty spirit of the 
last words of those old Hebrew patriots and statesmen, 
Moses, Joshua, and Samuel, that it is entitled to veneration 
second only to that which should be rendered to their fare- 
wells, recorded on the pages of Holy Writ. And as their 
solemn counsels were prophetic, so his admonitions and ex- 
hortations are prophecy, and have become the national oracle 
of this century. Indeed, painfully applicable to us are its 
admonitions. All thoughtful observers of the time are 
as anxious for our future as was Washington at the close of 
the last century. Had this Address received as much atten- 
tion as has been given to the Declaration of Independence, 
we may reasonably believe that a more conciliatory spirit 
would have pervaded the differing sections of our country. 
Far more beneficial would it have been, at each recurring 
anniversary of our independence, to have read a part or the 
whole of this Address, and to have made its themes the 
substance of Fourth of July oratory. His fatherly counsel 
fused with patriotic speech might have abated angry pas- 
sions. Indeed, such a course might have prevented the 
bloody civil war. 

We need to revive and quicken to-day those salutary 
counsels. As King Saul, in the closing hours of his reign, 
when troubles glowered dark and sore, went back to old 
Samuel, the wise and faithful but neglected counsellor of 
his youth, so we may plead with all the powers that patriot- 
ism can evoke, Bring us up Washington. Let this Address 
occupy a place of honor in those buildings which are dedi- 
cated as the Head-quarters of Washington, or which are 
associated with events in his campaigns. Let all our people 
become familiar with its patriotic sentiments. Let the 

1 For an excellent article on Washington's interest in education, see 
New England Magazine, May, 1890. 

408 Formation of Washington's Farewell Address. 

children from the thirty nations who study in our public 
schools hear it read on each recurring celebration of Wash- 
ington's birthday. Let extracts from its pages be honored as 
subjects of declamation, as have been the ardent eloquence 
of Patrick Henry and the glowing paragraphs of Webster. 
Thus maj' we vivify Washington's Farewell Address to the 
American People into a practical existence. The rir^e 
passed has sufficed for eulogizing the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. Let us go on from this foundation to the per- 
fecting and embellishing of the Temple of Liberty. As ^e 
enter upon a new century, we should give to this Farewell 
a supreme significance equal to that with which it firs: 
thrilled every patriot's heart. The need of it is the prophecy 
of its coming. In this is the hope of deliverance. 

Washington is the brightest star in the galaxy of Amer- 
ica's great men, and his lustre is undimmed and is diffused 
all over the earth. Almost every civilized nation during 
this century has had its great hero. Poland had its Kos- 
ciusko, Italy its Cavour, Hungary its Kossuth, England its 
Wellington, France its ]STapoleon, Germany its Bismarck: 
but Washington alone is the man who has captured the ven- 
eration of the world. His name is known in China. In 
the huts of Greece you may see his portrait. The young 
patriots of Japan make him their model. Wherever are 
aspirations for human freedom, wherever a lofty patriotism 
has shone out, there Washington has been an inspiration. 
Were we a pagan nation he would have been deified. 

Alison, the eminent English historian, in his scholarly 
eulogy of Washington, declares, " It is the highest glory of 
England to have given birth, even amidst transatlantic wilds. 
to such a man." 

"Many shall commend his understanding, 
And to eternity he shall not pass away ; 
His memorial shall not depart, 

And his name shall live from generation to generation ; 
Nations shall show forth his wisdom 
And the congregation shall publish his praise." 

Ecclesiasticus, Chap. XXXIX. Lauge's Commentary. 

The Late Dr. Frederick Dawson Stcme. 409 

m ^^mmmmnfn^^^mnzm^m^m^m > m^^ ■ 

dje &ate Bi\ dfrttJcncft QatoScm <#>tonc. 

It becomes our mournful duty to announce to the readers 
of the Magazine the unexpected death of Dr. Frederick 
Dawson Stone, its chief Editor, and Librarian of the His- 
torical Society, which took place at his home, in German- 
town, on the 12th of August last. Dr. Stone had been an 
invalid for some years, and his friends had hoped that his 
health would be improved by the short vacation which he 
allowed himself from the exhausting labors of his position ; 
but on his return home from the country he was suddenly 
snatched from the affection of his friends and from his great 
usefulness as an official of the Society by an attack of heart 

It is hard to say whether Dr. Stone was more closely 
bound to his friends by the strong tie of the love they bore 
him, or by the implicit trust and confidence with which his 
administration of the affairs of the Society inspired them. 
He was elected a member on March 9, 1863, and he soon 
became marked out as a devoted student of history, and 
especially for his acquaintance with books relating to 
American history. His knowledge in this special branch 
of the work became so conspicuous that he was in 1876 
elected with great unanimity Librarian of the Society, an 
office which he held with increasing reputation to the day 
of his death. Of the many of our readers who have had 
occasion to consult him on points connected with their his- 
torical inquiries, there is probably not one who has not boon 

410 The Late Dr. Frederick Dawson Stone. 

struck by the extent and variety of his information, the 
ease with which he cleared up obscure points, and the 
uniform kindness and sweetness of temper with which he 
imparted his knowledge to those who sought aid from him. 
We risk nothing in saying that by such persons Dr. Stone 
was always recognized as one of the foremost students of 
American history, and in Pennsylvania history, without 
doubt, the very first. His critical knowledge of American 
history was to the last degree minute and accurate. His 
researches corrected many popular errors, and he was a 
most trustworthy guide in a field where so many have been 

DrV Stone was an earnest advocate for the establishment 
of this Magazine, and he was its chief editor from the be- 
ginning. If the Magazine has done anything during the 
period of its existence to aid historical studies or to main- 
tain) and advance the reputation of the Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania, it must be said that much of the credit is 
due to Dr. Stone's judgment and skill in conducting it. 

Death of William. Spohn Baker. 



Bcatfj of WtiBmm «#po|m Bafccr. 

As we go to press, the sudden death of Mr. William 
Spohn Baker, on Wednesday morning, September 8, 1897, 
is announced. He was elected a member of the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania April 28, 1873, and for many 
years has served as one of the Vice-Presidents and a 
member of the Council. 

Mr. Baker was widely known through his researches 
in all that pertained to the life and character of Wash- 
ington, and his last contribution, "Washington after the 
Revolution," is concluded in the present number of the 
Pennsylvania Magazine, to which he was an esteemed 
and frequent contributor. 

:i&£ttr>-*mi4: -^^^;-^^^:u, ■■?.*.-} i : 

412 Notes and Queries. 


Dr. Edmund Porter, "Practitioner in Physic."— Dr. Edmund 
Porter, the writer of the following letter, was born in Haddam, Con- 
necticut, June 18, 1791, and died at Frenchtown, New Jersev, July 
12, 1826. He married Mary Moore, September 28, 1816. Dr." Porter 
became a resident of Frenchtown in June of 1820. He was one of the 
founders of the Medical Society of Hunterdon County, and one of its 
first delegates to the State Medical Society; served as a member of the 
State Assembly, and wa3 a successful and popular physician and surgeon. 
He was also a frequent contributor to the medical journals and the press 
of the State. He was a licentiate in medicine of the Connecticut Medi- 
cal Society; the Medical Society of St. Bartholomew, W. L; and the 
Union Medical Society of Pennsylvania. Dr. Porter's letter is addressed 
to his cousin, Miss Laura Anderson. 

M Frenchtown, N. J., 1st May, 1824. 

"A Period of Thirteen years has gone by since I had the happiness 
of beholding you (I fear for the last time). In that period 33S0 days, [?] 
I have seen much of the follies and vanities of life, I have been goaded 
by the lash, and flattered by the smiles of Fortuna. To recount all the 
adventures since I saw you last would require a Bibliographer. In the 
period mentioned, I have been in several parts of North and South 
America, I resided nearly one year in the West Indies. Dr. Miner in- 
forms me that you are still ' In a state of single blessedness' What the 
'duce' has become of your standing beau, or the crowd of admirers 
who once danced attendance to your mandates — Dr. M. speaks of you 
in most flattering terms, has he any designs upon you? As this letter is 
not entirely sentimental, I shall communicate only such events in my 
own career and ask such questions of your self as are only interesting to 
long separated friends. 

" In 1815, May 8th, I arrived at New Haven on my return to the 
United States; health much better, as that was the chief object of my 
voyage. I then visited Boston and Salem where I had bills of Exchange 
on the firm of Own &Co. of the latter town for something like $2000. — 
Protested, All lost, no property left. Was engaged in a love affair 
of long standing. On my way to Haddam, Conn, visited my sister Mrs. 
Mary Noble, at Springfield, Massachusetts; hospitably treated. Then 
our uncle James Anderson and family in Hartford, Conn. Then my na- 
tive town Haddam. Did not marry nor neither was I given in marriage. 
Visited New York, and my friends and acquaintances there, then shaped 
my course for the western and southern states; remained two weeks at 
Newton, Sussex County, New Jersey. Then traveled to Easton about 
forty-five or fifty miles "distant, a thriveing Borough situated on the West 
sideof the Delaware River surrounded by mountains and intersected by 
rivers, containing about 300 well built houses and 2000 inhabitants, 
principally Germans or of German extraction. At two outs and one in 
— Out of money, out of credit, and in debt, if $12.00 makes a man >>> 
after a months board. I then proceeded to Allentown, or as it is some- 
times called the Borough of Northampton in Lehigh County, Pa., where 
I quitted for a time 'pills and boluses,' for to instruct their principal 

Notes and Queries. 413 

school, where I realised on an average about $100. per month, for nearly 
nine mouths. I then bought a tine horse rather superior to ' Fiddlesticks"' 
on which the immortal Goldsmith began his novel tour, aud commenced 
my own to the town of Hummelstadt on the delightful banks of the 
Swatara Creek in Dauphin County, Penna. where I commenced the 
practice of medicine and Surgery in the vacancy occasioned by the 
death of my predecessor Dr. Patton. 

"I have long retained the names of many of my scholars at Allen- 
town, among a mass of manuscript which begin to lumber on my hands, 
therefore as this is merely a detail of events to my cousin, in connection, 
a catalogue of those whom I instructed may at some future period prove 
interesting to my own children. Hence I have inserted their names viz : 

" Girls. Saphrona Smith Hannah Echherdt Eve Clader Sally 
Schooley Hannah Clader Henerrietta Wagner Eliza Wagoner 
Julia Ann Miller Abigal Seagraves Mary Ginginger Matilda Phue 
Lucina Sneider Rebecca Hanse Eliza Eckhardt Amy Sager. 

"Boys. Thomas Wilson William Wilson Francis \Vilson Thomas 
Savits Abraham Gross William Mince John Miller Peter Young 
Jacob Stein Thomas Ginginger Peter Huber Jacob Newhard John 
Newhard George Gross Daniel Wagner David Kiper William 
Knicht Chas. Stein William Horn Mannasa Sneider Edward Sager 
William Gongware William Sneider Miles Echhardt Thomas New- 
hardt Augustus Joseph Miller William Saeger Charles Seipes 
Charles Wagoner Charles Martin Henry Weaver John Dorney 
Joseph Walman Edward Martin Obediah Weaver James Seagraves 
Jacob Gross John Haughenbock George Buckman Jesse Oberiy 
Thomas Sager Thomas Worman Charles Keckt John Stein Abra- 
ham Stein John Sneider Solomon Raver George Kecht Solomon 
Kecht Jacob Nagle Joseph Gross James Swander John Gross 
Geo. Gross Jacob Klader Valentine Klader Charles Fatzinger 
Samuel Troxel Edward Wise Peter Schooley Ruben Coffman 
Francis Gross John Gross Charles Gross Thomas Sneider Peter 
Rhinesmith George Tribal Smith Thomas Gangware Tilghman 
Wagner Thomas Hopkins Delia Hopkins Nancy Bell James 
Gongewar Geo. Hoffman Joseph Fatzinger Conrad Koker Eliza 
Eckhart Samuel Ginginger Augustus Rhine Edward Rhodes 
Henry Worman Francis Horn Chas. Kickline Jacob Henry Samuel 
Newhard -Thomas Klauder William Echhardt Isaac Sager Daniel 
Lair (1815 & 1816.) 

"The 28th of September 1816 I was married to Miss Mary Moore, a 
Lady of Easton, Penna., where like Dr. Franklin, (who tells the story 
of his after wife Mrs. Read) I became acquainted with her under cir- 
cumstances more unfavorable than Franklin. He had 'two rolls of 
bread/ I had none. We have had five children. Two first dead. The 
three last are now living, viz: Edmund Porter, Leonidas Samuel Miner 
Porter, and Thomas Miner Anderson Porter. 

"After I was married I lived in Easton near four years. I dealt in 
drugs, medicines, paints, millinary &c. <fcc, and on the 29th of May, 
1820 I failed in business, to a small amount comparatively speaking, 
when you learn that I commenced on a credit of oor $600 and that only 
$1000. was lost after doing nearly 830,000. in trade, persecuted, and 
bourn down by the rich reptiles, the Worms of accumulation, and Bank- 
ing speculation, who rioted on the nerves & sinews of the public during 
our last war with the ' mistress of the ocean.' The redemptioners of 
continental Europe who had become the inhabitants of the fairest part 
of North America, seemed desirous to lord it over the sous of those who 

414 Notes and Queries, 

nursed the revolutionary cradle. Hessians, Hanoverians, Westphal- 
ians, Polanders, Germans, Austrians, Waldechers and all the North- 
ern Hord seemed anxious to bow-down the energies of a youth, at 
once intent on being serviceable to them and beneficial to his country, 
whose aim was the privelege which the constitution of that country 
granted him, ■ Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness' But enough, 
I removed to French town the 10th June, 1820, and have done as much 
business in ray professional line as any, who call themselves Doctors, for 
the last four years. Money is scarce. The pay is tolerable. I enjoy 
myself tolerably well. 1 am getting old and fleshy. I have not that 
puny pale look which I had twelve years ago. Next 18th June I shall 
be (34) years old. Dr. Miner informs me that your father is dead. I 
feel sensibly your misfortune, and deplore the irreparable loss which 
you have sustained. I would thank you to inform me of every par- 
ticular of my old acquaintances, and all that relates to your family. Is 
uncles Robert and James Anderson alive? Where are your Brothers? 
What has become of your sister and her family. Is Dr. Smith in Lynne. 
How comes on the ' Eel skins, and ... of North Quarter.' 

"E. Porter." 

A Railroad and Canal-Boat Journey from Philadelphia to 
Northumberland in 1835. — A lady in June of 1835 writes, — 

" We arrived at Northumberland yesterday about Eight o'clock in the 
morning, and I never performed the journey with so little fatigue of 
either body or mind. At the depot in Broad Street, I had the pleasure 
of meeting cousin Edward. . . . We had the fortitude to ride up the in- 
clined plane, . . . the air absolutely cold when we reached the summit. 
... At intervals w T e travelled at the rate of twenty miles an hour, the 
wind ahead, and sparks flying as thick as hailstones — for a time this 
was frightful, from the apprehension that we should take fire, which 
sometimes did not seem improbable, for with all our activity it was im- 
possible to prevent the sparks from burning our dresses more or less, in- 
deed they w r ere riddled. . . . Not long had we been disturbed by the 
lighting of sparks upon us, before we were surprised by the sudden stop- 
ping of the cars and upon inquiry found the car immediately before us 
was on fire ; it was fortunately extinguished without injury to any one, 
save that which fright occasioned. Some time after there was another 
commotion,' from the burning of a coat on the top of the car, by the 
time this was put out there was another conflagration at the extreme line 
of cars — this w T as also adroitly managed, and we again passed on, when 
we were suddenly stopped by a heavy jolt, this arose from a bolt giving 
way, and last of all, a switch being out of order in the rails impeded our 
progress for a short period . . . arrived at Columbia about four, here we 
met with excellent accommodations. . . . The next morning we were on 
board the General Jackson at eight o'clock, and passed up the Susque- 
hannah canal as far as Duncan's Island, before night, the scenery, wild, 
picturesque and magnificent. When we turned into our berths tor the 
night; although they were as comfortable as we could expect, it requires 
much philosophy not to complain of confined air, narrow beds, an 1 
scanty supply of water for morning ablutions, with little or no space to 
lay down the articles you take off, . . . when up, the next thing to do 
was to go upon deck, but the morning was too cold and damp to allow 
us to do this for more than a few minutes at a time, with thick shawls 
and cloaks wrapped close around, and a return to the cabin was hardly 
to be borne. ... In passing under one of the canal bridges, one or two 
of our party were very near meeting with a serious accident. It was 

Notes and Queries. 415 

mentioned before we came up to the bridge, that we had better go clown, 
or more towards the edge of the boat, as the top there was lower than in 
the centre where we were standing; some of us had the prudence to g ) 
below, Mary, Mr. D., and another passenger, not of our company, re- 
mained on top to run their chance. . . . Mary, notwithstanding she laid 
down flat, was so tightly pressed by the beams of the bridge that her 
arm was scratched and quite sore, Mr. D., more upon the rounding, 
escaped with a scratched sleeve, the other passenger, finding the space 
likely to be small, jumped upon the bridge while the boat was passing 
under, a very adroit manoeuver, in which had he not succeeded, death 
would have been the consequence. . . . " 

Excerpta 1809-1810. — " My feelings were 9adly tried yesterday on 
perusing the Lancaster paper of this week [Dec. 15, 1809], it is there 
mentioned that Peyton Smith, second son of General John Smith, near 
Winchester fell in a duel fought with a Mr. Holmes. My poor nephew 
was but eighteen, and a lad of uncommon promise — so ends human ex- 
pectation ! His beauty, his talents, his fine figure, his wealth, highly as 
they were prized by the admiring multitude, were insufficient to ward orf 
the shaft of Death. . . ." 

"... The turnpike to Reading is executed in a masterly style — far su- 
perior to the Lancaster . . . if you had one sparjv of the patriotism that 
warmed you when you saluted the lips of General Washington, you would 
come up, were it only to witness the improvements of your country. . . ." 

"... I arrived at Princeton within four hours after I parted with 
you. . . . But how I wished for the privilege of our male friends, to 
make an acquaintance with one of the gentlemen that sat behind me — 
he chatted to the man, his companion, with the most enchanting vivacity, 
on a variety of interesting topics, all of which he discussed with the 
acumen of a scholar, and the ease of a gentleman, frequently varying 
his discourse, in the hope (I believe) of at length touching on a string 
that might produce a correspondent vibration in the company — but all 
in vain ; you know the talents of the Hartshornes for silence . . . speak- 
ing of our President Washington, he said that when he was a student at 
Yale College, he heard Dr. Dwight, who, he supposed, was the proudest 
man in America, say that he never felt himself abashed in mortal pres- 
ence, but the President's, that tho' his manners were not repellant, he was 
environed by Dignity, in a species of atmosphere that rendered him in- 
tangible; how true that observation was, the multitude bear witness ; 
but I could have told him of Beauty stealing kisses from those lips that 
he believed to be so awfully inapproachable — perhaps memory can fur- 
nish you with a case in point." 

Abstract of Records from the Bible of the Bruner Family, 
OF Germantowx. — We are indebted to the courtesy of a valued con- 
tributor for a transcript of the family records in the Piible of the Bruner 
family, of Germantown. The early entries being in German, we have 
translated them into English, and all duplications of marriages and 
births have been omitted in our abstracts. — Ed. Penxa. Mag. 

" Die Bibel hab Ich Heinricb Bruner gekauft den loten day Nofember 
in Jahr unseres Herrn und Heylandes Jesu Christi 17*36, vor £2. 15s. 0d." 

Frederick Bruner was born in the Canton Basel, Switzerland, Sep- 
tember [ ], 1744. 

George Bruner was born in the Canton Basel, Switzerland, April [ J, 

416 Notes and Queries. 

Barbara Bruner was born in Philadelphia, September 25, [ 1. 

Henry Bruner was born in Philadelphia, December [ ], 175[ J. 

Elizabeth Bruner was born in Philadelphia, June [. ], 176[ ). 

Henry Bruner died August 26, 17G8, aped 52 years, 8 months. 15 day*. 

My mother, Barbara Bruner, died December 20, 1775, aged 57 year-. 1 
month, 13 days. The text of her funeral sermon was Psalm cxliii. 25. 

George Bruner died June 9, 1780, aged 31 years, 1 month, 2 weeks, 
and 6 days. 

Frederick Bruner died May 29, 1794, aged 50 years. 

Henry Bruner, son of Henry and Barbara Bruner, and Margaret Key- 
ser, daughter of John and Rebecca Keyser, were married November 16, 
1776. Their children were: 

Mary, born September 20, 1777. John, born September 26, 1779. Bar- 
bara, born May 19, 1781. Margaret, born May 1 0, 1783. Jacob, born Feb- 
ruary 8, 1785. Rebekah, born April 9, 1787. Anna, born July 15, 1789. 
Sarah, born October 7, 1791. Esther, born September 24, 1793. Benja- 
min George, born January 5, 1796. Hannah, born November 30, 1798. 

Note on fly-leaf: "Samuel Sutton, Harford Co. Maryland, uncle of 
H. B. Bruner," with newspaper cutting giving date of his death, in his 
eighty-third year, 8th of March, but no year. Volunteer in the war of 
1812, served at Fort Severn, joined Captain Street's troop of horse, and 
took part in the defence of Baltimore. He was a member of the Mary- 
land Legislature twelve consecutive years from 1824, and a member of the 
Constitutional Convention. Buried at Spesutia Church, Harford County. 

Another newspaper cutting mentions Henry Bruner, who died at 
Germantown, a.d. 1828, aged seventy-three. Served in the Revolution- 
ary war. He was the senior elder in the Presbyterian church in Ger- 
mantown. " Reared a large family of respectable children (eleven in 
number) and will leave a numerous progeny of grandchildren and great- 

Title-page of Bible (German) wanting. 

Letter of General Daniel Clarke, 1783. — "We are indebted to 
the courtesy of Alfred S. Eisenhower, Esq., chief of Bureau of City 
Property, for a copy of the following letter Irom General Daniel Clarke 
to the Intendant General of Louisiana, introducing Colonel George 
Baylor, late of the Continental army. Colonel Baylor, however, did 
Dot live to present the letter, as he died in Barbadoes, West Indies, in 
March of 1784, and his faithful servant, Jerry, brought back his watch, 
will, papers, and the letter. 

" To the Hon ble Don Martin Navarro, Intendant General of the Prov- 
ince of Louisianna. 

"I beg leave to introduce to your acquaintance Col. George Baylor a 
character entitled to the attention and admiration of every lover of 
virtue and Patriotism. He is a gentleman of the best connections of 
Virginia. His great zeal in the Service of the Country, and many bril- 
liant actions performed by him in the course of the late war have ren- 
dered him conspicuous in America. 

" He was the Genl* first aid-de-camp, and on various occasions has had 
not only the approbation, but the eulogiums of the Commander in 
chief. The fatigues of the war, and the effect of wounds, render a 
voyage to sea absolutely necessary for the recovery of his health. He 
intends to pay a visit at New Orleans, and to return home via Missis- 
sippi and Ohio. 

Notes and Queries. 417 

"May I request your friendship and politeness to this American Hero 
during his stay in your town, and on his departure that you will be 
pleased to honor him with your letter to the Commandants on his route 
upwards commending him to their favor and good offices. I have the 
honor to be, with sentiments of most perfect respect and esteem 
"Sir, your most obliged and 

" most humble servant 

"Daniel Clarke. 
" Richmond in Virginia, Dec. 4 th 1783." 

" Fort St. David" described. — Mr. John Goodman, the writer of the 
following letter, was a well-known justice of the peace and notary public 
of Philadelphia, who died March 23, 1851, aged eighty-eight Vears. 
Mr. Milnor was a member of the " State in Schuylkill," whose "' castle" 
was also located on the Schuylkill below " Fort St. David." Many prom - 
inent citizens were members of both fishing companies eighty years ago. 

Late in March of 1784 the " Fort" was near being swept away by ice, 
which the rising water of the river had piled up against it twenty feet 
high, but the white-oak trees which surrounded it saved it. After the 
freshet had subsided the mud water-mark on the first-floor walls indi- 
cated a depth of seven feet six inches. 

" Dear Sir : 

" Having frequently visited in my juvenile years the Fish house 
established near the Falls of Schuylkill, until it was destroyed by the 
hired mercenaries of the British ' Defender of the Faith' in the Revo- 
lutionary War, It is with pleasure I communicate the following account 
of it — as far as my memory serves me — leaving you to arrange the 
matter agreeably to your own discretion. 

u The House was an oblong square frame building (its dimensions I 
cannot now recollect) resting on a stone foundation, — fronting as near 
as may be, the Falls — to the West. It had a flight of wooden steps of 
considerable width in front, perhaps 10 or 12 in number leading to the 
door, which was in the centre of the building and of wide dimensions, — 
opposite to it was the long Rock which ran from east to west to the 
Falls. The House was built against the Bank. On the Hill some dis- 
tance from the House, in its rear, — rather to the North, stood the flag 
staff — The exact number of windows on each side of the door, I do not 
recollect, but there were at least two, and I think without Sash or Glass. 
The interior contained a handsome Museum composed of a collection of 
natural & artificial curiosities — among these at least two paintings — 
representing an Indian King & a Queen ; several Tomahawks — Bows — 
arrows — Belts of Wampum &c. were hung up against the sides — Several 
large Bowls of different sizes of Indian workmanship, were also placed 
in view, A long table stood on the floor. — The Governor of the Institu- 
tion had his seat at the South end of this table, his seat was elevated 
above the rest, a light canopy hung suspended over his seat, much in 
the east indian style, on the top in the centre of the roof was a cupaloe, 
square in its base, with four openings, at the top, from its Base it came 
gradually to a point, in a curve. On the Spar or Rod, a short distance 
above the termination of the Cupaloe, a Ball & vane was fixed. The 
vane I think was in the shape of a Fish (probably of a Rock fish, as 
that was the favorite of that day) House, Cupaloe & Flag Btaff were 
painted a Spanish Brown color. Above the door there was a Pidamont, 
the width of the door, on the front of which a large Rock fish was 
painted, on a ground or color different from the Color of the House. 1 

Vol. xxi.~ 28 

418 Notes and Queries. 

think Green & White representing breakers — in allusion probably to 
the falls. There was a Bell hung in the Cupaioe. 

"Some fifty or more feet from the steps of the House, stood several 
large trees forming for some distance a beautiful arbor or Shade; In 
front of one of these trees, the nearest to the house, stood a large cabouse 
in which the cooking was done. The tavern known by the name of 
the Falls tavern, was there, also known by the name of Rock hsh 
tavern, it probably took that name from the sign which had a Rock ti?h 
painted on it. The Hessians under General Knyphausen, who were 
quartered in the vicinity of the Falls, plundered the House, took away 
the Bell & much injured the building. From Report, I always under- 
stood that a number of the articles, such as furniture &c. together with 
the Bell were found or recovered, but in this instance can only say what 
I have from report. 

" I am respectfully 

"Your obedient servt. 

"J no Goodman 

"March 2. 1830 
"William Milnor Esq" 

McDowell Reed, or Reid. — I am anxious to learn if there are 
any descendants of Sarah McDowell Reed, or Reid, who know what the 
maiden name of Margaret McDowell was before her first marriage with 
Major Charles Lukens. Her second marriage was to Surgeon John 
McDowell, who was at Fort Mcintosh during its occupancy. I have 
two old profiles, — one of Sarah McDowell, daughter of Surgeon John 
McDowell and his wife Margaret, the other of one of her two husbands. 
She was married twice, — once to Captain Reed, or Reid, and afterwards 
to Judge Reid. Would be pleased to hear from some of the de- 
scendants. Mrs Kathaeine Ltjkens Power. 

314 D Street, N. E., Washington, D. C. 

Reeves.— Information is desired of the parentage and ancestry of 
Lieutenant Enos Reeves, of the Pennsylvania Line, whose letters are 
appearing in the Pennsylvania Magazine. Mention is made of an 
aunt residing in this city in 1781, and of relatives in New Jersey and 
Maryland. " R. 

Fry, OR Frey. — Conrad Fry, born 1777, in Reading, Pennsylvania, 
married, June, 1813, Elizabeth Cook, of Shamokin Dam, Snyder 
County, Pennsylvania. They had a son, John, born 1S20, who married, 
in 1842, Margaret, daughter of Dr. Isaac Hottenstein. The informa- 
tion desired is, whether Conrad Fry, of Windsor Township, York 
County, or John Frey, of Reading Township, now Adams County, 
Pennsylvania, was the father of the aforesaid Conrad Fry, of Reading, 
Pennsylvania. EvA J / HAMItT0Sp *' 

703 North Park Avenue, Chicago, Illinois. 

Widener — Whitehead — Boone — Biddle — Tolman — Dayi>— 
Phillips — Dunseth — Crawford — Whiteman. — Information is de- 
sired concerning the following persons, their ancestors and descend- 
ants : 

Notes and Queries. 419 

Widener — Whitehead. — Peter and Susan Widener lived in Reading, 
Pennsylvania. After his death she married James Whitehead. 

Boone — Blddle — Tolman. — Sophia Widener married John Boone, and 
after his death she married John Biddle, whose first wife was Sarah Tol- 
man, of Reading, Pennsylvania. 

Davte — Phillips. — Owen Davis married Letitia Phillips 5th of March, 
1772. Both of their families came from Wales about 1754 and settled 
at " Little Cove," Pennsylvania. 

Dunseth — Crawford. — James Dunseth and Margaret Crawford, of Ire- 
land, settled in Western Pennsylvania about 1778. 

Whiteman. — Benjamin Whiteman was born 12th of March, 1769, at 
Germantown, Pennsylvania. Who were his parents? 

Benj. W. Stbadeb. 

426 East Fourth Street, Cincinnati. 

Fey, oe Feey.— There is on file in the Register of Wills' office at 
York, Pennsylvania, the will of a Conrad Fry, dated February 28, 1811, 
and proved March 28, 1811. The executors named are William Metzger 
and Henry Ensminger, wife Barbara, but the names and number of the 
children are not stated. — Ed. Penna. Mag. 

Caldwell. — The family of Teedyuscung, the Delaware chieftain, in 
1756 consisted of his wife, Elizabeth, and three sons, Tachgokanhelle, 
alias Amos, who married Pingtis, a Jersey Delaware, and sister of the 
wife of Christian Frederick Post, the missionary ; Kesmitas, and John 
Jacob. Prior to this date the whole family had become members of the 
Christian church. Half-brothers of the chief were Joe Evans, Sam 
Evans, and Young Captain Harris, who also figure during the French 
and Indian War. 

Talman (Penna. Mag., Vol. XXI. p. 132).— Job Talman married 
Sarah Scattergood (license dated February 25), 1736, but they could not 
have been the parents of Mary Talman who married William Fish- 
bourne, 1749. Besides the conflict of dates, Job Talman, of Burlington 
County, yeoman, in his will, dated January 6, 175S, proved February 11, 
1758, gives to kinsman Gilbert Smith £50, and to kinswoman Catharine 
Watters £50. Residue of estate to " my two beloved daughters, Sarah 
Talman and Martha Talman." I suspect that Mary Fishbourne was 
the daughter of Benjamin Talman, of Mansfield, Burlington Co., X. J., 
and that the latter was the son of John Talman, of Long Island, and 
grandson of Peter Talman, of Rhode Island. 

Gilbebt Cope. 

West Chester, Pennsylvania. 

goofe Uaticw?. 

Genealogy of the Kollock Family of Sussex County. Dela- 

WAEE, 1657-1897. By Edwin Jaquett Sellers. Philadelphia, 1S97. 

Cloth. Price, $3.00. 

Mr. Sellers's third contribution to our local history bears the marks of 

the same painstaking and exhaustive work as was found in his Jaudon 

and Jaquett Genealogies. The origin of the Kollocks is not stated. 

420 Notes and Queries. 

but the family is traced down from Jacob Kollock, who as early as 
1689 was settled in Sussex County, where he became an extensive land- 
owner. His sons Simon and Jacob both played prominent parts in the 
political life of their time, and in fact both were members of the " Lower 
Counties" Assembly, the latter serving " for upwards of forty years," 
during which he was several times chosen Speaker, besides holding the 
offices of President Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, Trustee of the 
General Loan Office, Register of Wills, Clerk of the Orphans' Court, and 
Treasurer of the County, as well as being colonel of the Sussex regi- 
ment of militia. In fact, about the time of the Revolution there seems 
to have been but few offices in Sussex County held outside of this family 
and those allied to it by marriage. This office-holding tendency of the 
Kollocks has been perpetuated through John Swift, Collector of "the Port 
of Philadelphia, 1762 to 1774; Charles Swift, Register of Wills there, 
1800 to 1808 ; John Swift, mayor of this city, 1832 to 1839 ; and George 
Inman Rich6, principal of the Philadelphia High School, 1367 to 1886. 

The biographical material is full, and its accuracy as well as that of 
the genealogical details may be tested by examining the authorities 
cited in the ample foot-notes. The Kollocks after the Revolution have 
been principally prominent through a number of Presbyterian ministers 
of that name, of whom the Rev. Henry Kollock, of Savannah, Georgia, 
was the most distinguished. 

Among the descendants in the female lines (which are brought down 
to the present day) are the Bache, Benmen, Bibby (of New York), 
Brinckloe, Burton, Butler, Cadwalader, Davies, Dobebauer, Gardiner, 
Green, Hammond, Jefferson, Johnson, Joyce. Livingston (of New York), 
McCall, Morris, Newton, Peabody (of New York), Pennewell, De Peys- 
ter (of New York), Purnell, Richards, Sellers, Short, Stockley, Stretcher, 
Swift, Valentine, Washburne, and Wing